UniversalMonk

joined 6 months ago
MODERATOR OF

I respect ya for owning up to it tho. Good on ya, mate!

[–] UniversalMonk@lemmy.dbzer0.com 5 points 3 weeks ago* (last edited 3 weeks ago) (1 children)

Holy crap, I just went down that rabbit hole after clicking your links. Wow. Just wow. Thanks for this detailed post. You explained it all perfectly.

[–] UniversalMonk@lemmy.dbzer0.com 6 points 3 weeks ago* (last edited 3 weeks ago) (4 children)

Just in case anyone out there thinks that I'm exaggerating about the venom spat towards me and some background of why piefed.social was so quick to ban me without looking at anything, this is from two days ago. Notice a different mod asked someone else to use their custom program to "investigate" me. It's a public comment made 2 days ago, but I blurred names of poster and the mod since they aren't part of my original complaint. I think this is allowed just for background of how far some Lemmy people go. If not I can delete, and I can also send the actual link (it's a public comment) to mods.

I'd love to see the results of this "investigation!" lol

[–] UniversalMonk@lemmy.dbzer0.com 4 points 3 weeks ago* (last edited 3 weeks ago)

email: lemmyluvsme@aol.com

password: feedme

password for my password: 12345

password for my house: under that off-color fake rock by the porch

[–] UniversalMonk@lemmy.dbzer0.com 5 points 3 weeks ago* (last edited 3 weeks ago) (2 children)

i've been mctruth'd!! i'm officially famous.

wait!! hold up!! i thought i was the real REAL for real chad mctruth. i am everyone who has ever annoyed anyone on lemmy!

thank you for your service, you damn hero! or am i thanking myself? i forgot again.

It's my understanding that vitural signaling (as used as an insult on Lemmy) is saying you're something that you're not. But I am what I say I am, though I'm sure some have tried to ban me for that as well.

[–] UniversalMonk@lemmy.dbzer0.com 10 points 3 weeks ago* (last edited 3 weeks ago)

but yeah it must feel pretty wild to be internet infamous!

It is kinda weird. I tried to introduce my gf to Lemmy (she hated it), but as I was showing her around, she did a search for "Universal Monk" in the search bar. Obviously lots of results cuz lots of people hatin' on me. The first thing she reads is a thread called, 'I'm calling for the Fediverse to ban Universal Monk.' Which is basically a post with over 300 comments of people saying the most ridiculous shit about me.

So she reads that and a bunch of other comments about me, and sees all my bans. She turns to me and says, "What the fuck?! You're the most boring guy in the world. How is this possible?" lmao

We just have a different opinion. Mine, of course, is the right one, but that’s a different matter

Oh, man, I thought my opinion was the right one. Dammit!

Thanks, friend. :)

[–] UniversalMonk@lemmy.dbzer0.com 4 points 3 weeks ago (2 children)

Oh, that could be!

[–] UniversalMonk@lemmy.dbzer0.com 5 points 3 weeks ago* (last edited 3 weeks ago) (4 children)

Crap! I answered, but you make it sound way more mysterious, so I deleted my answer!

[–] UniversalMonk@lemmy.dbzer0.com 5 points 3 weeks ago* (last edited 3 weeks ago)

Hmmm, somehow I feel that my name is probably a little easier to understand than "rumimevlevi."

[–] UniversalMonk@lemmy.dbzer0.com 3 points 3 weeks ago* (last edited 3 weeks ago) (1 children)

Oh, and I'm sorry in advance for the messages you're probably about to get once people notice I'm still on your instance. Maybe they've calmed down by now though.

 

The initial Locksmith advertisement that started the trouble. Published in MICRO: The 6502 Journal, January 1981, 80.

 

From teenage civil rights organizer to hero of the historic 1963 March on Washington

 

Gov. Jared Polis made good Friday on his threat to veto a pro-union bill backed by every legislative Democrat and the state’s labor organizations, a move that’s likely to deepen the governor’s rift with key parts of the party’s coalition and set up a 2026 ballot fight.

Polis’ office announced his rejection of Senate Bill 5 on Friday afternoon, 10 days after it cleared the legislature. In his veto letter, the governor said he was open to changing the state’s Labor Peace Act, “if agreed to by both labor and business.”

SB-5 would’ve eliminated the second election in union formation, which is a unique provision of Colorado law that requires organized workers to pass another vote, with a 75% threshold, before they can negotiate the collection of union dues with their employer. It was sponsored by Democratic Sens. Robert Rodriguez and Jessie Danielson and Reps. Javier Mabrey and Jennifer Bacon.

Polis wrote that he felt SB-5 “does not satisfy” the high threshold he believes is necessary before workers can negotiate dues deduction.

“Unfortunately, while both sides moved their positions, labor and business missed an opportunity this year to modernize this outdated law while providing lasting certainty to Colorado workers and businesses,” Polis wrote. His office previously defended the Labor Peace Act as a law that “serves the state and workers so well.”

In a joint statement Friday, leaders of Colorado labor unions blasted the governor’s veto as a “slap in the face.”

“Governor Polis has chosen to protect an 80-year-old, anti-union law over the rights of working Coloradans,” Stephanie Felix-Sowy, the president of SEIU Local 105, said in the statement. “He is now the only Democratic governor in the country defending a ‘right to work’ policy that undermines worker freedom and shields corporate power. Nurses, janitors, caregivers, and service workers across Colorado won’t forget, and we’re just getting started.”

Polis’ veto comes as no surprise: He’d privately told SB-5 supporters for months that he would reject the proposal unless the business community signed off on it, and he reiterated that position to reporters last week, after the bill passed.

In an interview with the Colorado Sun on Thursday, Polis said it would be “politically, suicide if I were to sign the bill,” given his earlier threats to veto it.

Talks to reconcile the differences between labor groups, business leaders and Polis’ office broke down in the final days of the session earlier this month. Business groups rejected Polis’ final compromise, and labor leaders — who’d accepted that deal — then rejected Polis’ attempt to inject his own priorities, like cuts to restaurant workers’ pay and expansion of charter schools, into the talks.

Loren Furman, the president and CEO of the Colorado Chamber of Commerce, praised Polis for the veto in a statement Friday, and she said business leaders had negotiated in good faith.

“SB-5 would have also threatened our statewide business climate at a time when we should be fostering a competitive economy,” Furman wrote. “We want Colorado to be a top state where business leaders choose to invest and create jobs, and vetoing SB-5 preserves the unique labor laws that set us apart from other states.”

For months, Democratic lawmakers and labor unions mounted a public pressure campaign on Polis to sway him, which included a letter signed by five former U.S. Labor secretaries urging him to sign the bill.

On Tuesday, with the bill passed and a veto imminent, supporters held a rally behind the governor’s mansion in Denver. It included a Polis impersonator in enormous basketball shoes — a nod to the governor’s casual footwear — who introduced himself as “Jerry Polis, Jared Polis’ cooler cousin who cares about workers.”

Unions have long opposed the second election as unnecessary government interference that effectively makes Colorado a diet version of a “right-to-work” state, referring to states that prohibit requirements that workers join a union or pay dues. They have argued that workers should be able to more easily negotiate their contracts.

But in the second election, Colorado’s free market-friendly governor found a business regulation that he would defend. He and business groups argued that the state’s labor laws have worked effectively for decades and that workers should have maximum say in the collection of union dues from their paychecks.

Though Polis stressed in his letter that he support unions, his rejection of SB-5 puts him at odds with the Democratic lawmakers who control the legislature, and it will worsen his relationship with labor groups, who have accused Polis of going back on his promise to champion organized workers during his 2018 gubernatorial campaign. A year ago, Polis rejected other pro-union bills, sparking a rally outside his office attended by a number of elected Democratic leaders.

Legal advocate for workers, renters announces run for Colorado attorney general Polis’ SB-5 veto is not the end of the debate. Labor unions are likely to bring the bill back in Polis’ final year in office and then again, if necessary, when his successor takes office in 2027.

They’ve also begun gathering signatures for a 2026 ballot measure that would enshrine “just cause” protections in state law, which would require employers to have a valid reason before they can fire someone.

That may be the first of multiple labor-backed ballot measures in 2026. Labor officials are eying the potential: Not only is 2026 a midterm year during a Republican presidency, but April data released by the bipartisan Colorado Polling Institute found that labor unions had the highest total favorability ratings of any person or group in the state included in the survey — including Polis, who placed second.

Business groups, meanwhile, have not publicly indicated if they’ll respond. A libertarian activist, Jon Caldara of the Independence Institute, has proposed a right-to-work ballot initiative, which is also approved for signature-gathering.

-1
submitted 2 months ago* (last edited 2 months ago) by UniversalMonk@lemmy.dbzer0.com to c/swp@sh.itjust.works
 

Older article, but it's funny how things haven't changed in over a year.

 

cross-posted from: https://lemmy.dbzer0.com/post/44408930

If you lived in mid-19th century Portland, chances are you would have been familiar with an eccentric-looking character who roamed the dusty streets with a bundle of his radical newspapers. Jeremiah Hacker was strikingly tall, with a big bushy beard. He carried an ear trumpet because he was nearly deaf and wore an old drab coat covered in patches because he felt “required to clothe himself according to plainness and simplicity of truth.” Often on the edge of poverty, he lived on bread and water in a boarding house on Cross Street, where he wrote his paper, The Portland Pleasure Boat, every week on his knee, assailing the institutions of government, capitalism, slavery, prisons and organized religion.

Although Hacker had devoted readers throughout the country, historians have largely ignored him. Fortunately, Maine journalist Rebecca M. Pritchard has breathed new life into Hacker’s iconoclastic writings in her wonderful new book, Jeremiah Hacker: Journalist, Anarchist, Abolitionist.

Born to a large family in Brunswick in 1801, Hacker was deeply influenced by his Quaker upbringing, which shaped his pacifism and disdain for the hierarchy of organized religion. In the midst of the Second Great Awakening, Hacker joined scores of itinerant preachers who flocked to the Maine countryside. But unlike the others, his aim was to convince people to leave churches, not to join them. He believed that God “dwelleth not … in temples made with men’s hands, but in man” and that “pure and undefiled religion … visits the sick, feeds the hungry, clothes the naked, and leads man to live inwardly and outwardly unspotted from the world.” As Pritchard notes, Hacker was also fiercely anti-government, believing, like 20th century anarchist Emma Goldman, that all governments rely on violence, so he refused to support them by voting or paying taxes.

He had no love for wealthy capitalists either. “While the wives and daughters of mechanics are toiling over their wash tubs, or cooking over hot fires, the wives and daughters of capitalists are murdering pianos, sighing over novels, sauntering with coxcombs or searching for the latest fashions; and all these things cost money, and this money must by some kind of hokus pokus means, come from the pockets of the producing classes,” Hacker observed in an 1849 essay. “If therefore they can wring an hour’s labor each day from each man in their employ, it will aid in defraying their pious expenses, and in supporting them in luxury and idleness.”

When Hacker launched the Pleasure Boat in 1845 by selling his one good coat to pay the printing costs, the Industrial Revolution was beginning to draw independent artisans and subsistence farmers from the land and into wage labor in the cities and towns. Fearing the impending loss of their economic independence, Maine workers formed associations to call for land reform and the elevation of the producing classes over monopolists, land speculators and bankers. Mainers also experimented with cooperatives and utopian socialist ideas as female textile workers organized the first strikes in Saco and Lewiston for better pay and working conditions. After visiting some of these factories, Hacker poured his outrage into the pages of the Pleasure Boat.

“There are hundreds of young females shipped from this State every year to the factory prison-houses, like cattle, sheep and pigs sent to the slaughter,” he wrote in another 1849 piece. “Every steam boat and car that leaves this State for Massachusetts carries more or less of these victims to the polluted and polluting manufacturing towns where they are prepared for a miserable life and a horrible death in the abodes of infamy.”

Hacker also visited jails and was appalled by the conditions he witnessed, particularly the sight of children in cells with adults. To prove they could be reformed, he bailed boys out of jail and placed them with farmers and a sea captain to learn their trades. He was also the first voice to call for a reform school, which eventually became the Boys Training Center, most recently renamed Long Creek Youth Development Center, in South Portland.

Hacker couldn’t be pigeonholed into one reform group because he was critical of all of them. He opposed slavery, but scolded abolitionists for not boycotting slave-made goods like he did. He chastised peace activists for paying taxes to the war machine. He was an ardent teetotaler, but opposed Maine’s landmark 1851 prohibition law because he believed in persuasion, not coercion. Hacker supported gender equality, but didn’t think anyone should vote.

Many of Hacker’s ideas seem quaint in retrospect. His solution to poverty, crime, alcoholism and wage slavery was to just grant everyone tracts of land where they would “be no longer the landless slave of capital, driven about by landlords, and robbed by shylocks.” But as Pritchard notes, President Lincoln signed the Homestead Act in 1862, granting land to 2 million Americans, and we still have basically the same societal ills that Hacker observed. Hacker failed to grasp the power of capitalism to globalize, or as his contemporaries Marx and Engels put it, “nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere.” In spite of his flaws, many of Hacker’s critiques of our institutions still ring true today, even if his solutions are hopelessly naive.

Hacker’s most entertaining writings were his takedowns of prominent figures. He described temperance crusader Neal Dow, the mayor of Portland, as “a mad dog with a firebrand to his tale.” And he despised lawyers, declaring them “no more fit to enact laws for a nation of working men than a lady’s bustle is fit for a dairy-woman’s cheese-hoop, or a dandy’s cane for a laborer’s crowbar.”

Hacker was Maine’s original alt-journalist. The Pleasure Boat contained no ads, which gave him the freedom to “hack” away at disreputable businesses that advertised in other Portland papers. His favorite targets were “quack” doctors selling fake miracle cures. After one doctor threatened to sue a printer for printing Hacker’s constant tirades against him, Hacker just found another printer, defiantly writing, “If I live a while longer, there shall be a free press in Portland, if I have to beg rags to procure it!”

In the end, it was Hacker’s fervent opposition to the Civil War that did him in. Incensed readers cancelled their subscriptions en masse in 1862. He would revive his paper in various forms, but they were short lived. After the Great Fire of 1866, Hacker moved to the progressive community of Vineland, New Jersey, to farm and write. He lived for another 30 years before passing at the ripe old age of 94.

Pritchard’s book is quite short (it was adapted from her master’s thesis), but it’s an excellent primer on an influential figure who deserves more attention. And her descriptions of old Portland through Hacker’s eyes — the tenements, the grog shops, the free blacks, sailors, street children, impoverished widows and destitute elderly couples forced to continue working — provide a vivid context for his righteous anger.

“A cruise on The Pleasure Boat was no pleasure if you were the subject,” notes historian Herb Adams. “Hacker was deaf — quite literally — to both pleasure and pain, and let critics of his paper bellow themselves hoarse while he stood silently by.

“He was a true lone eagle,” Adams continued, “happy to keep a shrewd eye and a sharp pen pointed at our world of sin that never quite came up to his expectations. And there was plenty of sin in his time, as he’d say — slavery, alcohol, taxes, politics and people who would not listen, especially to him. He must have been a fascinating neighbor, an exasperating friend, and a terrible foe.”

45
submitted 2 months ago* (last edited 2 months ago) by UniversalMonk@lemmy.dbzer0.com to c/swp@lemmy.today
 

Same shit. Different century.

 

If you lived in mid-19th century Portland, chances are you would have been familiar with an eccentric-looking character who roamed the dusty streets with a bundle of his radical newspapers. Jeremiah Hacker was strikingly tall, with a big bushy beard. He carried an ear trumpet because he was nearly deaf and wore an old drab coat covered in patches because he felt “required to clothe himself according to plainness and simplicity of truth.” Often on the edge of poverty, he lived on bread and water in a boarding house on Cross Street, where he wrote his paper, The Portland Pleasure Boat, every week on his knee, assailing the institutions of government, capitalism, slavery, prisons and organized religion.

Although Hacker had devoted readers throughout the country, historians have largely ignored him. Fortunately, Maine journalist Rebecca M. Pritchard has breathed new life into Hacker’s iconoclastic writings in her wonderful new book, Jeremiah Hacker: Journalist, Anarchist, Abolitionist.

Born to a large family in Brunswick in 1801, Hacker was deeply influenced by his Quaker upbringing, which shaped his pacifism and disdain for the hierarchy of organized religion. In the midst of the Second Great Awakening, Hacker joined scores of itinerant preachers who flocked to the Maine countryside. But unlike the others, his aim was to convince people to leave churches, not to join them. He believed that God “dwelleth not … in temples made with men’s hands, but in man” and that “pure and undefiled religion … visits the sick, feeds the hungry, clothes the naked, and leads man to live inwardly and outwardly unspotted from the world.” As Pritchard notes, Hacker was also fiercely anti-government, believing, like 20th century anarchist Emma Goldman, that all governments rely on violence, so he refused to support them by voting or paying taxes.

He had no love for wealthy capitalists either. “While the wives and daughters of mechanics are toiling over their wash tubs, or cooking over hot fires, the wives and daughters of capitalists are murdering pianos, sighing over novels, sauntering with coxcombs or searching for the latest fashions; and all these things cost money, and this money must by some kind of hokus pokus means, come from the pockets of the producing classes,” Hacker observed in an 1849 essay. “If therefore they can wring an hour’s labor each day from each man in their employ, it will aid in defraying their pious expenses, and in supporting them in luxury and idleness.”

When Hacker launched the Pleasure Boat in 1845 by selling his one good coat to pay the printing costs, the Industrial Revolution was beginning to draw independent artisans and subsistence farmers from the land and into wage labor in the cities and towns. Fearing the impending loss of their economic independence, Maine workers formed associations to call for land reform and the elevation of the producing classes over monopolists, land speculators and bankers. Mainers also experimented with cooperatives and utopian socialist ideas as female textile workers organized the first strikes in Saco and Lewiston for better pay and working conditions. After visiting some of these factories, Hacker poured his outrage into the pages of the Pleasure Boat.

“There are hundreds of young females shipped from this State every year to the factory prison-houses, like cattle, sheep and pigs sent to the slaughter,” he wrote in another 1849 piece. “Every steam boat and car that leaves this State for Massachusetts carries more or less of these victims to the polluted and polluting manufacturing towns where they are prepared for a miserable life and a horrible death in the abodes of infamy.”

Hacker also visited jails and was appalled by the conditions he witnessed, particularly the sight of children in cells with adults. To prove they could be reformed, he bailed boys out of jail and placed them with farmers and a sea captain to learn their trades. He was also the first voice to call for a reform school, which eventually became the Boys Training Center, most recently renamed Long Creek Youth Development Center, in South Portland.

Hacker couldn’t be pigeonholed into one reform group because he was critical of all of them. He opposed slavery, but scolded abolitionists for not boycotting slave-made goods like he did. He chastised peace activists for paying taxes to the war machine. He was an ardent teetotaler, but opposed Maine’s landmark 1851 prohibition law because he believed in persuasion, not coercion. Hacker supported gender equality, but didn’t think anyone should vote.

Many of Hacker’s ideas seem quaint in retrospect. His solution to poverty, crime, alcoholism and wage slavery was to just grant everyone tracts of land where they would “be no longer the landless slave of capital, driven about by landlords, and robbed by shylocks.” But as Pritchard notes, President Lincoln signed the Homestead Act in 1862, granting land to 2 million Americans, and we still have basically the same societal ills that Hacker observed. Hacker failed to grasp the power of capitalism to globalize, or as his contemporaries Marx and Engels put it, “nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere.” In spite of his flaws, many of Hacker’s critiques of our institutions still ring true today, even if his solutions are hopelessly naive.

Hacker’s most entertaining writings were his takedowns of prominent figures. He described temperance crusader Neal Dow, the mayor of Portland, as “a mad dog with a firebrand to his tale.” And he despised lawyers, declaring them “no more fit to enact laws for a nation of working men than a lady’s bustle is fit for a dairy-woman’s cheese-hoop, or a dandy’s cane for a laborer’s crowbar.”

Hacker was Maine’s original alt-journalist. The Pleasure Boat contained no ads, which gave him the freedom to “hack” away at disreputable businesses that advertised in other Portland papers. His favorite targets were “quack” doctors selling fake miracle cures. After one doctor threatened to sue a printer for printing Hacker’s constant tirades against him, Hacker just found another printer, defiantly writing, “If I live a while longer, there shall be a free press in Portland, if I have to beg rags to procure it!”

In the end, it was Hacker’s fervent opposition to the Civil War that did him in. Incensed readers cancelled their subscriptions en masse in 1862. He would revive his paper in various forms, but they were short lived. After the Great Fire of 1866, Hacker moved to the progressive community of Vineland, New Jersey, to farm and write. He lived for another 30 years before passing at the ripe old age of 94.

Pritchard’s book is quite short (it was adapted from her master’s thesis), but it’s an excellent primer on an influential figure who deserves more attention. And her descriptions of old Portland through Hacker’s eyes — the tenements, the grog shops, the free blacks, sailors, street children, impoverished widows and destitute elderly couples forced to continue working — provide a vivid context for his righteous anger.

“A cruise on The Pleasure Boat was no pleasure if you were the subject,” notes historian Herb Adams. “Hacker was deaf — quite literally — to both pleasure and pain, and let critics of his paper bellow themselves hoarse while he stood silently by.

“He was a true lone eagle,” Adams continued, “happy to keep a shrewd eye and a sharp pen pointed at our world of sin that never quite came up to his expectations. And there was plenty of sin in his time, as he’d say — slavery, alcohol, taxes, politics and people who would not listen, especially to him. He must have been a fascinating neighbor, an exasperating friend, and a terrible foe.”

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