chadkoh

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From The Syllabus:

Developing the concept of "neo-illiberalism" in the context of neoliberal economics and illiberal nationalism, our hidden gem of the week explores how EU platform regulation prioritizes corporations over human rights.

 

It is not self promotion if I do it instead of @robinberjon@lemmy.ml right?

 

(Reproducing this from Fission Talk)

Below I will add in my condensed chapter notes. Each chapter is available as its own paper on the book website 1 if you want to just pick and choose. Many of these chapters were presented as papers at the Internet Governance Forum in 2022.

Here is the TOC for your reference:

 

This article delves into Google’s dominance of the browser market, highlighting how Google’s Chrome browser is playing a critical role in asserting Google’s dominance in other markets.

 

Abstract

Because private companies now control the most prominent communication platforms, the most pressing question in the field of content moderation is how to ensure that the governance of public discourse responds to public values. The prevailing approach, given that the state cannot regulate speech directly, is that state regulation can be substituted with audited self-regulation, broad stakeholder participation, and negotiated rulemaking. In this model, which this article refers to as the “new governance model for content moderation,” companies include advocates as representatives of the public in their processes to govern online speech. Ideally, they negotiate policy goals and share responsibility for achieving them. The end goal is to have a process in which public values are given effect. This article argues, however, that this governance model is unsound in both theory and practice. In the field of content moderation, the ambition of constructing public values through a collaborative process between companies and stakeholders is conceptually incoherent: those interests that cannot elicit the cooperation from corporate actors and are not consistent with the values of participating advocates are excluded by design. In practice, no present or past demonstrations have shown that the inclusion of advocates in speech governance and the agreements they reach with companies have epistemic credibility to construct the public interest. Though those flaws might seem unsurprising, scholars and activists double down on independence, diversity, and expertise as design strategies that can result in self-regulatory bodies that could adequately set policy goals. This article advocates for pluralism as a framework that more effectively achieves the participatory goals of new governance. It argues that the state has a central role to play in creating a plural and contested public sphere. A robust legal system can complement self-regulation and push it structurally in the direction of public values.

 

“The politics of digital policymaking is no longer primarily characterised by the ‘low-politics’ of regulatory governance; it is also profoundly influenced by the ‘high politics’ of geopolitical rivalry.”

 

Critical look at the Human Rights Protocol Considerations effort in the IRTF; argues that you can't embed human rights in technology without considering the specific context of use.

 

(individual chapter downloads)

This sprawling work from Carliss Baldwin covers modularity theory, the relationship between technology and organisations, standards and open source, all with an economic lens. Big but worth it; volume one serves as grounding in modularity and topics surrounding it.

 

Empirical study of how peer-production groups devolve into oligarchies

 

A fully-developed conceptual framework for democracy.

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