US Americans and Mexicans have something in common when it comes to migration. People from the US are the largest immigrant population in Mexico, and Mexicans are the largest immigrant population in the US.
US citizens who move to Mexico — the number has more than tripled over the last 20 years and is now over one million — leave home for similar reasons as Mexicans. Economics. A dollar goes farther in Mexico. Climate change. Fires, hurricanes and floods also propel people out of California, Texas and beyond. Violence. Sending a kid to school or shopping at Walmart could get you shot. Culture. Great vibe!
In the US, when talking about US migrants living in Mexico, we call them “expats.” No one condemns them for having moved or questions their motives. But when talking about Mexican migrants, we hear them called “illegals,” “criminals and rapists” and “job stealers.” The least derogatory terms are “undocumented” or “migrant,” and even those have become negative stereotypes. How come they too are not “expats”? Is this a matter of class, since US migrants tend to have a higher income? Is being working class a reason to be treated as someone with less value and fewer rights?
Diego Torres was a migrant, and he became an outspoken advocate for migrants in both Mexico and the US — yes, Central Americans and others crossing Mexico’s border too, because he believes that regardless of where people are from or where they now live, whether they are expats or undocumented, it’s all the same — they deserve to be treated with dignity and to live in peace.
He believes that regardless of where people are from or where they now live, whether they are expats or undocumented, it’s all the same — they deserve to be treated with dignity and to live in peace.
Mexico City native Diego Alfredo Torres Rosete lived in the US as an undocumented immigrant for 20 years. Now back in Mexico City, he’s a Morena activist. He founded the Frente Amplio de Mexicanos en el Exterior (Broad Front of Mexicans Abroad), which defends and serves the needs of all migrants. Click here to join one of the Frente’s 2026 Working Groups.
Like many Mexicans, you’ve lived several times in the US. What caused your back-and-forth?
Mexico had a recession in 1999. That was the first time I went to the US; I needed to earn money not just for me, but for my parents and family. After four years, I returned home, but the Mexican economy hadn’t improved, so I crossed back to the US again. Like other migrants, I had the dream that in the US, if you worked hard, you could do whatever you wanted and you could make it. I felt American!
After a 2010 arrest for drunk driving, ICE agents showed up. At that time they were not intimidating; they were friendly and helpful. They told me, “Don’t worry, just sign this document and go back to Mexico and then come back.” They didn’t deport me like they would now. I went to Mexico City on my own and built a thriving tool business. But after criminals held a gun to my head and stole everything, I returned to the US; this time, because of the violence.
In 2015, ICE detained me again. Back again to Mexico! I was fortunate that Marta García Alvarado offered me a job with Morena’s Secretariat for Mexicans Abroad and International Policy, which she led. She herself lives in both Los Angeles and Mexico.
Marta García Alvarado (right) with then Ambassador of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela to Mexico, Francisco Arias Cárdenas (left) Photo: Jay Watts
I’m 53. I spent 20 years in the US, most of my adult life; my best friends are still in the US, and I miss them. But today, I can’t even think of returning. The US was always a bully — now it’s a criminal!
Once a Mexican citizen is in the US, what is Mexico’s responsibility to them?
Many migrants confuse embassies with consulates. Embassies only handle country-to-country diplomacy, while consulates serve Mexicans abroad — but only those with legal documents. They supply basic information about your rights, but they don’t help fix your papers or offer legal or financial aid. Some consul staff have been corrupt, treating their jobs like a personal business. They would even sell appointments!
Under president Sheinbaum, we see some reforms — making information easier to find and making appointments online. But it’s not enough.
CCA Detention Center, San Diego. Photo: The San Diego Immigrant Rights Consortium
Is the situation of Mexican migrants different from people from other places?
During a two-month stay in a San Diego detention center in 2015, I talked with migrants from all over the world. They had fled their countries because of racism, lack of economic opportunity and violence. That’s why Mexicans migrated too — but the difference is that Mexico is a rich country.
We see a plentiful banquet at home, but we’re not allowed to eat it; we have to eat a neighbor’s leftovers!
In 2022, you founded the Frente Amplio de Mexicanos/as y Migrantes. Why?
I believe in Morena’s principles. But I founded the Frente when I saw the Morena party moving in the wrong direction — its only goal had become to win elections, and that’s it.
As a migrant myself, I was upset at the inhumane way we treated migrants in Mexico. The Frente believes that Mexico should be at the forefront of the battle for better treatment of migrants wherever they are, and so we needed to speak up about our own country’s unjust policies.
Deputy Roselia Suárez with Deputy Manuel Vazquez Arellano
Please describe the Frente’s 2025 project, which focused on Mexican migrants in North America.
The project grew out of my own experiences. I partnered with Diputada Roselia Suarez, a Mexican congresswoman and migrant living in Chicago. We brought together migrant organizations, individuals and allies to discuss, document and propose solutions to the problems migrants face in the US, Canada and Mexico.
There were 14 issue-based working groups on child labor, gender-based violence, temporary workers, the USMCA and more.
Ridiculously long line of Mexican citizens lining up to vote in the Mexican presidential election in July, 2024 outside the San Diego consulate. Photo: Martin Eder
For example, in discussing migration, we came up with a proposal to focus on high emigration communities to strengthen those local economies so no one would have to leave. A development fund linking remittances and tax payments from undocumented workers — money earned by the migrants themselves — could be used for local investments and reintegration programs. The Working Group on electoral reform proposed ways to raise the level of participation from citizens living abroad.
These included simplifying voter registration rules and providing information not just in Spanish but in indigenous languages — and English! since second- and third-generation Mexicans may not understand Spanish. We also discussed the need for a migrant electoral district, which would add to Congress thirty deputado/a seats and nine senators for Mexicans living abroad.
At the end of 2025, I published a comprehensive report documenting the issues identified and the recommendations of the Working Groups as a resource for everyone concerned about migrants. During the year, I distributed a monthly bulletin, Hablemos de Migración, or Let’s Talk about Migration.
Several Mexican Congress people live abroad. What role can they play?
As a result of an affirmative action policy that was pushed by Marta Garcia in 2019, five Mexicans who live abroad must be chosen to serve as representatives in Congress. Roselia Suarez, who I work with closely, is one of them. They don’t have much formal power, but they can bring a migrant lens to any issue. Take small business development, for example. Many returnees to Mexico face administrative barriers to bringing their businesses to Mexico; for instance, they aren’t allowed to import their commercial equipment. Instead of building Mexico’s economy, they fall back to being underemployed.
No one talks about migrants, but they are Mexicans too, most of them Mexican citizens. Probably half the Mexican population has lived or has family living in the US, and the Mexican government should be serving them. They shouldn’t treat those living abroad as just a source of remittance revenue.
What will the Frente’s migrant project do in 2026?
Strengthening Mexico’s own economy is the first step to changing the treatment of migrants in the US and Canada, so I support president Sheinbaum’s Plan Mexico. We have steps we can take — how about a boycott of US imports like Coca-Cola? Mexico has its own unhealthy drinks, ha ha! The US needs Mexican workers — if migration slows down, they’ll have to offer better terms.
In 2026, we will deepen our ties with migrant communities and move our proposals forward. It’s been an uphill struggle getting attention for migrant issues, and when work goes slowly, people quit. But we can’t let the system win. I’ve learned that I have to keep talking even if people aren’t listening and keep advocating for those left out. Often a tiny minority later becomes the majority — isn’t that the lesson of Morena? So, we’ll keep going.
Meizhu Lui’s experiences as the daughter of Chinese immigrants and as a single mom led her to focus on addressing inequalities based on race, gender, and immigration status. A hospital kitchen worker, she was elected president of her AFSCME local. She coordinated the national Closing the Racial Wealth Gap Initiative, and co-authored The Color of Wealth: The Story Behind the U.S. Racial Wealth Divide. Liberation Road, a socialist organization, has been her political home.
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