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Extract from the book Ultra-Processed People

[...]He met a British couple Derrick and Patrice Jelliffe, paediatricians who were studying infant malnutrition. In a series of papers, they had meticulously documented aggressive marketing practices by the infant formula industry in low-income settings, with a particular focus on Nestlé. Sales representatives with no certification or training were dressed up as ‘mothercraft nurses’. They advised impressionable new mothers about the benefits of formula and promoted it in such a way that has since been linked to thousands of avoidable deaths.Nestlé and some other formula companies were causing a quadruple jeopardy.First, even formula made with clean water is associated with an increased risk of fatal infection, probably because of effects on the infant microbiome. Second, Nestlé was marketing the formula in communities where the possibility of producing an uncontaminated feed was almost zero. In these low-income settings, parents would typically have only one bottle and no way of cleaning it, would have to use river or well water contaminated with sewage and had low literacy rates, which meant they had great difficulty in making up the feeds correctly. Third, while initial samples were given at low price, or even for free, once the mother had stopped lactating the price went up, creating poverty further and endangering the child and its siblings. In east Africa, for example, to feed an infant properly would take more than a third of a labourer’s salary. Finally, it seemed that to save money mothers diluted the formula so the infants, often already suffering with diarrhoeal disease, were then undernourished: ‘Under these circumstances, almost homeopathic quantities of milk are administered with large quantities of bacteria, the result is starvation and diarrhoea, too often leading to death.’ The Jelliffes catalogued instances of formula companies marketing breastfeeding as being ‘backwards and insufficient’, and in 1972 coined the phrase ‘commerciogenic malnutrition’ – malnutrition caused by companies. Modern obesity is also a commerciogenic disease

Livro importantíssimo: Gente ultra processada - Chris van Tulleken

working life has been full of uncertainty since time immemorial; but the present-day uncertainty is of a strikingly novel kind. The feared disasters which may play havoc with one’s livelihood and its prospects are not of the sort which can be staved off or at least resisted and mollified by joining forces, making a united stand, jointly debating, agreeing and enforcing measures. The most dreadful disasters strike now at random, picking their victims with a bizarre logic or no logic at all, scattering their blows capriciously, so that there is no way to anticipate who will be doomed and who saved. The present-day uncertainty is a powerful individualizing force. It divides instead of uniting, and since there is no telling who might wake up in what division, the idea of ‘common interests’ grows ever more nebulous and in the end becomes incomprehensible. Fears, anxieties and grievances are made in such a way as to be suffered alone. They do not add up, do not cumulate into ‘common cause’, have no ‘natural address’. This deprives the solidary stand of its past status as a rational tactic and suggests a life strategy quite different from the one which led to the establishment of the working-class defensive and militant organizations.

When the employment of labour has become short term, having been stripped of firm (let alone guaranteed) prospects and therefore made episodic, and when virtually all rules concerning the game of promotions and dismissals have been scrapped or tend to be altered well before the game is over, there is little chance for mutual loyalty and commitment to sprout up and take root. Unlike in the times of long-term mutual dependency, there is hardly any stimulus to take a serious, let alone critical, interest in the wisdom of an arrangement which is bound to be transient anyway. The place of employment feels like a camping site which one visits for but a few nights and which one may leave at any moment if the comforts on offer are not delivered or found wanting when delivered, rather than like a shared domicile where one is inclined to take trouble to work out the acceptable rules of interaction. Mark Granovetter has suggested that ours is a time of ‘weak ties’, while Sennett proposes that ‘fleeting forms of association are more useful to people than long-term connections.’7The present-day ‘liquefied’, ‘flowing’, dispersed, scattered and deregulated version of modernity does not portend divorce and a final break in communication, but it does augur a disengagement between capital and labour. One may say that this fateful departure replicates the passage from marriage to ‘living together’ with all its corollaries, among which the assumption of temporariness and the right to break the association when need or desire dries out loom larger than most. If the coming together and staying together was a matter of reciprocal dependency, the disengagement is unilateral: one side of the configuration has acquired an autonomy it never seriously adumbrated before. To an extent never achieved by the ‘absentee landlords’ of yore, capital has cut itself loose from its dependency on labour through a new freedom of movement undreamt of in the past. Its reproduction and growth has become by and large independent of the duration of any particular local engagement with labour.

The independence is not, of course, complete, and capital is not as yet as volatile as it would wish and strives to be. Territorial – local – factors still need to be reckoned with in most calculations, and the ‘nuisance power’ of local governments may still put vexing constraints on its freedom of movement. But capital has become exterritorial, light, disencumbered and disembedded to an unprecedented extent, and the level of spatial mobility it has already achieved is quite sufficient to blackmail the territory-bound political agencies into submission to its demands. The threat (even unspoken and merely guessed) of cutting local ties and moving elsewhere is something which any responsible government must treat with all seriousness, trying to shape its own actions accordingly. Politics has become today a tug-of-war between the speed with which capital can move and the ‘slowing down’ capacities of local powers, and it is the local institutions which feel as if they are waging an unwinnable battle. A government dedicated to the well-being of its constituency has little choice but to implore and cajole, rather than force, capital to fly in and once inside to build sky-scraping offices instead of renting hotel rooms. And this can be done or attempted to be done by ‘creating better conditions for free enterprise’, that is, adjusting the political game to the ‘free enterprise rules’; by using all the regulating power at the government’s disposal to make it clear and credible that the regulating powers won’t be used to restrain capital’s liberties; by refraining from everything which might create an impression that the territory politically administered by the government is inhospitable to the preferences, usages and expectations of globally thinking and globally acting capital, or less hospitable to them than the lands administered by the next-door neighbours. In practice, that means low taxes, few or no rules, and above all a ‘flexible labour market’. More generally, it means a docile population, unable and unwilling to put up an organized resistance to whatever decisions capital might take. Paradoxically, governments can hope to keep capital in place only by convincing it beyond reasonable doubt that it is free to move away – at short notice or without notice.

Extract from the book The Individualized Society

Vamos nos lembrar do boçal nas eleições municipais de São Paulo ( a maior cidade da america latina) MAIS a eleição do Trump ( o que é importante pois a direita dos EUA financia vários extremistas em outros países) e para terminar a esquerda no Brasil que está extremamente enfraquecida ( novamente, ver eleições municipais). Nesse cenário, podemos - e devemos - nos preparar para uma onda de fascistas pipocando no Brasil como nunca antes, muito pior que em 2018-2022. Precisamos nos organizar enquanto sociedade para barrar essa barbárie!!!

Sugestão de documentário.

Memoria del Saqueo faz um panorama histórico dos acontecimentos de dezembro de 2001 na Argentina, mas antes de tudo é um manifesto contra a destruição social e econômica praticada ( e infelizmente ainda vigente ) do neoliberalismo.

A invasão neoliberal na América Latina se dá com uma mentalidade neocolonial e une em um mesmo sofrimento todos os países da região. Por esse motivo devemos nos erguer em bloco para vencermos a batalha de determinar o nosso próprio destino.

More and more climate scientists are supporting experiments to cool Earth by altering the stratosphere or the ocean

Give these people a Nobel already!

(YouTube link)

[...] BBC World Service has seen documents showing that organisations with close ties to the Israeli government have provided money and land used to establish new illegal outposts.

Meus amigos, um dos MELHORES ÁLBUNS da música brasileira saindo do forno na nossa frente. É uma tradução lindíssima do Brasil de hoje, o talento musical do Brasil é sensacional mesmo!!!

A dye that helps to give Doritos their orange hue can also turn mouse tissues transparent, researchers have found.