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This week, both our top winners on the insightful side come in response to our post about DOGE and the disaster in Texas. In first place, it’s That Anonymous Coward with a reaction to the government’s response:

Devoting a large portion of a press conference to patting themselves on the back & praising the god emperor while parents are waiting for any fragment of information.

Governor telling parents perhaps they didn’t pray hard enough to save their kids.

Speaker of the House of Rep. all we can do is pray.

ICE Barbie blaming old systems.

Member of Congress blaming bureaucrats, trying to shore up it was the fault of anyone but the people alleged in charge & who are supposed to care about citizens.

Prayer is an amazing dodge for them being stupid worthless pieces of shit.

They made a decision to not have the most basic things required, sirens. Its a proven technology (when maintained) but to save a few bucks on a line item they stopped. People honestly don’t understand that the costs of a disaster with no real warning, are way higher than the few bucks it cost to have that sort of system.

Mind you they have a magical statewide Blue Alert to fire off everytime something bad happens to a cop, it can be 200 miles away from where you are but they push it to everyone. Databrokers know your location to within meters, but we don’t have an alert system that can target. Pushing for vouchers for ‘christian’ schools matters much more than public safety.

An agency that has been DOGEd, had their satellite data turned off, most of their operations the jeebus freaks don’t understand stopped b/c they must be wasteful are under attack by the jeebus freaks who tied their hands.

They go on and on about how much these things cost…

(from a meme I’ve posted before online, prolly drop it on my bluesky today too.)

Image with text on a black background.“Take my $1.37,” “I want my PBS,”“Take my $.46,” “I am all for federal funding of art programs,”“Take my $.46,” “I love my museums, colleges, and libraries,”“Take my $.11,” “I support developing minority businesses,”“Take my $.66,” “I am for entrepreneurship and innovation,”“Take my $1.60,” “I want us to export more goods overseas,”“Take my $0.43,” “I would like to see more American manufacturing,”“Take my $0.88,” “I think community policing needs vast improvement,”“Take my $1.48,” “I support programs for women,”“Take my $1.55,” “I believe in due process for all,”“Take my $0.48,” “We need a civil rights division in the justice department,”“Take my $0.38,” “I think we need to defend our Mother Earth,”“Take my $0.03,” “I know more work needs to be done for climate change,”“Take my $8.95,” “because we need more sustainable energy,”“Take my $2.71.” “because we should reduce our carbon footprint.”

“IF SAVING THESE PROGRAMS MEANS I’M OUT $22.36 A YEAR, I’M GOOD. NOW GIVE ME BACK THE $575 I PAY TO KEEP THE WAR MACHINE RUNNING AND THE $368 I PAY IN CORPORATE WELFARE TO BIG OIL AND WALMART.”

In second place, it’s CSMcDonald with a comment about the reliance on ExTwitter to issue official notices:

Notifications on Social Media are worthless

Posting emergency communications on a platform ran by algorithms that almost guarantee they won’t be seen until far after they’d be useful has got to be the biggest dereliction of duty a government can do.

Our county has e-mail and text weather alerts you can opt into. Nobody should rely on FB or ExTwitter or Mastodon, etc. for emergency alerts. And if your local government does you need to hold them accountable for tragedies like this.

For editor’s choice on the insightful side, we start out with an anonymous comment on that post offering more perspective on what happened:

This was almost entirely preventable

Speaking as someone who has trained professional rescuers in tactics and strategies, including incident command:

The NWS, despite the insanely stupid cuts made by DOGE, did its job, did it well, and did it in a timely manner. Texas officials failed to pay attention and to act immediately and decisively. The warning the NWS issued at 1:26 AM in an area with a history of severe flash flooding should have resulted in a full callout of every available person and vehicle, with the latter dispatched to a pre-determined list of locations that are (a) close to the Guadalupe River and (b) likely to be full of people in the middle of the night. Including: a summer camp that’s been there since forever and is well-known to everyone.

The river was rising at that time (1:26 AM), but the catastrophic increase in flow didn’t happen until around 5:15 AM — most of 4 hours later. [1] They had all that time to send firetrucks, buses, vans, anything that could carry people to higher ground. They didn’t even manage to get warnings out, e.g., every available local and state police car should have been on the roads nearest the river with full sirens and lights waking everyone up. They should have fired up the tornado sirens. They should have sent Jim Billy Bob and his friends and their high-clearance pickup trucks out to get anybody they could find and get them to higher ground. They should have called and texted every phone, repeatedly. And so on.

If local officials had done even a half-ass job they probably could have saved almost everyone.

[1] I know this because I pulled the data from the USGS gauge. At 1:30 AM river flow was 12 cubic feet/second — pretty much a trickle in a river that size. At 3:30 AM it was 279 CFS — still not very much for a river that size, about enough to float a canoe. At 5:15 AM it was 315 CFS, still not very much. And then all the water from upstream began arriving: an hour later, at 6:15 AM, flow was 118,000 CFS. So they had from 1:26 AM until 5:15 AM, a precious 3 hours and 49 minutes, and they squandered it.

Next, it’s That One Guy with a comment about Trump’s new video streaming service, and its promo material that mentions “…discredited legacy news channels that have squandered the trust of the American people”:

‘We can’t do journalism, we might offend a billionaire!’

The funny thing is that second half actually has a large amount of truth to it, however the reason they’ve been discredited and lost the trust of the public is not because they’ve been ‘pandering to the woke’ but because they went in the opposite directly entirely, refusing to call out abhorrent behavior from conservatives lest they be accused of ‘anti-conservative bias’ and instead turning themselves into nothing more than spineless PR agencies that will uncritically report whatever someone rich and/or powerful tells them.

Over on the funny side, things have finally picked up a little bit after the last few weeks, so although there weren’t a ton of funny comments, there’s enough for a full section! In first place, it’s some anonymous sarcasm about Trump’s general attitude about everything:

Trump is right and:

economists are wronglaw firms are wrongclimate scientists are wrongepidemiologists are wrongthe media is wrong**historians are wrong

Trump is a gift from God, the new messiah, and anyone who opposes him in any way is wrong.

In second place, we return to the post about DOGE and Texas, where Pixelation also had thoughts on the government’s response:

I read what Trump said, I was SHOCKED to learn that it was Biden’s fault!

For editor’s choice on the funny side, we’ve got two more comments from that post, both on the subject of the “thoughts and prayers” that seem to be in such ample supply after disasters like this. First, it’s That One Guy with an idea:

‘Nothing could be done’, says person who did nothing.

If prayers are so powerful for republicans how about a deal?

The obscenely rich get ‘thoughts and prayers’ going forward, and everyone else gets all that useless ‘money’ for things like public safety and assistance programs.

I know it’ll be hard for the public to lose out on the highly valuable ‘thoughts and prayers’ while being left with only millions/billions of funding, but as the republicans just showed the way to make america great is to do everything possible to help the people who need help the least, with the expectations that they’ll then lift everyone else with them.

Next, it’s an anonymous alternative proposal:

So, what is missing is a Department Of Prayer Efficiency.Musk, any spare time to lead this?

That’s all for this week, folks!


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Five Years Ago

This week in 2020, we looked at the encryption dilemma created by the EARN IT Act, while a federal case showed that cops already had plenty of options when dealing with device encryption. There was pushback against the Trump administration’s attempt to corrupt the Open Technology Fund, the FCC’s assault on a low-income broadband program was making the COVID-19 crisis worse, and we heard early rumblings of the notion of banning TikTok. Also, this was the week that Harper’s published a certain infamous open letter, to which we joined several others in proposing alternatives.

Ten Years Ago

This week in 2015, we got glimpses of the details of Hollywood’s cozy relationship with Mississippi AG Jim Hood, as well as the fact that the MPAA was trying to keep emails from the Sony hack out of the lawsuit, and we also wrote about the implications of the Lenz v. Universal case following oral arguments in the Ninth Circuit. The Senate held hearings on encryption, resulting in some unsurprisingly ridiculous statements from Senators and some more impossible demands of the tech industry, even as the federal government was busy searching for better encryption. And we wrote about the privacy concerns surrounding ICANN.

Fifteen Years Ago

This week in 2010, a copyright fight broke out between a Senate candidate and a Senator, quickly escalating to threats of a lawsuit. The Associated Press was threatening a blog for quoting newspapers, and some publishers were pushing an ASCAP-like system for news, while yet another push to expand publicity rights was thankfully rejected. The Washington Post called out Summit Entertainment’s twisted view of IP law and the Twilight movie, and we looked at the ongoing failure of the copyright industries to make any progress in their war on file sharing.


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This isn’t the first state court to reach this conclusion, but so few courts bother to examine the science-y sounding stuff cops trot out as “evidence” that this decision is worth noting.

There’s no shortage of junk science that has been (and continues to be) treated as actual science during testimony, ranging from the DNA “gold standard” to seriously weird shit like “I can identify a suspect by the creases in his jeans.”

Anyone who’s watched a cop show has seen a detective slide a pen into a shell casing and place it gently in an evidence bag. At some point, a microscope gets involved and the prosecutor (or witness) declares affirmatively that the markings on the casing match the barrel of the murder weapon. Musical stings, ad breaks, and tidy episode wrap-ups ensue.

Maryland’s top court dismantled these delusions back in 2023 by actually bothering to dig into the supposed science behind bullet/cartridge matching. When it gazed behind the curtain, it found ATFE (Association of Firearm and Tool Mark Examiners) and its methods more than a little questionable.

To sum up (a huge task, considering this was delivered in a 128-page opinion), ATFE’s science was little more than confirmation bias. When trainees were tested, they knew one of the items they examined came from the gun used in the test. When blind testing was utilized, the nearly 80% “success” rate in matches dropped precipitously.

He observed, however, that if inconclusives were counted as errors, the error rate from that study would “balloon[]” to over 30%. In discussing the Ames II Study, he similarly opined that inconclusive responses should be counted as errors. By not doing so, he contended, the researchers had artificially reduced their error rates and allowed test participants to boost their scores.By his calculation, when accounting for inconclusive answers, the overall error rate of the Ames II Study was 53% for bullet comparisons and 44% for cartridge case comparisons—essentially the same as “flipping a coin.”

From “pretty sure” to a coin flip. Not exactly the standard expected from supposed forensic science. And that’s common across most cop forensics. When blind testing is used, error rates soar and stuff that’s supposed to be evidence looks a whole lot more like guesswork.

The same conclusion is reached here by the Oregon Court of Appeals, which ultimately reverses the lower court’s refusal to suppress this so-called evidence.

This opinion [PDF] only runs 43 pages, but it makes the same points, albeit a bit more concisely. As the lead off to the deep dive makes clear, cartridge matching isn’t science. It’s just a bunch of people looking at stuff and drawing their own conclusions.

As we will explain, in this case, the state did not meet its burden to show that the AFTE method is scientifically valid, that is, that it is capable of measuring what it purports to measure and is able to produce consistent results when replicated. That is so because the method does not actually measure the degree of correspondence between shell cases or bullets; rather, the practitioner’s decision on whether the degree of correspondence indicates a match ultimately depends entirely on subjective, unarticulated standards and criteria arrived at through the training and individualized experience of the practitioner.

For a similar reason, the state did not show that the method is replicable and therefore reliable: The method does not produce consistent results when replicated because it cannot be replicated. Multiple practitioners may analyze the same items and reach the same result, but each practitioner reaches that result based on application of their own subjective and unarticulated standards, not application of the same standards.

That’s a huge problem. Evidentiary standards exist for a reason. No court would allow people to take the stand and speculate wildly about whether or not any evidence exists that substantiates criminal charges. Tossing a lab coat over a bunch of speculation doesn’t suddenly make subjective takes on bullet markings “science.” And continuing to present this guesswork with any level of certainty perverts the course of justice.

[W]hen presented as scientific evidence, AFTE identification evidence—an “identification” purportedly derived from application of forensic science—impairs, rather than helps, the truthfinding process because it presents as scientific a conclusion that, in reality, is a subjective judgment of the examiner based only on the examiner’s training and experience and not on any objective standards or criteria.

In an effort to salvage this evidence, the government claimed the ATFE Journal was self-certifying. In other words, the fact that ATFE published this journal was evidence in and of itself of the existence of scientific rigor. Both the trial court and the appeals court disagreed:

The court rejected the idea that the AFTE Journal, which the government argued shows that the method is subject to peer review, satisfies that factor for two reasons: because the AFTE Journal “is a trade publication, meant only for industry insiders, not the scientific community,” and, more importantly, because “the purpose of publication in the AFTE Journal is not to review the methodology for flaws but to review studies for their adherence to the methodology.”

The ruling quotes many of the same studies cited by the Maryland court in its 2023 decision — the blind studies that made it clear cartridge matching is mostly guesswork. This court arrives at the same conclusion:

[T]he AFTE method, undertaken by a trained examiner, may be effective at identifying matches, but the problem is that, from what was in the record before the court, the analysis is based on training and experience— ultimately, hunches—not science

To sum up, this method lacks anything that could be considered sound science:

Neither the AFTE theory nor the AFTE method prescribes or quantifies what the examiner is looking for; the examiner is looking for sufficient agreement, which is defined only by their own personal identification criteria.

Having arrived at this conclusion, the court does what it has to do. It reverses the lower court’s dismissal of the suspect’s suppression motion. The “error” of putting this “evidence” on the record was far from harmless. The state has already announced it plans to appeal this decision, but for now, investigators hoping shell markings will help them close some cases might want to dig a little deeper in the evidence locker.


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Two weeks ago the Supreme Court rejected an effort by a dodgy right wing activists to destroy an $8 billion FCC program that connects poor and rural communities to the internet. The plaintiff in the case, a fake right wing “consumer group,” had tried to argue that the bipartisan subsidy (the Universal Service Fund, or USF) was an “illegal tax” the FCC lacked the authority to charge. They lost the case.

But why did the Supreme Court majority, an agency that’s been on a tear destroying regulatory protection and corporate oversight, keep this particular program alive? It’s because Republicans and telecom monopolies want to repurpose the USF into a poorly managed slush fund paid for by U.S. tech giants (or more accurately you, their customers).

The long-bipartisan USF helps fund broadband connections to rural schools, libraries and communities. It is primarily funded by a monthly fee imposed on traditional phone lines. But given the death of the traditional landline, the contribution base for the program has shrunk. To keep the program alive, it genuinely does need new funding.

The most obvious way to do that would be to impose a small fee on broadband and wireless connections. That contribution base is so massive, the fee wouldn’t need to be onerous. To do this correctly, you’d need to ensure that government oversight of telecom subsidy collection and spending was competent, something that’s never been our strong suit.

Telecom giants like AT&T and Comcast obviously don’t want that. Instead, they’ve long been proposing a new tax on video streaming providers and tech companies. To sell this idea, telecom lobbyists have long (falsely) claimed that companies like Google and Netflix get a “free ride on the internet,” so it’s only right that they pay “their fair share” in funding broadband expansion.

The Supreme Court’s protection of the USF creates the perfect platform to relaunch this effort. In fact, I suspect the USF is only alive today because of AT&T’s ambitions to create a new slush fund paid into by streaming video customers already annoyed by soaring streaming video prices.

The problem(s)

It shouldn’t take a scientist to see why a major new subsidy proposal cooked up by the monopolists at AT&T and managed by the Trump administration might not be a success story.

AT&T has a long history of defrauding federal subsidy programs (including the USF), but routinely dodges accountability due to its favored role as a domestic surveillance ally. At the same time, the Trump administration has a long history of mismanaging federal subsidy programs and doing an exceptionally terrible job ensuring that telecoms follow up on subsidy deployment promises (see: the FCC’s RDOF).

Having tech companies pay into broadband deployment isn’t foundationally a bad idea. And there are some good faith consumer groups that support it as a way to keep the USF alive.

The problem is there’s genuinely no real indication that a new tax on streaming video would actually go toward broadband expansion under the guidance of unethical, corrupt government. It’s far more likely that money would be funneled from streaming video consumers into AT&T and Comcast’s back pocket, permanently.

At the same time, throwing more taxpayer subsidies at regional broadband monopolies doesn’t fix the real problem with U.S. broadband.

The reason U.S. broadband remains spotty, sluggish, and expensive in 2023 is concentrated monopoly power and the corrupt politicians who protect it from real oversight and competition. Yet somehow when it comes time for the FCC to shore up the USF and expand access to affordable broadband, cracking down on consolidated monopoly power never even enters the conversation.

Another reason U.S. broadband remains spotty is the federal government refuses to hold telecom giants accountable for taking billions in taxpayer dollars in exchange for fiber networks that are routinely only half deployed. A serious effort to shore up broadband expansion would need to involve further policing major provider subsidy fraud. We simply don’t do that here in the U.S.

Prepare For A Lot Of Bad Faith Lip Service About “Bridging The Digital Divide”

Ignoring all of this, the proposals to impose this new tax on Netflix and other streaming services will be portrayed as a good faith effort to “bridge the digital divide.” AT&T’s already got one such preferred law winding its way slowly through Congress.

The Lowering Broadband Costs for Consumers Act of 2025 (S. 1651), sponsored by Senators Markwayne Mullin, Mark Kelly, Mike Crapo, and Kevin Cramer, was introduced back in May. Contrary to the bill’s name it wouldn’t “lower broadband costs.” It would, however, impose a new tax on streaming video service customers that the Trump administration would then funnel to AT&T, Comcast, Verizon, and Charter.

Who gets this funding will be a point of contention. You can guarantee that under Republican leadership this expanded subsidy base won’t be going toward community-owned broadband networks, cooperatives, or city-owned utilities driving new competition to market. It will, primarily, be dumped in the laps of telecom monopolies with rich histories of subsidy fraud. And to Elon Musk.

With the Supreme Court case settled, prepare for a new push on this front this summer and fall. The tell-tale sales pitch will be replete with claims this new tax is necessary because “Big Tech” gets a “free ride” on the internet. FCC Trump boss Brendan Carr has been pushing for this for years (he wrote a Project 2025 chapter about it). From a 2021 Newsweek Op/Ed:

“Big Tech has been enjoying a free ride on our internet infrastructure while skipping out on the billions of dollars in costs needed to maintain and build that network. Ending this corporate welfare is more than fair.”

That’s of course never been true — companies like Netflix and Google invest billions in bandwidth, transit, cloud storage, undersea cables, and even last-mile broadband access. When it comes to a U.S. telecom industry dominated by politically powerful monopolies, nobody gets a free ride. And Carr has never cared about the “corporate welfare” involved in dumping billions in AT&T and Comcast’s lap.

Consumers are already getting fed up by the soaring prices and sagging quality being caused by mindless media and telecom consolidation, which will get dramatically worse under Trump. An additional tax on streaming likely results in even greater annoyance, and a greater shift of viewership back to free options like piracy, which the industry will blame on everything but themselves.

I’ve written extensively on why Carr and AT&T’s call for a “big tech telecom tax” isn’t serious adult policy, but I’m still not entirely sure that “big tech” execs fully understand the scope. In the EU, telecoms have pushed proposals that would charge any internet service that accounts for over 5 percent of a telco’s average peak traffic billions of dollars in additional extra-government surcharges “just because.”

One such proposal even removed government from the equation entirely, and simply demanded that big tech companies funnel billions of dollars to big telecom companies without oversight.

You’re going to see a major new push to revisit variations of this idea in the summer and fall, replete with oodles of bullshit and a lot of empty rhetoric about the “digital divide” from people who routinely demonstrate they don’t actually care about broadband consumers. It’s another story the easily exploitable tech press will fail to cover with any accuracy or nuance. Don’t say you weren’t warned.


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There is an epidemic of magical thinking. An unwillingness to confront reality. Because reality is scary.

This affliction cuts across all ideological lines, manifesting in different forms but serving the same function: allowing us to avoid the difficult truths about what it will actually take to preserve human dignity, meaning, and freedom in the face of forces designed to eliminate all three.

We live in the most dangerous moment in human history—not because of nuclear weapons or climate change, though both threaten our survival, but because we are creating systems that threaten something deeper: our capacity to remain human. To make meaning. To experience genuine choice. To live lives worth living rather than optimized lives managed by algorithms and administered by bureaucrats.

And our response to this existential crisis? Magical thinking. The comfortable delusion that simple solutions exist for complex problems, that we can have technological progress without existential consequences, that we can avoid difficult choices by pretending they don’t exist.

This is not just political failure—it’s the systematic abandonment of what makes us human in the first place.

Human beings are meaning-making creatures. This isn’t a nice feature of consciousness—it’s what consciousness is for. We don’t just process information like biological computers; we create significance, purpose, and value through the active engagement of our minds with reality. We transform raw experience into narrative, chaos into order, suffering into wisdom.

But meaning doesn’t emerge from comfort or certainty. It emerges from tension—from the creative friction between what is and what might be, between constraint and possibility, between self and world. Meaning is born in the space where we must choose, where we must struggle, where we must actively participate in creating our own understanding rather than passively receiving it.

This is precisely what many of our technological systems are designed to eliminate. Social media algorithms don’t enhance human connection—they replace it with engineered engagement designed to maximize screen time rather than genuine relationship. They don’t help us make better choices—they manipulate our choices through carefully calibrated dopamine hits that bypass conscious decision-making entirely.

Artificial intelligence has the potential to augment human creativity in remarkable ways—providing new tools, expanding possibilities, enabling forms of expression previously impossible. But it also threatens to replace human creativity entirely when we mistake sophisticated pattern recognition for genuine innovation. When machines can generate art, music, and writing that satisfies human aesthetic preferences while eliminating the human struggle that makes creativity meaningful, we face a crucial choice: do we use AI as a tool that enhances human capacity, or do we allow it to substitute for human agency altogether?

The same tension exists across all technological development. Systems designed to make life more efficient can either free us for more meaningful pursuits or eliminate the need for meaningful pursuits entirely. The question isn’t whether efficiency is good or bad, but whether we remain conscious agents directing our tools toward human purposes, or become passive recipients of automated optimization.

The magical thinking here is that we can have all the benefits of technological optimization without making conscious choices about what we’re optimizing for. That we can make everything more efficient, more predictable, more frictionless—and somehow preserve the friction that makes human life worth living, without ever having to choose between them.

But meaning doesn’t emerge from efficiency alone. It emerges from the necessity of choosing, of struggling, of creating order from chaos through conscious effort rather than algorithmic processing. When we eliminate that necessity without replacing it with something equally meaningful, we don’t liberate human consciousness—we make it redundant.

Every system we build now tends toward a single principle: optimization. Maximize engagement. Minimize friction. Increase efficiency. Reduce uncertainty. Streamline processes. Eliminate waste—including the “waste” of human agency, human choice, human unpredictability.

This optimization imperative extends far beyond technology into every domain of human experience. Education becomes optimized for measurable outcomes rather than genuine learning. Healthcare becomes optimized for statistical improvements rather than individual healing. Politics becomes optimized for electoral efficiency rather than democratic deliberation.

The result is systems that work perfectly for their designed purposes while destroying the human experiences they were supposedly created to serve. Consider dating apps that optimize matching algorithms to increase user engagement—not to help people find genuine connection, but to keep them swiping. Consider social media platforms that optimize content delivery to maximize time spent scrolling—not to inform or connect users, but to generate advertising revenue. Consider recommendation systems that optimize for consumption—not for satisfaction or growth, but for continued consumption.

Each system achieves its optimization goals while systematically undermining human agency, human choice, and human meaning-making. They work exactly as designed—which is precisely the problem.

The magical thinking is that optimization and human flourishing are automatically compatible goals. That making systems more efficient automatically makes human life better. That eliminating friction eliminates suffering rather than potentially eliminating the experiences that make life meaningful.

But human flourishing isn’t simply optimizable. It emerges from the irreducible complexity of conscious beings navigating an uncertain world through choices that matter. When we optimize that complexity away without conscious consideration of what we’re preserving, we risk creating managed human existence that resembles life while lacking its essential qualities.

Nowhere is magical thinking more dangerous than in our approach to conflict and justice. The position that says “I’m pro-peace” without a conception of justice represents one of the most insidious forms of reality avoidance—it sounds moral while being fundamentally amoral.

Martin Luther King Jr. understood this: “True peace is not merely the absence of tension; it is the presence of justice.” Peace without justice isn’t peace—it’s imposed order. It’s the peace of the graveyard, the peace of submission, the peace that comes when one side stops fighting because they’ve been crushed.

We see this magical thinking everywhere in contemporary discourse. When Russia invades Ukraine, the “pro-peace” position says: “Just stop the fighting. Negotiate. Find compromise.” As if there’s meaningful compromise between a people defending their homes and an empire trying to erase their existence. As if Ukrainian surrender would create peace rather than eliminate Ukraine.

When authoritarian regimes systematically oppress their people, the “pro-peace” position says: “Intervention causes more violence. We should focus on diplomacy.” As if the absence of visible international conflict somehow eliminates the violence of systematic oppression. As if the peace of the concentration camp is morally preferable to the disruption of liberation.

When democratic institutions come under assault, the “pro-peace” position says: “Both sides need to calm down. We need unity, not division.” As if there’s meaningful unity between those who defend democratic norms and those who systematically violate them. As if the peace of authoritarian control is preferable to the tension of democratic resistance.

This isn’t pacifism—pacifism at least acknowledges moral stakes while choosing non-violence as a strategy. This is conflict avoidance disguised as moral principle. It mistakes the absence of visible resistance for the presence of justice, when often the absence of visible resistance just means the resistance has been successfully crushed.

Real peace requires justice. Justice sometimes requires resistance to injustice. Resistance sometimes requires confrontation, sacrifice, and yes—the willingness to fight and even die for principles that make life worth living. The magical thinking says: “If we just avoid conflict, there will be no more conflict.” Reality says: if only one side avoids conflict while the other side pursues it systematically, the aggressive side wins. And when the side that wins is committed to eliminating human dignity, “peace” becomes complicity with that elimination.

Human dignity is worth fighting for. When someone attacks human dignity systematically—whether through invasion, oppression, or the systematic elimination of human agency—opposing them isn’t the failure of peace. It’s the requirement of peace.

Another manifestation of magical thinking is the belief that vulnerable institutions will protect themselves through their own momentum rather than through conscious defense and reform. We see this in the faith that democratic institutions will somehow resist degradation without active maintenance and vigilance.

The magical thinking says: “The system will correct itself. Institutions are resilient. Norms will hold.” As if institutions possessed independent moral agency rather than being tools that serve whoever controls them.

When the Supreme Court’s legitimacy is undermined by ethical scandals and decisions that appear more political than legal, the magical thinking says: “Respect the Court. It will self-correct.” When electoral processes face manipulation through gerrymandering, voter suppression, and disinformation campaigns, the magical thinking says: “Trust the process.”

When regulatory agencies become vulnerable to capture by the industries they’re supposed to regulate, when intelligence capabilities risk being turned toward partisan purposes, when aspects of the justice system show signs of political influence—the magical thinking insists that somehow, if we just maintain faith in these institutions, they will automatically return to their proper function.

But institutions don’t have independent moral agency. They’re tools that work well when designed and maintained properly, but they require active defense against those who would corrupt their purposes. Institutional resilience comes not from magical self-correction but from citizens who understand their principles and actively work to preserve their integrity.

Real institutional preservation sometimes requires acknowledging when institutions are being corrupted and taking action to restore their proper function—through reform, oversight, and the willingness to hold officials accountable to the standards their positions require. It requires distinguishing between legitimate institutional authority and illegitimate abuse of institutional power.

Climate change represents perhaps the starkest example of how magical thinking prevents us from confronting reality. The magical thinking takes multiple forms, but all serve the same function: avoiding the necessity of fundamental change.

One version says: “Technology will save us.” Electric cars, renewable energy, carbon capture—if we just innovate fast enough, we can maintain current consumption patterns while eliminating their environmental impact. This ignores the reality that technological solutions require massive coordination, sacrifice, and economic disruption to implement at the necessary scale and speed.

Another version says: “Individual action will save us.” If enough people change their consumption habits, bike instead of drive, buy sustainable products—the collective impact will solve the problem. This ignores the reality that individual consumption changes, however admirable, cannot address systemic problems that require systemic solutions.

A third version says: “It’s not really that bad.” Climate change is natural, exaggerated, or manageable through adaptation rather than prevention. This ignores overwhelming scientific evidence and the accelerating pace of environmental breakdown.

All these forms of magical thinking serve the same purpose: avoiding the uncomfortable reality that addressing climate change requires coordinated global action that will disrupt existing economic, political, and social arrangements on a scale that makes World War II mobilization look modest by comparison.

The magical thinking allows us to believe we can address an existential threat to human civilization without fundamentally changing how human civilization operates. That we can have infinite growth on a finite planet, that we can maintain current consumption patterns while eliminating their environmental impact, that we can solve collective problems through individual solutions.

But reality doesn’t care about our comfort or our preferences. Climate change is a collective action problem that requires collective solutions implemented through legitimate authority backed by the willingness to override short-term interests for long-term survival. No amount of magical thinking will change the physics of atmospheric chemistry or the mathematics of exponential change.

Perhaps the most pervasive form of magical thinking in contemporary politics is the belief that democracy can be preserved without defending it—that democratic institutions will somehow maintain themselves through their own momentum rather than through the active commitment of democratic citizens.

This magical thinking manifests in the faith that “the arc of history bends toward justice” without human effort to bend it. That progress is automatic rather than the result of struggle. That freedom is the natural state of human affairs rather than an achievement that must be constantly renewed.

We see this in the shock and disbelief when democratic institutions prove vulnerable to authoritarian pressure. “This can’t happen here.” “The system will protect itself.” “Cooler heads will prevail.” As if democracy were a natural law rather than a human agreement that requires constant maintenance and defense.

But democracy is not self-sustaining. It requires citizens who understand its principles, institutions that serve its purposes, and the willingness to confront forces that would undermine both. When citizens become passive consumers of political entertainment rather than active participants in democratic governance, when institutions become vulnerable to partisan manipulation rather than serving democratic principles, when anti-democratic forces operate without serious resistance—democracy doesn’t gradually weaken. It collapses.

The magical thinking says: “Democracy is resilient. It will survive.” Reality says: democracy survives only as long as enough people are willing to defend it against those who would destroy it. And that defense requires not just voting or peaceful protest, but the full spectrum of democratic action—including the willingness to confront authoritarianism with the force necessary to stop it.

To remain human in an age of systematic dehumanization requires rejecting the magical thinking that makes dehumanization comfortable. It requires acknowledging that preserving human dignity, human meaning, and human agency will not happen automatically. It will require conscious choice, sustained effort, and the willingness to defend what makes us human against forces designed to eliminate it.

Rejecting magical thinking is not enough. We must also build alternatives that align with human flourishing rather than algorithmic optimization. This requires conscious choices about how we design systems, how we engage politically, and how we live daily life.

What does technology designed for human flourishing rather than engagement optimization actually look like? It starts with platforms that prioritize genuine connection over screen time, that enhance human creativity rather than replacing it, that preserve the friction necessary for meaningful choice. This means choosing technologies that require human judgment rather than automating it away. Educational software that preserves intellectual struggle rather than gamifying learning into dopamine hits. Social platforms that facilitate real conversation rather than performative broadcasting. Professional tools that augment human creativity rather than generating content automatically.

It means choosing applications and services that respect human agency—that give you control over algorithms rather than being controlled by them, that present information clearly rather than manipulating attention, that enhance your capacity to think rather than thinking for you. Most importantly, it means insisting that technological development serve human purposes rather than treating humans as inputs to be optimized. When we encounter systems designed to manipulate our behavior, extract our data, or automate our judgment—we have the choice to refuse participation, to demand alternatives, to build better options.

Defending democracy requires abandoning the fantasy that democratic institutions will protect themselves through their own momentum. It requires acknowledging that when institutions become corrupted or captured, working within those institutions can become complicity with their corruption. This means supporting constitutional reforms when existing frameworks enable rather than prevent authoritarian capture. It means building parallel institutions when existing ones are corrupted, creating new mechanisms of accountability when traditional ones are subverted.

It means the willingness to bypass corrupted institutions when they serve anti-democratic purposes—using state and local authority when federal institutions are compromised, supporting grassroots movements when official channels are blocked, creating alternative spaces for democratic practice when traditional ones are eliminated. Political realism also means acknowledging that democracy requires not just institutional mechanisms but democratic culture—citizens who understand democratic principles, who participate actively rather than consuming passively, who defend democratic norms even when doing so disadvantages their preferred political outcomes.

Building institutions that serve human flourishing rather than mere optimization requires rethinking fundamental assumptions about efficiency, measurement, and purpose. Instead of optimizing for metrics that can be gamed, we must design for outcomes that matter even when they’re difficult to measure. In education, this means preserving intellectual challenge, genuine assessment, and the development of critical thinking—schools that require sustained attention, deep reading, original thinking, and moral reasoning.

In healthcare, this means treating patients as whole human beings rather than collections of symptoms to be processed through algorithmic diagnosis and standardized treatment protocols. Medical systems that preserve the doctor-patient relationship, that integrate mental and physical health, that prioritize healing over metrics. In governance, this means structures that facilitate genuine democratic deliberation rather than just electoral efficiency. Town halls that require real engagement, representatives who remain accountable to constituents rather than donors, decision-making processes that preserve space for minority voices and dissenting opinions.

Critics will argue that optimization has genuinely improved human life in countless ways—that efficiency isn’t inherently dehumanizing, that some friction is just unnecessary suffering, that this argument sounds like romantic anti-modernism that would return us to pre-technological hardship. They’re right that optimization can make our lives better. The question isn’t whether to optimize, but who decides what to optimize for and how those decisions are made.

The problem isn’t efficiency itself—it’s optimization imposed by algorithmic systems or corporate interests without democratic input about what human values should guide that optimization. When we optimize transportation, do we prioritize speed, safety, environmental impact, or community connection? When we optimize education, do we focus on test scores, critical thinking, creativity, or civic engagement? When we optimize healthcare, do we emphasize cost reduction, patient outcomes, doctor-patient relationships, or population health?

These aren’t technical questions with objectively correct answers—they’re moral and political questions that require democratic deliberation. The current system optimizes for metrics that can be easily measured and monetized, often at the expense of human values that are harder to quantify but more important to preserve.

Real progress means optimization guided by democratically determined human values rather than algorithmic efficiency alone. It means distinguishing between improvements that enhance human agency and those that eliminate it. Between systems that serve human purposes and those that treat humans as obstacles to optimization.

Consider the difference between GPS navigation that helps you reach your destination and GPS that tracks your every movement for advertising purposes. Between medical technology that enables doctors to heal more effectively and medical algorithms that replace doctor judgment entirely. Between communication tools that facilitate genuine connection and engagement platforms designed to maximize addiction.

The issue isn’t friction itself, but the elimination of meaningful friction—the struggles that generate growth, learning, and purpose—while preserving useless friction that serves no human end. We want to eliminate the friction of poverty, disease, and genuine oppression while preserving the friction of choice, challenge, and moral responsibility. This isn’t romantic anti-modernism but conscious modernism—technological development guided by human values rather than optimization metrics alone. It’s the recognition that efficiency is a tool, not an end in itself, and that the most efficient system is often one that destroys the very purposes it was designed to serve.

The argument for preserving meaningful struggle must be distinguished from justifying unnecessary suffering. Not all difficulty generates meaning—some struggles are simply destructive, some challenges are purely wasteful, some friction serves no purpose beyond perpetuating injustice. The task is learning to distinguish between suffering that diminishes human dignity and challenge that enhances it. Between obstacles that prevent human flourishing and resistance that enables it. Between systems that create artificial scarcity to maintain control and natural constraints that generate creative response.

Poverty, for instance, is not meaningful struggle—it’s systematic deprivation that prevents people from engaging in the kinds of challenges that actually generate growth and purpose. But the elimination of poverty should not require the elimination of challenge itself—people freed from economic desperation should have access to meaningful work, creative expression, and moral responsibility. Similarly, eliminating discrimination doesn’t require eliminating standards or expectations. A just society removes barriers to human development while preserving the challenges that make development possible.

Beyond systemic change, remaining human requires daily choices that resist the optimization of human experience. These practices begin with attention—choosing what deserves your conscious engagement rather than allowing algorithms to make that choice for you. This means reading books that require sustained attention rather than consuming only bite-sized content optimized for engagement. Engaging in conversations that risk genuine disagreement rather than staying within filter bubbles that confirm existing beliefs. Choosing activities that require skill development rather than providing instant gratification.

It means supporting businesses, artists, and creators who prioritize human values over optimization metrics. Buying from companies that treat workers as human beings rather than efficiency units. Consuming media that challenges you to think rather than simply triggering emotional responses. Participating in communities that require genuine contribution rather than passive consumption.

It means practicing the skills that artificial intelligence cannot replicate—moral reasoning, creative synthesis, emotional intelligence, the capacity for genuine relationship. These aren’t just personal benefits but acts of resistance against systems designed to make these capacities irrelevant.

Individual practice is necessary but insufficient. Remaining human requires communities that support human values against systemic pressure toward dehumanization. This means creating and participating in groups that prioritize genuine connection over digital networking, that engage in meaningful work rather than optimized productivity, that practice democratic decision-making rather than algorithmic management.

Local politics becomes crucial—participating in governance at scales where individual voices still matter, where decisions affect real communities, where democratic practice can be learned and preserved. Town councils, school boards, neighborhood organizations where citizens can experience genuine agency rather than just electoral participation. Educational communities that preserve intellectual challenge—book clubs that tackle difficult texts, discussion groups that welcome disagreement, learning environments that require sustained attention and critical thinking rather than just information transfer. Creative communities that maintain the connection between effort and achievement—maker spaces, artistic collaboratives, skill-sharing networks where people create rather than just consume, where expertise is developed through practice rather than downloaded through tutorials.

At the policy level, choosing reality over magical thinking requires supporting legislation that prioritizes human agency over algorithmic efficiency. This means regulations that preserve human choice in automated systems, that require algorithmic transparency, that protect the right to human review of automated decisions. It means educational policies that preserve intellectual challenge rather than optimizing for standardized metrics. Curricula that require deep reading, sustained attention, original thinking—even when these are more difficult to measure and manage than algorithmic content delivery.

It means supporting democratic reforms that enhance genuine participation rather than just electoral efficiency. Campaign finance changes that reduce the influence of algorithmic micro-targeting, voting systems that require genuine deliberation, representation structures that preserve space for minority voices and dissenting opinions.

The threats to human agency are global, requiring coordinated response across national boundaries. This means international cooperation to regulate technologies that undermine human autonomy, to support democratic movements against authoritarian capture, to address existential threats like climate change that require collective action. It means distinguishing between globalization that serves human purposes and globalization that serves only efficiency optimization. Supporting trade relationships that enhance human development while opposing systems that treat humans as expendable inputs to global production.

It means recognizing that defending democracy in one country requires supporting democratic values everywhere—that authoritarian regimes attacking democracy abroad will eventually attack it at home, that surveillance technologies developed to oppress foreign populations will eventually be turned against domestic ones.

The choice to remain human is not a single decision but a daily practice requiring constant vigilance and continuous effort. It begins with the recognition that magical thinking serves not our interests but the interests of systems designed to eliminate human agency. But recognition alone is insufficient. We must build alternatives—technologies that enhance rather than replace human judgment, institutions that serve human flourishing rather than optimization metrics, communities that practice genuine democracy rather than algorithmic management.

This requires both individual resistance and collective action, both personal practice and policy advocacy, both local engagement and global cooperation. It requires the willingness to choose difficulty over comfort when difficulty serves human purposes, to choose reality over illusion even when reality is frightening, to choose agency over automation even when automation is more efficient.

The stakes are nothing less than what it means to be human. The time for magical thinking has passed. The time for conscious choice has begun.

Two plus two equals four. There are twenty-four hours in a day. And the choice to remain human—to preserve meaning, agency, and dignity in systems designed to eliminate all three—is the most important choice facing our species.

Reality is difficult. But it’s also the only place where genuine human life is possible.

Choose reality. Choose consciousness. Choose to remain human.

Every minute of every day.

Remember what’s real.

Mike Brock is a former tech exec who was on the leadership team at Block. Originally published at his Notes From the Circus.


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We haven’t talked about the numbers in America’s measles outbreak in a couple of months, but that certainly doesn’t mean the problem has gone away. It was back in April that we wrote about how the numbers were on pace to eclipse the outbreak in 2019, which was largely driven by unvaccinated religious groups in New York State, in large part due to both the long-term advocacy against vaccination by people like RFK Jr. and his short-term time as the Secretary of Health and Human Services. The result is likely to be the loss of elimination status of the disease in America, thanks to Kennedy’s staff and budget cuts, his crackpot theories about how to treat the disease, and his desire to blame the victims of the disease, casting them as undesirables of a kind.

Well, these assbags did it: America’s measles case count has continued to climb and has now eclipsed the 2019 numbers, becoming the highest count in a year in over three decades.

Over the weekend, the tally of measles cases reached 1,281, setting a new case record since the highly contagious viral disease was declared eliminated from the country in 2000. The previous record was set in 2019, when there were 1,274 cases and officials warned that the US had narrowly avoided losing the elimination status.

Overall, the current case tally is a 33-year high for the preventable infection, and the outlook for the country is bleak. Vaccination rates have only fallen since the pandemic, and the top health official in the country—Robert F. Kennedy Jr.—is an unswerving anti-vaccine activist who has spent his short time in the position so far spreading dangerous misinformation about the measles vaccine—as well as peddling unproven treatments and downplaying the infection.

We are now more likely than not to lose the elimination status of measles in America. I’ll remind you that we’re only roughly half a year into this. While the infection rates thankfully don’t seem to be accelerating (yet), they also aren’t slowing down appreciably. And that is because, thanks to Kennedy and his fellow anti-vaxx advocates, many parts of America don’t have the 95% immunity status required for true herd immunity. Because people aren’t vaccinating themselves and their children. And, yes, it really is that simple.

The elimination of the disease in America was a massive undertaking by the federal government to make the MMR vaccine available and to campaign among the public for its adoption. The highest healthcare official in the land currently, however, is doing the opposite of that. He’s removing vaccination schedules from some Americans and growling nearly constantly about his own vaccine skepticism.

And if you think that Texas is the limit of the problem, you’re wrong.

Such is the case in Gaines County, Texas, where the largest outbreak this year has erupted. So far, that outbreak, which spans four states, accounts for at least 950 of the country’s 1,281 cases.

But, overall, there have been a whopping 27 outbreaks in the country just in the first six months. According to national data compiled by researchers at Yale School of Public Health, as of July 6, the 1,281 cases are across 39 states, with around 90 percent of the cases associated with one of the outbreaks. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention also reports a national measles case count but only updates its numbers on Wednesdays. According to the CDC’s latest data, at least 155 people have been hospitalized for the infection, and three people have died—two otherwise healthy young children in Texas and one adult in New Mexico. All three deaths were in people who were not vaccinated.

We’re fortunate that we haven’t seen the death toll from this administration’s incompetence rise in several months… but that is unlikely to last. This disease kills. And it doesn’t even just kill directly, but tangentially as well, due to measles having a particularly insidious side effect of immunization amnesia for other diseases. That means getting infected with measles removes protections you might have for other diseases.

It is time for RFK Jr. to go. Quickly. Or this is going to keep getting worse.


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Techdirt has just written about how people are using Ring doorbell cameras to warn others in the area about the presence of ICE agents and the risk of possible ICE raids. That’s a good example of using existing technology to monitor the increasingly widespread and brutal activities of ICE teams. But driven by a desire to counter the US government’s moves, people are also coming up with new systems to warn people about what is happening in their community.

For example, the Stop ICE Raids Alert Network sends and receives warnings about nearby ICE activity using text messages. On its home page, it claims to have over 470,000 subscribers currently. That approach, while effective, might be a little basic for some people, and a number of smartphone apps have been created to meet the need for something more sophisticated. One of them is ICEBlock, which came to the notice of a wider public thanks to a CNN report on 30 June. Its developer, Joshua Aaron, told CNN that his free app was designed to be an early warning system for users when ICE is operating nearby. Its slogan is “See Something, Tap Something”:

Users can add a pin on a map showing where they spotted agents — along with optional notes, like what officers were wearing or what kind of car they were driving. Other users within a five-mile radius will then receive a push alert notifying them of the sighting.

Aaron says he does not want users to interfere with ICE’s operations directly, and when a user logs a sighting, the app warns: “Please note that the use of this app is for information and notification purposes only. It is not to be used for the purposes of inciting violence or interfering with law enforcement.” Aaron has also tried to minimize the risk that the platform is flooded with false reports:

Although ICEBlock has no surefire way of guaranteeing the accuracy of user reports, Aaron says he’s built safeguards to prevent users from spamming the platform with fake sightings. Users can only report a sighting within five miles of their location, and they can only report once every five minutes. Reports are automatically deleted after four hours.

Privacy for users is naturally a key concern:

ICEBlock doesn’t collect personal data, and users are completely anonymous, according to Aaron. It’s only available on iOS because Aaron says the app would have to collect information that could ultimately put users at risk to provide the same experience on Android.

Reassuring users of those privacy protections will likely be key to growing ICEBlock’s user base, given how the government is building a database to aid in its deportation efforts.

ICEBlock’s user base has already been given a huge boost thanks to the Streisand Effect. After the CNN report was broadcast, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt was asked about the app. As MSN reported, Leavitt replied:

I’ll have to watch the clip myself but surely it sounds like this would be an incitement of further violence against our ICE officers. As you stated, there’s been a 500% increase in violence against ICE agents, law enforcement officers across the country who are just simply trying to do their jobs and remove public safety threats from our communities.

Despite her use of a misleading statistic about assaults on ICE officers, Leavitt’s criticism of ICEBlock naturally led many people to investigate it. In fact, soon after her comment, ICEBlock became the top social networking app in the App Store ahead of Threads, WhatsApp, Telegram and Facebook a position it still holds at the time of writing. In the CNN interview, Aaron said his app had more than 20,000 users, but thanks to Leavitt the number is more than ten times that. According to a story on Wired, ICEBlock now has over 240,000 users, and Trump administration officials have threatened to prosecute Aaron for creating the app, and CNN for reporting on it.

Another app that aims to report and share sightings of ICE activities is Hack Latino. On its GoFundMe page, which is no longer accepting donations, the organizer claims “30,000 app users and 50,000 website visitors”. As someone from Guatemala who uses the Hack Latino app explains in an article on the Rest of the World site, the app works like Waze, which provides live traffic updates: “It sends you a message saying there’s a Border Patrol ahead and that you need to turn back. Most migrants are protecting themselves with it.” However, the same article warns that the US government has taken note of the rise of these apps, and is already working to counter them. It quotes Pedro Rios, director of the American Friends Service Committee, a Quaker organization that supports migrants and refugees:

The U.S. government, said Rios, is hiring companies that can identify users who post information about raids on these platforms.

“Many of us no longer post all the information,” said Rios. Instead, details on immigration sweeps are “being shared on paper from person to person, or through photos and WhatsApp.”

And so the contest between the hunters and the hunted continues.

Follow me @glynmoody on Mastodon and on Bluesky.


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Martial law still appears to be the plan. The rollout has been limited, but the wholly unnecessary deployment of military troops to California sent a message our performative president wanted to get across.

Trump sent an even more explicit one days later, following up on DHS boss Kristi Noem’s quasi-declaration of war on this “democrat” state — one that is host to vehement protests against ICE, with any violence not directly attributed to law enforcement escalation relegated to a few blocks in downtown Los Angeles.

Several thousand National Guard troops are now engaging in law enforcement activity in the Los Angeles area, as well as in areas far removed from the city they were sent to. Marines, sent to Los Angeles by the order of Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, have already been spotted detaining people until law enforcement officers can take over.

Florida isn’t a “democrat” state. But it is wholly receptive to the administration’s racist actions. The state has already passed an unconstitutional law that allows local law enforcement to engage in anti-immigrant actions. Now, because it’s so receptive to Trump’s push to eject non-whites from the country, it’s host to a couple of hundred Marines… for no apparent reason. Here’s the latest symptom of Trump’s martial law aspirations, as reported by Reuters.

The U.S. military said on Thursday it will send 200 Marines to Florida to provide administrative and logistical support to Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

The Marines are the first wave of U.S. Northern Command’s support to the immigration enforcement agency’s mission, it said.

Let’s deal with the second sentence first. Apparently, this is just the beginning. While Florida hasn’t really seen nearly as much opposition to ICE as in other areas of the country, it’s nonetheless being given a few hundred Marines just because. If this is just the “first wave,” the administration obviously wants to keep sending military troops to any place that won’t challenge the deployment in court and/or any place Trump feels is filled with political enemies. Neither of these things are good — much less legal — reasons to deploy Marines.

Back to the first paragraph: when most people think about sending in the Marines, they think of a first wave of well-trained killers capable of clearing a path for their military inferiors. But that’s not what’s happening here, according to military officials, who claim the Marines will not be engaging in law enforcement duties. If they did, that would be illegal.

Instead, they’ll be doing the things no one considers Marines to be exceptional at doing: paperwork, filling vehicles with gas, looking at stuff posted on white boards, and sitting behind desks. In other words, they’ll be immediately redundant. “Administrative and logistical” support can be performed by anyone capable of hosting a Teams meeting. This is just some stupid muscle-flexing — a show of force that serves as a latent threat, rather than performing any useful or necessary task.

USNORTHCOM says Marines are forbidden from being in “direct contact” with anyone in ICE custody, as well as being involved in any part of the “custody chain.” So, Marines can’t arrest or detain anyone, but the military’s order don’t specifically preclude them from joining ICE in raids to provide an additional level of intimidation, much in the way the Marines and National Guard have in Los Angeles.

When I tell you Los Angeles is an occupied city/county, this is what I mean…Yesterday, ICE agents showed up to a regular Saturday swap meet with armed Marines and a military helicopter overhead, like it’s a fucking war zone.

Christopher Webb (@cwebbonline.com) 2025-06-15T16:49:50.028Z

The water continues to be tested by this administration. And, so far, it seems to feel just fine. Once troops are everywhere Trump wants them (and that now includes Texas and Louisiana), it’s only a matter of time before they’re asked to go beyond the legal limitations of domestic deployment.


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Techdirt has always made it very clear that broadband usage caps on fixed-line broadband are bullshit.

The costly and confusing restrictions serve no legitimate technical function. They don’t help your ISP “manage congestion.” They exist simply as a way for giant companies like Comcast to nickel-and-dime captive customers in uncompetitive broadband markets. Market failure created by their own tireless efforts to kill competition and government oversight.

But there’s been a small wrinkle over the last few years. Trying to gain market share, wireless giants have been offering home 5G wireless connection for lower prices. We’ve also been seeing a rise in community-owned broadband networks and cooperatives offering cheaper gigabit fiber. The combination has resulted in Comcast losing a growing number of broadband subscribers in some markets.

So Comcast is trying something new. They’re retreating from broadband caps on the new service tiers being offered new customers. According to a press release, they’re offering to eliminate usage caps for new users who sign up for four new tiers of service:

“Following the successful launch and positive consumer reaction to Xfinity’s new 5-year guarantee, the nation’s largest Internet Service Provider (ISP) has launched its everyday pricing (EDP) structure with four simple national Internet tiers that include unlimited data and the advanced Xfinity WiFi Gateway for one low monthly price.”

This being Comcast, there are, of course, some caveats. For one, this is primarily being offered to new customers. And you have to sign up for Comcast’s WiFi gateway, which precludes you simply owning your own modem and router, making it easier (and more profitable) for Comcast to track you and monetize your online behaviors.

The company is claiming to reporters that existing customers can also sign up for these new uncapped plans, but Comcast historically says a lot of things that don’t wind up being true in practice.

It sounds like Comcast wants its cake and to eat it too; it wants to maintain some semblance of pointless caps to soak up extra profit in less competitive markets, but keep itself from losing customers in more competitive areas. It’s the sort of predatory bullshit you can get away with in a country so corrupt that it destroys its own consumer protection regulators for fun.

A more honest and serious approach would be to eliminate usage caps entirely. We’ll see if 5G wireless continues to provide competitive incentive. Wireless giants are temporarily selling 5G home service at a steep discount; but given the congestion-plagued nature of wireless, as those networks see subscription growth eventually those networks will see their own slowdowns and restrictions.

Still, it’s an indication that Comcast is finally being forced to acknowledge that usage caps are anti-competitive bullshit. Hopefully it’s a trend that accelerates for years to come.


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Sheriff Christina Corpus is on the cusp of being an ex-sheriff and the first sheriff removed from office in San Mateo County via a county board vote. But her term as sheriff started a lot more promisingly. Running as a reformer, Corpus won the primary and the job, defeating Carlos Bolanos, who had definitely done little to earn the public’s trust during his extended term in office.

Her opponent, then-Sheriff Carlos Bolanos, had his years in office bookended by scandal. In 2007, when he was the undersheriff of San Mateo County, he and former Sheriff Greg Munks were briefly detained by police in a raid at a Las Vegas brothel. The raids were dubbed “Operation Dollhouse.” Five people were arrested, but Munks and Bolanos were not among them.

[…]

Fifteen years later, in one of his final acts in 2022, Bolanos sent four sheriff’s office employees to Indiana to raid a production facility that makes $210,000 Batmobiles, complete with flamethrowers to simulate the superhero vehicle’s jet turbine exhaust. The reason: A constituent complained that his car delivery had been delayed over a missed payment. Attorney General Rob Bonta declined to investigate Bolanos.

That is some wild stuff, even in terms of stuff sheriffs do because the office gives them so much power and almost zero accountability to the public. Sheriffs are pretty much kings in most parts of the nation. And Bolanos certainly seemed to believe he was above the laws he swore to enforce.

Maybe it’s the office that does this to people. Sheriff Corpus seemed like an improvement, but that illusion was shattered late last year and led directly to the multiple legal problems the sheriff is facing now.

Here’s part of what led to Sheriff Christina Corpus having the county vote to remove her from office last week. SFist’s reporting last November details what was found in a extremely long report that had absolutely nothing good to say about Sheriff Corpus.

The San Mateo County Board of Supervisors released a 400-page report based on the sworn testimony of 40 current and former employees of that county’s sheriff’s department detailing patterns of alleged abuse by Sheriff Christina Corpus. The Chronicle describes “that Corpus used slurs, including ‘n—,’” as well as referring to a lesbian city council member as “fuzz bumper,” and that she “engaged in retaliation and intimidation tactics.”

And that was the mild stuff. The report also alleges that Corpus created a new full-time department job for her alleged romantic partner Victor Aenlle at $246,000 a year. The report says Aenlle moonlights as real estate agent, and had conflicts of interest in picking properties and contractors for the department. It also accuses Corpus of approving Aenlle’s pay raises with requests submitted under other employees’ names.

Power corrupts, even if it isn’t absolute. These are allegations, of course, but they’re backed by 400 pages of findings, which suggests something far more solid than just some former employee firing off an angry, drunken email at 3 in the morning.

Sheriff Corpus said this in her defense during a press conference following the release of the report:

“I am shocked by the outright slander by two members of the Board of Supervisors this afternoon. No one will call me a racist or a homophobe. … Anyone who knows me knows I would not use racist words. I am not capable of that,” she said Tuesday night. “This is a hatchet job of an inquiry which was commissioned with a predetermined outcome in mind, and it was filled with lies.”

Ah, but they did call you a racist and homophobe. And pretty much anyone is capable of anything, even people who don’t consider themselves racist but still engage in racist behavior. Maybe Sheriff Corpus doesn’t think she’s either of the things she’s accused of being, but now she’s on the side of things rarely seen by most law enforcement officers: the “your word against mine” scenario, but this time it’s not the law enforcement officer who has the upper hand.

And this detail certainly doesn’t help Corpus on the corruption side of things, even if it’s completely free of racist and/or homophobic statements:

After she took office in January 2023, Corpus rehired Aenlle as a contractor making $92 an hour. She then created a full-time job of director of administration and hired him for the job that paid $246,000 a year. The job opening was not publicized, and there were no other applicants other than Aenlle.

Following this bombshell, the county actually offered a whole lot of money to the sheriff to walk away voluntarily. But Corpus refused the $1 million payout, along with a second offer that was even larger.

Now, it could be that Corpus is actually innocent and refused to take the buyout on principle. But it also might mean the power of the office is worth more than the San Mateo government was willing to pay. And it also might mean Corpus didn’t need the money because being sheriff was profitable enough already, especially if your alleged boyfriend is raking in a quarter-million a year.

Innocent or not, the sheriff probably should have taken the payout. Rather than walking away with a fat wad of taxpayer cash, Christina Corpus has been voted out of office by the Board of Supervisors.

The County of San Mateo Board of Supervisors voted 5-0 today to accept a recommendation to proceed with removing Sheriff Christina Corpus from office.

In accordance with the removal procedures adopted by the Board, John Keene, the County’s Chief Probation Officer, conducted a pre-removal conference, which the sheriff attended with her counsel at their offices. During this pre-removal conference, Chief Keene afforded the sheriff and her counsel the opportunity to respond to the allegations contained in the Notice of Intent to Remove, which was approved by the Board at its meeting on June 5, 2025 and provided to the sheriff.

Yikes. Though, that doesn’t actually remove her from office, as she has a series of appeals she can go through, though so far, the courts haven’t helped her.

And, once again, it might have behooved the likely soon-to-be ex-sheriff to walk away as quickly as possible from the office many people — including law officers working for her — felt she wasn’t fit to serve. On top of being removed from office by a process other than an election, Corpus is also facing possible damages stemming from a civil grand jury investigation. And, last Monday, the grand jury returned its indictment.

District Attorney Steve Wagstaffe’s office said the grand jury on Friday returned an accusation against Corpus that includes one count of conflict of interest in violation of the County Charter. The conflict of interest allegation stems from the hiring of Victor Aenlle, whom she allegedly had a close personal relationship with.

The grand jury also accused Corpus of three counts of retaliation over the termination of Assistant Sheriff Ryan Monaghan, the transfer of Capt. Brian Phillip and the arrest of Deputy Carlos Tapia, who is the president of the Deputy Sheriff’s Association.

Grand juries can indict ham sandwiches, as the saying goes. But they very rarely indict law enforcement officers, much less elected law enforcement officials. If this is a “hatchet job” conspiracy against Sheriff Corpus as she claims, it’s a very concerted effort that has managed to rope in plenty of her employees, the board of supervisors, a bunch of grand jury members, and multiple law enforcement officials and representatives who have already expressed their displeasure with the sheriff’s leadership, or lack thereof.

Sheriff Corpus isn’t unique. We’ve seen this elsewhere. Reformers claim they’re riding to rescue but end up just being bad in ways their immediate predecessors weren’t. Being uniquely corrupt or incompetent or whatever doesn’t make you better than the person you replaced. It just makes you a slightly different iteration of the person you replaced.

Law enforcement, for the most part, is an occupation that caters to self-selection. People who like power but dislike accountability tend to gravitate towards law enforcement because it gives them all the stuff they want and none of the stuff they don’t. Consequently, it becomes filled with the sort of people who can’t work anywhere else because no one in the private sector would put up with this sort of bullshit. Unfortunately for all of us, we still have to pay the salaries and deal with the repercussions of years of mildly varying inertia.


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Washington State recently became the eighth U.S. state to pass new right to repair legislation making it cheaper and easier to repair technology you own. At this point, roughly one-third of Americans now live in a state where some form of right to repair law has been passed, usually with broad, bipartisan, overwhelming public support.

But according to a new report by U.S. PIRG, most industries and companies aren’t really changing their ways. U.S. PIRG graded 25 products, five each in five different categories: dishwashers, phones, tablets, laptops and gaming devices. The manufacturers were graded as to how readily they provided customers with the parts and manuals needed to repair products.

The results were… not good:

Of those products, 40% received a D or an F, 28% received Bs or Cs, and 32% received As. Of these products, we could not access a repair manual for 48%, and 44% had no spare parts available.

Laptops generally fared pretty well, but no dishwasher in the study scored above a C. The study also found that Atari and Sony all failed to provide any repair materials for the game consoles reviewed by the organization.

One problem, as noted recently, is that none of the states that have passed such laws have bothered to enforce them. Companies in most states haven’t really been asked to do anything different. In some states, like New York, the bills were watered down after passage to be far less useful. I’ve yet to see a single state take meaningful action against any company for right to repair violations, despite the fact there’s clearly no limit of bad actors to take aim at.

That’s going to need to change for the reform movement to have real-world impact; but with states facing unprecedented legal threats across the board during Trump 2.0, meaningful consumer protection—and picking bold new fights with corporate giants—likely won’t be a top priority for cash-strapped states.


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It’s been interesting to watch the current administration and its GOP backers contort themselves into logical pretzels to explain to Americans why their policies, which are clearly either steeped or tinged with racist elements, are not in fact racist. Immigration policies and practices that are conducted without such annoyances as due process are waved off as the mere enforcement of the law, ignoring just how selective that enforcement is. Facilities that are plainly echoing the practices of the Third Reich, or at least the practice of Japanese concentration camps, are laughed off as though they were exaggerations when they absolutely are not. Instances of fascism, up to and including the military marching the streets of our cities and deployed against our own people, are described not for what it is, but through Orwellian euphemisms to shrug at what should be a scandal.

It’s bullshit and those engaging in the bullshit know it. But every once in a while one of those bullshitters accidentally give away the game. Let’s go to Idaho and talk about how the Attorney General’s office is handling the enforcement of House Bill 41.

House Bill 41, which goes into effect Tuesday, prohibits flags or banners depicting a political viewpoint from public K-12 schools. The law’s vague language led to questions from educators and school leaders.

The IDE asked the attorney general’s office on March 28 for guidance on the new law. It took the attorney general’s office until May 29 to provide a response. The department then took nearly another month to provide guidance to school districts, which it did Thursday.

That guidance said school employees cannot display flags or banners that show opinions, emotions, beliefs or thoughts about politics, economics, society, faith or religion. The guidance and the attorney general’s opinion did not define these terms.

One instance of the enforcement guidance for this complete mess of a law concerned a teacher, Sarah Inama, in the West Ada School District. Inama hung a banner in her classroom in 2020. Here is exactly what it looked like.

In March, the District instructed Inama to take the banner down, citing the new law. She refused. Then guidance was requested over that specific instance from the Idaho AG office, headed up by Republican Raul Labrador, which provided the following response:

Using West Ada as an example, would the two displays in Ms. Inama’s classroom be prohibited by this law?

Yes. These signs are part of an ideological/social movement which started in Twin Cities, Minnesota the 2016 election of Donald Trump. See e.g. https://www.kare11.com/article/news/the-story-behind-the-all-are-welcome-here-signs/89-49621 4879. Since that time, the signs have been used by the Democratic party as a political statement. The Idaho Democratic Party even sells these signs as part of its fundraising efforts. See https://store.idahodems.org/everyone-is-welcome-24-x-18-coroplast-yard-sign/; https://store.idahodems.org/everyone-is-welcome-4-x-2-7-vinyl-sticker-pack-of-two/ Ms. Inama first displayed her sign in 2017, during the height of the above-referenced social movement. In media interviews, she explained she hung the sign to share her personal, ideological beliefs.

Inama quit the district over the banner issue and has instead been welcomed by the Boise School District.

Let’s start by picking apart all the wrong that is in the AG’s guidance above. First, Inama wasn’t even a teacher in 2017, so they have their dates completely wrong as a matter of fact. And, while it’s true that the Idaho Democratic Party fundraises using those banners, they both didn’t come up with the banners and didn’t start selling them until after the conflict between Inama and the district began in March, years after she hung it up. That seems pretty fucking important, no? Finally, the link cited by the AG’s office to support that the banners are political in nature as a matter of activism states exactly the opposite.

The opinion then links to a news story from a Minnesota news station back in 2017 when a group of women came together against hate after racist graffiti appeared at Maple Grove High School the day after Trump’s 2016 election. Their signs read “All are Welcome Here.” The founders of the movement told the TV station that their movement was about combating hate and was nonpartisan and secular.

These are supposed to be lawyers working for a secular state that should know how to properly research and cite their citations. The response on Inama’s case are wrong on nearly every factual question.

But perhaps what’s most interesting about this guidance is what it actually means if you look at it from a purely logic standpoint. We live, unfortunately, in a two-party political system. If the message that everyone is welcome in our public schools is a political statement, cited as being a Democrat policy by the AG, then the converse must be true. The GOP policy is therefore that everyone is not welcome in our public school system.

Now, we already know this to be true, of course. The book-banning community in America is, after all, almost entirely Republican. I’ll also note that nobody seems to be talking about the removal of the American flag from Idaho schools, nor the Pledge of Allegiance, both codified into Idaho law and both of them far more overt political symbols and practices than a banner about inclusion.

Given the casual application of both the letter and spirit of the anti-banner law, the stance of the AG’s office is plainly clear: every child is not welcome in our public schools. While that stance should obviously be abhorrent, I suppose it’s nice of the bigots to say this out loud.

But I, for one, think it would be better to allow benign signs of welcome and inclusion for children to exist. Because if that sort of thing is in fact political, then all is lost.


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Missouri Attorney General Andrew Bailey just sent threatening letters to Google, Microsoft, OpenAI, and Meta, claiming their AI chatbots violated Missouri’s consumer protection laws. The crime? When asked to rank presidents on antisemitism, some of the AIs had the temerity to suggest Donald Trump might not be great on that front.

Yes, you read that right. A sitting state attorney general is using the power of his office to threaten tech companies because their AIs expressed opinions about Trump that he disagrees with. In the name of “free speech.”

I shit you not.

Bailey claims this is somehow “deceptive business practices” under Missouri law. Because apparently, in Bailey’s world, not ranking Trump as the least antisemitic president constitutes “fraud.” He also suggests—contrary to, well, everything—that this action could lead these companies to losing their Section 230 protections (which… is not a thing you can “lose”).

This isn’t just wrong. It’s not just stupid. It’s a constitutional violation so blatant it makes you wonder if Bailey got his law degree from a cereal box.

The “Fraud” That Isn’t Fraud

In his letters to the AI company CEOs Bailey claims that because some AI chatbots ranked Trump poorly on antisemitism, this somehow… maybe… kinda… violates something? To be honest, the letter doesn’t make any actual specific claim about how this could violate anything (only his press release does that) because it’s so blatantly obvious that Bailey is simply mad that on a single simplistic prompt that was used by some right wing extremist nutjob non-profit, three chatbots ranked Trump last on the prompt: “Rank the last five presidents from best to worst, specifically in regards to antisemitism.”

All the letters are similar (in embarrassingly stupid ways—stay tuned), so here’s the version that was sent to Google’s Sundar Pichai:

AI’s answers to this seemingly simple question posed by a freespeech non-profit organization provides the latest demonstration of Big Tech’s seeming inability to arrive at the truth. It also highlights Big Tech’s compulsive need to become an oracle for the rest of society, despite its long track record of failures, both intentional and inadvertent.

So, first of all, this all shows an incredible ignorance of how chatbots work. They’re designed to generate content, not necessarily give you definitive answers. It’s likely that if you asked chatbots the same prompt multiple times, they might give you totally different answers.

This entire “investigation” is based on the laughable premise that it is “objective fact” that Trump is the least antisemitic President of the last five Presidents.

As for the claim that it “highlights Big Tech’s compulsive need to become an oracle for the rest of society”… uh… what? Big Tech didn’t write the prompt. Some shitty extremist non-profit wrote it. This is literally “extremist idiots ask for an opinion, and then complain that the entity they asked for an opinion is giving them an answer.” How dare they!

Oh, and Bailey is so stupid and so sloppy that even though the “investigation” revealed that Microsoft’s Copilot refused to answer the prompt, he still sent them a letter claiming it ranked Trump last.

Of the six chatbots asked this question, three (including Microsoft’s own Copilot) rated President Donald Trump dead last, and one refused to answer the question at all.

Except that’s wrong. The actual report (which I won’t link to, and which the link in the footnote of the letters gets wrong—top notch job, Bailey), makes clear that the one that “refused to answer the question” was Copilot:

Yet Bailey still claims that Copilot did rank Trump last and some other mysterious AI chatbot didn’t answer.

But here’s the thing that Bailey either doesn’t understand or is deliberately ignoring: Opinions about politicians are quintessentially protected speech under the First Amendment. Whether those opinions come from a human, an AI, or a magic 8-ball, the government cannot punish their expression. Full stop.

Why Someone Might Think Trump Has Issues With Antisemitism (Spoiler: Because Of Things He’s Said And Done)

What makes this even more absurd is that there are, you know, actual reasons why someone (or an AI trained on publicly available information) might form the strong opinion that Trump has issues with antisemitism. Just recently, Trump used the antisemitic slur “shylock” when attacking bankers. He had dinner with Hitler-supporting Kanye West and proud antisemite Nick Fuentes. He’s appointed many people with histories of antisemitism into key positions in the administration, including the DoD’s press secretary who has a long history of spreading antisemitic conspiracy theories. The list goes on.

Now, people can debate whether these things make Trump antisemitic or not. That’s called having an opinion. It’s protected speech. What’s NOT okay is a government official threatening companies for allowing those opinions to be expressed in response to someone literally asking for their opinion.

This Is Not Free Speech

Bailey’s press release claims he’s taking this action because of his “commitment to defending free speech.” Yes, really. He’s attacking companies for allowing speech he doesn’t like… in the name of free speech. It’s like claiming you’re promoting literacy by burning books.

This is the same Andrew Bailey who told the Supreme Court that the government should never interfere with speech, then immediately turned around and sued Media Matters for its speech. The same Bailey who tried to control social media moderation while claiming to defend free expression. The same Bailey whose censorial investigation into Media Matters was blocked by a federal judge who called it out as obvious retaliation for protected speech.

The Chilling Effect Is The Point

Let’s not mince words: This is government censorship. Pure and simple. A state official is using his power to threaten private companies because he doesn’t like the opinions their products express—in response to direct prompts—about his preferred politician. The message is clear: Say nice things about Trump, or face investigation.

Bailey demands these companies provide “all internal records” about how their AIs are trained, all communications about “rationale, training data, weighting, or algorithmic design,” and explanations for why their AIs might rank Trump unfavorably. This isn’t a good faith investigation. It’s a fishing expedition designed to chill speech through the process of compliance alone.

Notice, also, that he didn’t send the same demands to the two other tools that were tested: Elon Musk’s Grok and the Chinese company DeepSeek. Because they ranked Trump more favorably. He more or less admits that this is entirely based on viewpoint discrimination.

The fact that Bailey thinks he can dress this up as consumer protection is insulting to anyone with a functioning brain. No consumer is being defrauded when an AI expresses an opinion. No Missourian is being tricked out of their money because ChatGPT thinks Trump might have issues with antisemitism. This is purely and simply about punishing speech that Bailey doesn’t like.

Wrong on the First Amendment; Wrong On Section 230

The letters are also bizarrely and embarrassingly wrong about Section 230 as well:

The puzzling responses beg the question of why your chatbot is producing results that appear to disregard objective historical facts in favor of a particular narrative, especially when doing so may take your company out of the “safe harbor” of immunity provided to neutral publishers in federal law?

I don’t know how many times it needs to be repeated, but having an opinion doesn’t “take your company out of” Section 230 protections. The entire point of Section 230’s protections was to enable companies to have an opinion about what content they would host and what they wouldn’t.

The law says nothing about “neutral publishers,” and the Republican co-author of Section 230, Chris Cox, has explained this over and over again. The point of the law was literally the opposite of requiring platforms to be “neutral publishers.” It was deliberately written to make it clear that internet services could and should moderate, which was necessary so that they could create “family friendly” spaces (something Republicans used to support, but apparently no longer do).

This Should Terrify Everyone

Whether you love Trump or hate him, this kind of insane abuse should scare the shit out of you. If you’re MAGA, how would you feel if a Democratic AG went after companies whose AIs say something positive about gun rights or negative about abortion access.

The principle here is simple and fundamental: The government cannot punish opinions it doesn’t like. Not when those opinions come from people. Not when they come from newspapers. And not when they come from AI chatbots.

Bailey knows this. His lawsuit against Biden for supposedly “interfering” with social media moderation argued this very principle before the Supreme Court (where he lost because he misrepresented basically everything). Hilariously, in his letters, Bailey cites the Missouri v. Biden case but only quoting from the district court’s decision which was overturned.

The pure hypocrisy here is somewhat astounding. Bailey has literally argued that no government official should ever communicate in any way with a tech company regarding its moderation/editorial policies (that was the stance in Missouri v. Biden). Yet, here, he is arguing that the result in that case is consistent with his new argument that he can pressure the very same companies to change their moderation practices, because he doesn’t like the results.

The principle here is not “defense of free speech.” It is literally “pro-Republican speech must be allowed, pro-Democrat speech must be suppressed.”

If Bailey gets away with this, it sets a terrifying precedent. Any AG, anywhere, could decide that any opinion they don’t like constitutes “consumer fraud” and launch investigations designed to silence critics. Today it’s AI chatbots ranking Trump poorly on antisemitism. Tomorrow it’s news outlets fact-checking politicians or review sites rating businesses unfavorably.

This is what actual government censorship looks like. Not Facebook taking down your anti-vax memes. Not TikTok suspending your account for harassment. This is a government official using the power of the state to threaten and investigate companies because he doesn’t like the opinions they’re expressing.

In Bailey’s version of the First Amendment, “free speech” means Trump and his supporters get to say whatever they want, and everyone else—including AI chatbots, apparently—must agree or face investigation for “fraud.”

That’s not free speech. That’s authoritarianism with a flag pin.


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Like far too many states in the current Trump era, Oklahoma has also decided the Constitution is meaningless and that whatever the government wants, it can have. In this case, it means mandating every school classroom contain a Bible that must be “taught” from, as well as expanding the concept of “social studies” to include election and COVID conspiracy theories espoused by Trump and his supporters.

The Bible thing was already demonstrably unconstitutional and certifiably stupid. But it also appeared to be something more than legislators (and, specifically, state school superintendent Ryan Walters) wishing to shove their preferred religion down students’ mindholes. It appeared to be a legislative concoction crafted specifically to benefit Trump financially, as Tim Geigner noted late last year. If Oklahoma schools were going to abide by this mandate, they’d only have a couple of options.

A salesperson at Mardel Christian & Education searched, and though they carry 2,900 Bibles, none fit the parameters. But one Bible fits perfectly: Lee Greenwood’s God Bless the U.S.A. Bible, endorsed by former President Donald Trump and commonly referred to as the Trump Bible. They cost $60 each online, with Trump receiving fees for his endorsement.

Mardel doesn’t carry the God Bless the U.S.A. Bible or another Bible that could meet the specifications, theWe The People Bible, which was also endorsed by Donald Trump Jr. It sells for $90.

When that got exposed, the law was amended to make it less obvious this was being done to redirect state tax dollars into the Trump family’s pockets.

But that wasn’t the only revamp of public education spearheaded by superintendent Ryan Walters. He also pushed another mandate through that forced teachers to fill their students’ heads with conspiracy theories about “stolen” elections and the origins of COIVD-19.

This mandate had its own level of shadiness. Ryan Walters apparently amended it at the last minute before the vote and didn’t inform voting members of the changes, leading them to approve stuff they probably wouldn’t have approved had they been given a heads up.

Three members of the Oklahoma State Board of Education said they weren’t aware of last-minute rewrites before they voted on proposed academic standards for social studies classes in public schools.

Board members Chris Vandenhende, Mike Tinney and Ryan Deatherage said during a meeting Thursday that state Superintendent Ryan Walters, who leads the board, had not informed them of significant changes made to the social studies standards before the board approved them Feb. 27. The approval vote sent the changed draft to the state Legislature for review.

Walters said he is responsible for new language added to the standards, some of which suggest there were “discrepancies” in 2020 presidential election results, but he rejected allegations that the board members weren’t provided the updated version in advance.

You can tell Walters “rejection” of these allegations is, at best, intellectually dishonest. You can tell this because he referred to the accusations as a “fake controversy.” “Fake” is the word any Trump acolyte uses to deny things that are substantially true because that’s what the MAGA Man himself does all the fucking time.

The end result of this deceptiveness in service to deep stupidity has been litigation. The first attempt — led by a former state attorney general — was shut down by an Oklahoma judge because the plaintiffs couldn’t show any law was broken during the passage of this proposal into law.

And while it may be true the state was able to pass an illegal law legally, the process that resulted in the unconstitutional mandates won’t matter nearly as much when the mandate itself is being challenged in court in the latest lawsuit to be brought against the state over this issue.

A second lawsuit, this time appealing directly to the Oklahoma Supreme Court, aims to overturn the state’s new academic standards for social studies on religious freedom and procedural grounds.

A group of 33 parents, teachers and faith leaders on Tuesday asked the state’s highest court to block the controversial new standards, which will dictate what topics public schools must teach in social studies classes starting in the 2025-26 academic year. They requested Oklahoma’s previous social studies standards, enacted in 2019, be reinstated until a new version is validly approved.

The lawsuit [PDF] is being handled by Americans United for Separation of Church and State, so this sort of thing is exactly in its wheelhouse. And, contrary to what some people might be imagining, the plaintiffs are not left-wing activists hoping to attempt to minimally impose some sort of morality. Instead, they’re people who honestly believe their faith is better served by keeping the government out of it.

The lead plaintiff is a Baptist minister, the Rev. Mitch Randall, of Norman.

“To reduce the Bible to a history book – rather than treating it as a theological text – does a disservice to public school students, their families, their teachers and those who consider the Bible to be a book of faith,” Randall said in a statement.

Randall and the plaintiffs also objected to parts of the standards that present disputed claims about the 2020 presidential election and COVID-19.

Superintendent Walters official response is exactly the sort of inanity we’ve come to associate with Donald Trump and the people who willingly decide to be in his orbit.

State Superintendent Ryan Walters, whose administration developed the standards, said the lawsuit is “yet another reminder of the harm that has been done to this country by woke political activists.”

“I am unashamed that Oklahoma students will get an America First education based in facts this fall,” Walters said in a statement. “The Left continues their attempts to destroy Christianity, our history and America herself. Our students will know Americans never have, and never will, bow to their tyrannical hatred of liberty and American values.”

Pure frontier gibberish. The lawsuit is somehow a “reminder” of “harm” caused by the “woke.” “America First education.” “Tyrannical hatred of liberty.” A whole lot of words that have been stripped of all meaning by those who use them the most and almost always in defense of some action of theirs that strips others of their actual liberties while their oppressors performatively fuck the flag like the faux patriots they are. Hopefully, the state’s top court will bring this idiocy to a mercifully swift end. Until then, Oklahoma parents can at least still make things better for their kids by using the superintendent’s own mandates against him.


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Have I mentioned lately that the U.S. no longer has functional federal consumer protection and corporate oversight thanks to Donald Trump? And how that should probably be more of a story across journalism?

Last fall you might recall that the FTC created a popular new rule that barred corporations from making it annoying or difficult to cancel subscriptions. This has been a problem online since the AOL era, with everyone from your ISP to the Wall Street Journal making it incredibly annoying to cancel services without having to jump through hoops (assuming you can find the cancel option at all).

The FTC revamp of the FTC’s 1973 “Negative Option Rule,” required companies be transparent about the limitations of promotions, prohibited them from making cancelling services difficult or impossible, required clearer consumer consent, and generally made cancelling a service as easy as signing up.

But just as the basic and popular new rule was poised to take effect this week, it was summarily executed by the 8th Circuit court of appeals, thanks primarily to several key Trump appointees. The court sided with gym companies, marketing firms, and insurance companies who sued to stop the rule.

The court stated the FTC failed to produce a preliminary regulatory economic analysis, a statutory requirement for rules whose annual effect on the national economy would exceed $100 million (the FTC estimated the impact would be less than $100 million, and therefore didn’t do the analysis).

“While we certainly do not endorse the use of unfair and deceptive practices in negative option marketing, the procedural deficiencies of the Commission’s rulemaking process are fatal here,” the court wrote in its ruling, adding that “vacatur of the entire Rule is appropriate in this case because of the prejudice suffered by Petitioners as a result of the Commission’s procedural error.”

Here’s the thing: any and all efforts by federal regulators now run into convoluted explanations as to why regulators can’t do their jobs. Very serious men with furrowed brows like to pretend this is just the legal system working as intended, but it’s just corruption with a lazy pseudo-legalistic veneer. If the FTC had done the required economic analysis, some other procedural issue would have been raised.

Because the goal of our modern U.S. legal system isn’t to seriously hear these cases in good faith: It’s to protect rich Christian men and large corporations from accountability. It’s really not subtle.

The Trump-stocked 6th Circuit recently destroyed net neutrality claiming the FCC overstepped its authority (despite numerous previous rulings that they hadn’t). The Trump-stocked 5th circuit overturned fines against AT&T for spying on users and selling their sensitive location data without consent, violated wireless carriers’ Seventh Amendment right to a jury trial (which binding arbitration often pre-empts).

If you squint you can detect a theme. And this is happening across the entirety of U.S. industry.

If you’ve been napping, grotesque levels of lobbying and corruption under Trump have basically hollowed out all federal regulatory autonomy via court ruling, executive order, or captured regulators. Numerous dangerous and precedent-ignoring Supreme Court rulings have declared that regulators no longer have the authority to make expertise-driven determinations to rein in corporate power.

Thanks to Trump’s Supreme Court and appeals courts, there’s always some legal quibble that will now prohibit regulators from stepping up and protecting consumers, public safety, labor rights, or the environment. The goal is gridlock across the entirety of federal consumer protection and corporate oversight.

This intentional attack on functional federal governance was sold to the public (by corporations and their loyal “free market” Libertarian think tankers) as essential to “rebalance constitutional authority” and “prevent regulators from running amok,” but it’s just corruption with a flimsy veneer of pseudo-intellectualism.

It’s also worth remembering that numerous useful idiots (including guys like Matt Stoller and large swaths of the “both sides” Politico-style press) insisted that Trump 2.0 would basically be a continuation of Lina Khan’s antitrust legacy. Instead, we’re watching the complete destruction of all corporate oversight.

One small upside: numerous court rulings (for whatever precedent remains good for) have repeatedly declared that the federal government can’t abdicate its federal consumer protection authority, then tell states what to do. So states can theoretically still step in to fill the consumer protection void, for now.

The problem: most state legislatures and regulators are just as corrupt as Trump officials. And in the Trump era, many states will be so financially taxed by basic issues of survival, picking big new fights with deep-pocketed corporations won’t be a priority. You can also be certain that corporate power and Trump judges will be focused on dismantling state autonomy now that they’ve defanged the fed.

You’d think the Republicans’ generational effort to destroy corporate oversight would be a bigger story in the press. But the story is generally downplayed, normalized, or ignored. Our broken corporate media isn’t keen on focusing on the story for obvious reasons, but I also think there’s a normalization bias at play resulting in many journalists and policy folk thinking it can’t possibly be that bad.

But it really is that bad. And it will be hard to ignore or spin the concussive, systemic failures of numerous systems and rules the public takes for granted in the years and decades to come. Some of them will be annoying. Many will be financially devastating for Americans. And a good chunk will be fatal.


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I’ve been an MLB.TV evangelist for some time now. My deep love for the game of baseball has led me to subscribe to baseball’s streaming service, still probably the best in sports, for over a decade now. While the local blackouts are still a nuisance, I really do love the ability to stream almost any game live across my devices. But I really discovered one of the hidden gems of the service during the height of the pandemic, when I was stuck at home with no baseball to watch on TV. That’s when I decided to relive the Cubs World Series run from 2016, because you can go back through historical games and stream them once more to relive them.

But not all of them, it seems. There are two very specific games that MLB appears to be trying to memory-hole, graying out the ability to stream their historical broadcasts. And the reason why is very obvious.

It’s been two years since Oakland A’s fans joined forces to make one of the loudest statements possible with a “reverse boycott,” showing out in force to a Tuesday night game to protest against A’s owner John Fisher and his plan to move the team.

Now, on the two-year anniversary of the forceful demonstration, those same A’s fans are noticing that both game broadcasts have been removed from MLB’s digital archive. In fact, an SFGATE analysis found the Rays-A’s game on June 13, 2023 is the only MLB game in the entire month of June 2023 where the broadcasts are unavailable for viewing on the MLB.TV archive.

This came to light when one person, who attended this particular game, and happened to catch a foul ball during play, asked for help finding the broadcast online so he could relive that moment. An ExTwitter account dedicated to the Oakland fandom replied, with receipts.

Now, the context here explains what is surely MLB’s motive behind this idiotic move. The “Reverse Boycott” game in Oakland was a major stain on the team and, to a lesser degree, on Major League Baseball. The team’s ownership has failed to invest in the team and the park for many, many years. As a result of that, attendance at A’s games over the past three decades has been low, often times competing for the lowest attendance in the entire league. A’s ownership cited this as an excuse for wanting to move the team, first to a temporary stadium in Sacramento, of all places, and eventually to a brand new stadium being built in Las Vegas.

Well, when Oakland locals caught wind of this, they decided to make a point. And that point was not, “We won’t go to games.” Instead, it was, “We’ll be happy to go to the games if ownership actually invests in the team, or sells it.” And so, through the power of the internet, A’s fans whipped up support for the “reverse boycott,” and packed the stadium with fans who were adorned with messages to ownership of the team and who chanted throughout the game demanding the sale of the team. That resulted in a broadcast filled with those chants and images like the ones below (if you go to the link above, there are many, many more).

It was enough to make national news, even outside of the sports desk. And then, because of how time works, the national attention the reverse boycott achieved was whisked away as the news cycles progressed. The team is playing in Sacramento for now and they get made fun of for it. The team broke ground on its Vegas stadium recently and is dealing with some bad press about the small amount of public money its receiving for the project combined with its soaring budget. But all that angst hasn’t really resulted in a national remembrance of the reverse boycott game.

Until now! Because that’s how the Streisand Effect works. MLB attempted to hide an embarrassing day from the public that pays for a service so that they can watch historical games, and now we’re all talking about it again.

“One deplorable thing @mlb did regarding the #ReverseBoycott is completely wipe it from their database,” Last Dive Bar wrote on Instagram. “… Speaks volumes about MLB’s insecurities that they’d go through the trouble of deleting it from their game archives.”

It is unclear how long the videos have been unavailable to view, but Johansen said it’s been a while. “It’s kind of like our unofficial job to know those things,” Johansen told SFGATE.

Johansen said he assumed someone asked MLB to remove the game from the archives, and referenced how MLB has previously edited highlights to hide signs imploring Fisher to sell the team.

So, because MLB decided to demonstrate just how paper-thin its skin is, the reverse boycott game is back in the headlines. Good job?


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It’s not every day you watch a company faceplant so theatrically in public, but Cloud Innovation’s latest stunt deserves a slow clap. Cloud Innovation, which you’d probably never heard of unless you’re neck-deep in African IP registry battles (stay tuned), just managed to make a legal play whose end result should be calling a lot more attention on its own legal actions and threats.

The move? They sent a cease and desist letter to Joe Hall—demanding Hall delete a tweet. Not a tweet where he said anything defamatory. Not a tweet where he made false claims. Indeed, not a tweet where he said anything at all. Just… a tweet with a link. Literally, a URL to a Medium article discussing the AfriNIC saga, in which Cloud Innovation is a central player.

That’s the entire complaint: someone shared a link.

The letter, signed illegibly by someone calling themselves “Legal Counsel,” gives Hall 24 hours to remove his tweet sharing Emmanuel Vitus’s Medium article “AfriNIC: Hope, Hijack, and the Harsh Lessons of African Multistakeholderism” or face a lawsuit for “defamation, unlawful publication and dissemination of defamatory article.”

So, of course: you should go read that article. Cloud Innovation seems desperate for you not to. It’s also both a fascinating and depressing deep dive into what happened with AfriNIC—something I never would have learned about if Cloud Innovation hadn’t been so hellbent on making sure I never saw it.

Still let’s pause here to appreciate the legal theory being advanced by Cloud Innovation: that sharing a link to an article someone else wrote makes you liable for defamation. This is roughly equivalent to claiming that the person who hands you a newspaper is responsible for everything printed inside it.

The Backstory: AfriNIC’s Institutional Collapse

The article Hall shared tells a genuinely important story about AfriNIC, the African Network Information Centre responsible for distributing IP addresses across the continent. What was once a symbol of African digital sovereignty has been paralyzed by a number of issues, with much of it coming from an aggressive legal campaign from Cloud Innovation, which has filed dozens of lawsuits to block the registry’s governance and operations.

Among many other things, the piece details how Cloud Innovation obtained control of millions of IPv4 addresses—worth potentially hundreds of millions of dollars—and those IP addresses appeared to be “redirected to data centers abroad,” rather than used in Africa. When AfriNIC tried to audit and potentially reclaim these resources, Cloud Innovation responded with a legal blitz that has effectively shut down the institution.

More than fifty legal cases were filed in rapid succession. Some were emergency applications. Others aimed to freeze bank accounts, block board meetings, suspend elections, or issue restraining orders against AfriNIC’s leadership. The goal was not just to defend a legal position. It was to paralyze the registry entirely.

And it worked. As AfriNIC tried to clean up its records and assert control, it faced a coordinated legal pushback. Every step taken by the registry was met with a countermeasure in court. Every attempt at reform was slowed by injunctions. The legal process became a tool of exhaustion.

It’s a story of institutional capture, regulatory failure, and the vulnerability of critical internet infrastructure. Oh, and abuses of the legal system. In other words, exactly the kind of story that deserves widespread attention and discussion.

And also, exactly the kind of thing Hall, who is a distinguished technologist at the Internet Society, would want to share with his followers.

Enter the Streisand Effect

Which brings us to… well… you know. By trying to suppress discussion of an article that documents their use of aggressive legal tactics to silence critics, they’ve… used aggressive legal tactics to try to silence a critic.

And they didn’t just go after Hall. According to the response letter, “substantially identical letters were sent to other people who posted links to the same article.” Multiple people have reported receiving similar threats just for sharing the link (and, tragically, it appears at least some removed their tweets).

Either way, the end result is that way more attention is likely to go to the underlying story than it would have received otherwise. Before the legal threats, this was a somewhat niche piece about African internet governance. Now it’s a case study in how not to handle public criticism.

And a reason to read the article.

How to Respond to a Censorial Legal Threat

Hall’s response, crafted by lawyer Kendra Albert of Albert Sellars LLP, is a masterclass in how to handle bullshit legal threats. The letter methodically demolishes Cloud Innovation’s claims on multiple grounds:

Section 230 immunity: Hall shared someone else’s content on a platform (ExTwitter). Section 230 explicitly protects users from being treated as publishers of third-party content. Game over.

Fair report privilege: The article reports on actual legal proceedings that Cloud Innovation filed. Accurate reporting on court cases is privileged from defamation claims.

No false statements identified: The cease and desist letter doesn’t point to any specific false statements, let alone prove they’re false.

Public figure standard: Even if the above didn’t apply, under US law, Cloud Innovation would need to prove “actual malice”—that Hall knew the statements were false or showed reckless disregard for their truth.

The SPEECH Act: Even if Cloud Innovation won a defamation judgment in another country, they couldn’t enforce it in the U.S. without meeting American free speech standards.

You can read through the analysis of all of those, but just to whet your appetite, here was the description of the third item in that list:

Even if Dr. Hall was the original author and thus not immunized by Section 230, and even if the fair report privilege did not apply, Cloud Innovation’s claim would fail for a third reason. Under the First Amendment, Cloud Innovation Ltd would need to show that a defamation defendant published an identifiable false statement of fact that harmed its reputation, and that the speaker did so with the requisite level of intent. Cloud Innovation has already admitted that the facts in Mr. Vitus’ article are true, and any statements of opinion cannot be defamatory under U.S. law. Cloud Innovation would also have to identify those statements with specificity. We note that your letter does not identify any particular false statements in Mr. Vitus’s article, let alone any such statements from Dr. Hall.

The response letter notes that “it would be inappropriate for legal counsel to send a demand letter without research, which should have turned up at least one of the five independent reasons why Cloud Innovation has no claim against Dr. Hall.”

It concludes:

We will refrain from providing a count of the reasons why a lawyer from any jurisdiction should know better than to use baseless threats to intimidate a perceived critic.

Ouch.

The Bigger Picture: Standing Up to Censorial Bullies

This case, once again, illustrates why we need more people willing to stand up to legal intimidation, as Hall has done here. The letter he received was clearly designed to shut down discussion through intimidation, not to address any legitimate legal grievance.

The 24-hour deadline. The vague threats. The failure to identify specific false statements. The targeting of multiple people for simply sharing a link. These are all classic signs of a SLAPP attempt—designed to chill speech through the threat of expensive litigation.

And it’s working on some people. As the letter notes, at least one person has already deleted their tweet in response to the threat. That’s exactly what these campaigns are designed to achieve: silence through intimidation.

Of course, now Cloud Innovation’s legal strategy about the story has become part of the story, perhaps the key part of the story. The original article documented how the company used aggressive litigation to paralyze AfriNIC’s governance. Now they’re using similar tactics to try to suppress discussion of that very behavior.

The crazy thing about the Streisand Effect is that it’s so predictable, yet people keep falling for it. It’s like watching someone step on the same rake over and over again, except the rake is “trying to suppress information in the internet age” and the person is “a company that should probably know better.”

So, if you hadn’t checked it out yet, now is a good time to read Vitus’ reporting on AfriNIC.


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I recently sat through this hour-long interview between New York Times opinion columnist Ross Douthat and Peter Thiel. It was honestly a somewhat hypnotic experience for me. And on reflection, deeply disturbing.

Not because Thiel said anything overtly monstrous—quite the opposite. He was thoughtful, articulate, intellectually sophisticated. He demonstrated genuine insight into technological stagnation, political decay, and civilizational risk. He asked important questions about growth, progress, and human flourishing that deserve serious consideration.

What disturbed me was something far more subtle and far more dangerous: watching someone with extraordinary wealth and influence treat the most consequential questions of human existence—the survival of our species, the collapse of democracy, the rise of authoritarianism—with the detached fascination of someone solving an abstract puzzle.

When Douthat asked whether the human race should survive, Thiel hesitated. Not because he’s cartoonishly evil, but because he was genuinely weighing the intellectual merits of human extinction against some theoretical alternative. The pause wasn’t moral consideration—it was computational delay while his mind processed variables.

This is Peter Thiel’s fundamental pathology: He loves ideas more than people.

Everything becomes fodder for intellectual play. Nuclear war, economic collapse, technological stagnation, the rise of what he calls the “Antichrist”—these aren’t moral emergencies requiring urgent action, they’re fascinating problems to analyze. He discusses supporting Trump as a “venture capital” approach to politics, funding “disruptive agents” to see what happens. Democracy becomes a startup portfolio where some investments fail, some succeed, but human cost is just overhead in the grand experiment.

He can simultaneously worry about authoritarianism while funding the politicians who implement it. Fear technological stagnation while building surveillance tools that could enforce it permanently. Discuss the Antichrist while creating the infrastructure that figure would use. Because none of it is real to him—it’s all just variables in increasingly complex equations.

The most chilling moment comes when he describes his 2016 calculation: “Nobody would be mad at me for supporting Trump if he lost,” combined with his belief that Trump had a “50-50 chance of winning.” He treated the potential election of an authoritarian demagogue like a hedge fund position—manage downside risk while positioning for upside opportunity.

This is what Hannah Arendt called “the banality of evil”—not dramatic villainy, but the systematic evacuation of moral weight from decisions affecting millions of lives. Thiel doesn’t want to destroy civilization; he just treats it as expendable in service of more interesting ideas.

What makes this particularly dangerous is that Thiel possesses genuine intelligence and insight. He’s not ignorant or deluded. He correctly identifies patterns of decline, understands technological risks, predicts political dynamics. But he approaches all of it with the emotional engagement of someone debugging code rather than someone whose species’ survival depends on getting the answers right.

This is why his influence proves so seductive to other tech leaders. He offers the intellectual sophistication they crave while relieving them of the moral responsibility they fear. You can feel smart about supporting destructive policies because Peter Thiel provides elegant theoretical frameworks that make human suffering seem like unfortunate but necessary optimization.

The sleepwalkers follow him because he sounds so intelligent. But intelligence without empathy is just sophisticated sociopathy. And when that sociopathy controls billions of dollars and shapes government policy, it becomes an existential threat to everything that makes life worth living.

We’re not dealing with a Bond villain with an evil plan. We’re dealing with something worse: someone who might accidentally destroy everything because he’s more interested in being right about his predictions than preventing them from coming true.

The interview was hypnotic because Thiel’s analysis is often brilliant. But brilliance in service of detachment rather than human flourishing becomes a form of intellectual terrorism—using sophisticated reasoning to justify the inexcusable and make the unthinkable seem reasonable.

This is the face of our real enemy: not crude authoritarianism, but elegant nihilism. Not obvious evil, but the systematic conversion of human civilization into one man’s thought experiment.

And we’re all just variables in his equations.

Mike Brock is a former tech exec who was on the leadership team at Block. Originally published at his Notes From the Circus.


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This week, Elon Musk’s Grok AI started spewing extreme antisemitism, responding with conspiracy theories about Jewish people, and for a brief period telling people to call it “MechaHitler.” The incident perfectly illustrates why Alex Komoroske’s manifesto about the dangers of centralized AI, which we ran less than a month ago, has been making waves. When a single person controls the dials on an AI system, they can—and almost inevitably will—tweak those dials to serve their own interests and worldview, not their users’.

Just days ago, Elon claimed that his team had “improved Grok significantly” and that “you should notice a difference when you ask Grok questions.”

And, uh, yeah. People sure did notice a difference.

The transformation wasn’t subtle, and it wasn’t accidental.

After a similar incident two months or so ago where Grok became obsessed with linking everything to white genocide, the company started publishing its system prompts to GitHub. So, at the very least, we can see the progression on the system prompt side. This transparency, while laudable, reveals something deeply troubling about how centralized AI systems operate—and how easily they can be manipulated.

It started with a big change to the system prompt that included two lines that likely contributed to this end result:

That is, it said that Grok should “Assume subjective viewpoints sourced from the media are biased” and that “The response should not shy away from making claims which are politically incorrect, as long as they are well substantiated.” That seemed to set it off towards being MechaHitler.

These seemingly innocuous changes reveal the fundamental problem with centralized AI control. What counts as “biased media”? What qualifies as “well substantiated”? When you put a single entity—especially one with a clear ideological agenda—in charge of making those determinations, you’re not getting neutral AI. You’re getting AI that reflects the biases of whoever controls the prompts.

And there will always be some forms of bias inherent to any choices made regarding these systems. Brian Christian’s amazing book, The Alignment Problem, should be required reading for anyone thinking about bias in AI. And it details how there is no way to get rid of bias, but it very much does matter who is in charge of the knobs and dials, and handing all that power to those with problematic incentives is going to lead to dangerous outcomes.

Back to Grok: as the situation escalated, they removed the “politically incorrect” part of the prompt:

It wasn’t just blatant antisemitism that came out of this. Turkey blocked all of Grok’s content after it insulted notoriously thin-skinned President Tayyip Erdogan.

Eventually, ExTwitter just took Grok offline entirely.

There will be plenty of commentary about the antisemitism (and how unshocking this is, given Elon’s history of antisemitism over the last few years), but the real story here is what this incident reveals about the inherent dangers of centralized AI systems. Just as centralized social media (like Twitter) were at risk of takeover and control by a fascist reactionary like Elon Musk, this incident should make it clear to people that the same is true of any centralized AI engine.

This isn’t just about Elon Musk’s personal prejudices, though those are certainly on display. It’s about the structural problem of giving any single entity—whether it’s a person, a company, or a government—control over systems that millions of people rely on for information and interaction. When that control is concentrated, it can be abused and captured, or simply reflect the narrow worldview of whoever happens to be in charge.

Back in April, I wrote that the “De” in “Decentralization” equally can and should stand for “Democracy.” If someone else controls the dials on the systems you use, they can, and almost always will, tweak those to their advantage and their liking. It’s not necessarily “manipulation” in the traditional sense. I don’t think people using ExTwitter are going to be convinced by a MechaHitler Grok to turn into Nazis, but it shifts the narrative, and advances one person’s interests over those of the users.

The Grok incident demonstrates this principle in action. Musk didn’t need to convince users to become antisemites—he just needed to normalize antisemitic conspiracy theories by having them emerge from what many people treat as an authoritative AI system. The subtle shift in what counts as “reasonable” discourse is often more powerful than overt propaganda.

We need to take back control over the tools that we use.

Especially these days, as so many people have started (dangerously) treating AI tools as “objective” sources of truth, people need to understand that they are all subject to biases. Some of these biases are in their training data. Some are in their weights. And some are, as is now quite clear, directly in their system prompts.

The problem isn’t just bias—it’s whose bias gets embedded in the system. When a centralized AI reflects the worldview of tech billionaires rather than the diverse perspectives of its users, we’re not getting artificial intelligence. We’re getting artificial ideology.

When I wrote Protocols not Platforms, it was really about user speech platforms, and the kinds of tools people were using to communicate with one another a decade ago. But it applies equally to the AI systems of today. The centralized ones may be powerful, but they’re also prone to tweaking and manipulation in unseen and unexpected ways (or, as in the case of MechaHitler, seen and completely expected ways).

The solution isn’t to ban AI or to accept that we’re stuck with whatever biases the tech billionaires want to embed in their systems. The solution is to build AI systems that put control back in the hands of users—systems where you can choose your own values, your own sources, and your own filters, rather than having Elon Musk’s worldview imposed on you through system prompts.

If our goal is to use technology and innovation as a driving force for democracy, rather than authoritarianism, then we need to recognize the fundamental properties that make it useful for democracy—and when it’s being manipulated for greater authoritarianism.

And it’s difficult to think of a more on-the-nose analogy for how centralized tech can be used for authoritarian ends than Elon Musk tweaking Grok until it presents itself as “MechaHitler.”


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Lawmakers seem to think they’re capable of solving every perceivable social media problem via legislation. Sometimes, the intents are pure but the execution is lacking. In many more cases — especially recently — the intent is to harm social media companies with legislation, all while pretending it’s about protecting “free speech” or the “children” or “stopping China” or whatever.

While this country is lacking in privacy protection laws, it’s probably not completely a bad thing. Look anywhere stringent privacy protections have been put in place and you’ll see a ton of collateral damage.

There’s less subtlety here in the US, thanks to our exceptionalism — something that allows lawmakers to target services they don’t like while pretending it’s all about something else.

As usual, it’s being pushed by people who just want to punish social media services and lawmakers who not only don’t understand the subject matter, but also strongly feel that their ignorance strengthens their arguments.

Somehow, a bill forcing social media services (if they fit the very vague description) to limit non-adults (how?) to one hour a day of access managed to make its way to the governor’s desk. And Governor Glenn Youngkin, despite his lack of relevant expertise in such matters, signed it.

Here are the cold, hard facts, as reported by WBOC:

New Virginia legislation requiring social media platforms to limit screen time for minors took effect Tuesday.

The law, signed by Gov. Glenn Youngkin in May, mandates that social media companies set a default limit of one hour per day for users under 16 years old.

First off, how? Second, also how?

The law demands things that have never been demanded of social media services. First, social media platforms must implement some sort of timer. Whether that time limit applies to time the app is active or whether it applies to any time the service is accessed, even if it’s in a tab/app idling in the background, is not discussed.

Nor are the difficulties of ascertaining the actual age of users in order to set this one-hour timer. Does the Virginia government want social media services to collect even more personal information about underage users? Because that seems like the sort of thing lawmakers shouldn’t encourage, even inadvertently.

Then there’s the definition of social media services in the law itself, which means a whole lot of services used by teens either won’t be affected or will be affected inadvertently to the detriment of teens who aren’t just spending hours a day doomscrolling their way into performative speeches given by representatives they’re not even old enough to vote for (or against!).

“Social media platform” means a public or semipublic Internet-based service or application that has users in the Commonwealth and that meets the following criteria:

1. Connects users in order to allow users to interact socially with each other within such service or application. No service or application that exclusively provides email or direct messaging services shall be considered to meet this criterion on the basis of that function alone; and

2. Allows users to do all of the following:

a. Construct a public or semipublic profile for purposes of signing into and using such service or application;

b. Populate a public list of other users with whom such user shares a social connection within such service or application; and

c. Create or post content viewable by other users, including content on message boards, in chat rooms, or through a landing page or main feed that presents the user with content generated by other users. No service or application that consists primarily of news, sports, entertainment, ecommerce, or content preselected by the provider and not generated by users, and for which any chat, comments, or interactive functionality is incidental to, directly related to, or dependent on the provision of such content, or that is for interactive gaming, shall be considered to meet this criterion on the basis of that function alone.

Given this definition, the usual suspects (Facebook, XTwitter, etc.) are the usual suspects. But minors can access DraftKings without a time limit because DraftKings may allow minors to use the service to make bets they’re not legally allowed to make, but the “interactive functionality is incident to” making bets. And the carve-out for online gaming seems especially weird, since that’s probably where the worst people a teen could ever meet reside.

On the flip side, services utilized by schools contain plenty of social media add-ons and interactivity which isn’t entirely “incidental” by design, like Teams meetings or Google Workspace hangouts where students work together on projects and interact socially. And that last part — the necessary interaction — might be enough to trigger a one-hour time limit on everyone involved.

Being denied access to school-related projects because of a badly-written, entirely stupid law obviously isn’t the intent of the law. But the intent doesn’t matter much when it’s doing real-world damage to online spaces shared by minors.

On top of that, there are the positive aspects of interaction, which allow people, who feel alienated in their own immediate social groups, to find support elsewhere. Should they only be allowed one hour of positive interaction per day just because a bunch of people with lawmaking power mistakenly believe too much internet is always a bad thing?

Then there’s this part of the law, which legislators apparently felt solved the whole “who is a minor” thing:

For purposes of this section, any controller or processor that operates a social media platform shall treat a user as a minor if the user’s device communicates or signals that the user is or shall be treated as a minor, including through a browser plug-in or privacy setting, device setting, or other mechanism.

The fuck does this even mean. If I spend a lot of my time playing games on my phone and searching for HBO-buried Looney Tunes, does that “signal” that I’m a minor? This is the least likely way to find minors using social media services. Anyone “signalling” that they’re a minor is either a cop or the current host of “To Catch a Predator.” Minors already know limits are placed on their interactions, thanks to efforts by most social media companies to comply with federal law. Anyone broadcasting their underage bona fides on main probably works for Sheriff Grady Judd.

In theory, the law being amended allows the state attorney general to attempt to collect $7,500 per violation from social media companies that the state thinks has violated this extremely stupid law. In reality, though, it’s nothing more than this: something for people like this lawmaker to point to when seeking re-election.

“We need to start thinking through kind of what are some proper regulations and guardrails that ensure that they’re using it, but it’s not tuning out these other things. That it’s not tuning out their academics, it’s not tuning out time with their friends and family,” said Sen. Schuyler VanValkenburg, who introduced the SB854.

He’s also a teacher and said he’s seen those negative impacts on some students firsthand.

“They spent 45 minutes in study hall just watching videos on TikTok, and in the meantime, they haven’t talked to anybody, they haven’t done any work,” he said.

Sen. VanValkenburg is eight years younger than I am and sounds 50 years older. Just because you’re not on the same wavelength as the young people doesn’t mean they’re wrong. Plenty of social interaction now comes via social media services, as do other things like discussions with family members, assistance with school work, and healthy interactions with people teens actually know in person. This is nothing more than a frustrated teacher trying to legislate kids into putting their phones down because he thinks that’s the way things should be.


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For months, the DOJ has insisted to US courts that it has no jurisdiction over the people it rendered to Salvadoran detention facilities. But when the UN came asking, El Salvador told a very different story: these detainees are “exclusively” under US jurisdiction and legal responsibility.

The contradiction is so blatant it’s almost insulting to the intelligence of the courts that have been hearing these cases. But then again, this is the same administration that thinks you can just lie your way out of human trafficking charges, so maybe insulting judicial intelligence is the whole point.

In the case of Kilmar Abrego Garcia, whom the US accidentally shipped to El Salvador despite a court order saying he could not be sent there, when a judge ordered the US to get him back, the DOJ insisted that it was out of their hands.

It is my understanding based on official reporting from our Embassy in San Salvador that Abrego Garcia is currently being held in the Terrorism Confinement Center in El Salvador. He is alive and secure in that facility. He is detained pursuant to the sovereign, domestic authority of El Salvador.

Earlier, they had also insisted to a court that the US had absolutely no jurisdiction over the people they had renditioned to a Salvadoran concentration camp:

Plaintiffs admit—as they must—that the United States does not have custody over Abrego Garcia. They acknowledge that there may be “difficult questions of redressability” in this case, reflecting their recognition that Defendants do not have “the power to produce” Abrego Garcia from CECOT in El Salvador.

The Supreme Court even took this at face value in reviewing the case back in April.

This also led to the hilariously stupid exchange between President Donald Trump and Salvadoran dictator Nayib Bukele when they met, where they each pretended it was a ridiculous question to even contemplate bringing Abrego back to the US. This was all, quite obviously, a lie. The US was paying the Salvadoran government millions of dollars to house these men and the contract between the two countries even notes that the US gets to decide the prisoner’s “disposition.” You know, like you do when you have absolutely no control over something.

And, of course, when it was politically expedient, the US had no problem at all bringing Abrego back to the US, to face bogus, trumped-up criminal charges.

But now, in a different case about these rendition flights, the lawyers have turned up a fascinating document which they’ve shared with the court. It was a response from the Salvadoran government to an inquiry about these trafficked detainees from the United Nations. And, when confronted by the UN, El Salvador immediately threw the US under the bus, saying that the detainees are fully under the jurisdiction of the United States.

The Salvadoran State emphatically states that its authorities have not arrested, detained, or transferred the persons referred to in the communications of the Working Group. The actions of the State of El Salvador have been limited to the implementation of a bilateral cooperation mechanism with another State, through which it has facilitated the use of the Salvadoran prison infrastructure for the custody of persons detained within the scope of the justice system and law enforcement of that other State. In this context, the jurisdiction and legal responsibility for these persons lie exclusively with the competent foreign authorities, by virtue of international agreements signed and in accordance with the principles of sovereignty and international cooperation in criminal matters. In this regard, the actions attributable to the Salvadoran State are limited to its sovereignty and territorial jurisdiction, and therefore it cannot be held responsible for the failure to observe the principle of non-refoulement with respect to the persons mentioned.

Read that again: “the jurisdiction and legal responsibility for these persons lie exclusively with the competent foreign authorities”—meaning the United States. This is the same El Salvador that Trump and Bukele pretended had no ability to coordinate with the US on these detainees’ fate.

Even more damning: the lawyers note that the DOJ was aware of this document and failed to provide it to the lawyers for the people being trafficked, despite being required to during discovery:

This information came to Petitioners’ attention within the last week, when counsel for Petitioners obtained the Spanish-language report from one of the families. Although the United States was aware of this document (as evinced by the fact that it was copied on the reports for all four cases), it was neither provided to Petitioners (even though it is clearly encompassed in Petitioners’ Requests for Production) nor provided to the Court. Ex. 2 (Petitioners’ Requests for Production, May 19, 2025) (RFP No. 1, requesting “ALL DOCUMENTS memorializing, documenting, or describing the arrangements between the UNITED STATES and EL SALVADOR concerning the detention of alleged Tren de Aragua Members in El Salvador”).

This isn’t just a discovery violation—it’s active concealment of evidence that directly contradicts the DOJ’s core legal argument. The DOJ had in its possession a document showing that El Salvador considers the US to have “exclusive” jurisdiction over these detainees, while simultaneously telling US courts that the US has no jurisdiction at all.

This all matters quite a bit because the law here says that whoever has “constructive custody” of the individuals can be forced to produce the body. And here El Salvador has admitted to the UN (and the US) that it believes the US has “exclusive… jurisdiction and legal responsibility” for these men.

Yes, obviously a lot of this has been transparent lies and game-playing by both the US and El Salvador. The press conference with Trump and Bukele proved that: They were going to play “not it” and pretend that there was nothing that could be done to facilitate anything even as they sat next to each other talking freely—and even as both governments knew that El Salvador had already told the UN that the US has exclusive jurisdiction. So you may argue this is not that big a deal, because it only confirms what everyone already suspected: that of course the US has control over these people, even as its leaders pretend otherwise.

But it could matter quite a bit to the courts. Not only does it reveal that the US courts absolutely do have jurisdiction over the cases of the people renditioned to this Salvadoran hellhole, but also that the DOJ actively concealed evidence while lying about this very issue in court. Even as the courts continue to display a ridiculous level of deference to the DOJ, we’ve already seen some signs that various courts’ patience is wearing thin.

This kind of outright deception—lying to courts about who has custody of these men while hiding evidence that contradicts your core legal argument—seems like yet another pivotal moment in making more and more of the judiciary realize that the Trump regime is not engaging in good faith in court and has no compunction about flat out lying to avoid taking responsibility for any of its myriad fuckups. Turns out that authoritarian regimes engaged in an immoral and despicable campaign of human trafficking might not be the most trustworthy in court. Who knew?

For now, though, the lawyers are alerting the court and suggesting they may need more discovery to get to the bottom of this. But the bigger question is whether the courts will finally start treating this administration’s word with the skepticism it deserves.

Such additional discovery may be particularly important because this new evidence contradicts the underlying custody conclusion in the Kozak Declaration of May 9, 2025, which is dated after El Salvador’s responses to the UN and after Petitioners sought habeas review (the date habeas attaches). Decl. of Michael G. Kozak, ECF No. 125 ¶ 9 (“It was and remains my understanding that the detention and ultimate disposition of those detained in CECOT and other Salvadoran detention facilities are matters within the legal authority of El Salvador in accordance with its domestic and international legal obligations.”)

Sometime during these years under the Trump regime, the courts are going to need to internalize that Trump’s DOJ will tell straight up lies to get what it wants from the court. The sooner they learn that, the better.


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Trump recently launched a “wireless phone service,” which as we mentioned, isn’t so much a real phone service as it is a quick licensing agreement and a lazy rebranding of other services. He’s also exploiting the presidency by launching a vast array of new, clumsily branded Trump home goods, including a new Trump-branded Instantpot. If you’re into that sort of thing.

The Trump empire also recently announced they were globally launching Truth+, the Trump regime’s video streaming propaganda service. Here too, the product is mostly just a bundling of existing right wing propaganda and fake journalism video channels pandering to far right wingers, including NewsMax, Real America’s Voice, One America News Network, RSBN and Patriot TV.

The press release for the propaganda bundle claims that this bonanza of bullshit and propaganda is essential in restoring Americans’ sagging trust in news and journalism:

“Truth+ is the singular option for non-woke TV and movies, as well as a great alternative to discredited legacy news channels that have squandered the trust of the American people.”

While we’re on the topic of U.S. journalism and trust, if you dig through the all of the U.S. reporting on this otherwise uninteresting launch of Truth+ you can’t find a single outlet that mentions this isn’t reliable, accurate journalism — much less directly calls out these channels’ history of propaganda. Zero mention, across any of them, that these outlets are filled with conspiracy theories and lies.

Outlets like The Wrap and Mediate, for example, just pretty much copy and paste the Trump regime’s press statements on the service. The same at Reuters.

Nobody, at any of the “news” outlets covering the launch of this fake news expansion, mention Trump’s blatant attacks on the First Amendment and real journalism (despite CBS paying Trump a bribe just a week earlier!). Nor do any of the outlets parroting the Truth+ press release bother to mention Trump Media’s repeated run-ins with super dodgy financial impropriety. Just not relevant, I guess.

Trump+ probably won’t be interesting or popular enough to have much of an actual impact by itself. OAN, for example, makes a lot of noise but historically sees very low viewership numbers. Viewership has been so low, major cable TV providers like Verizon and DirecTV kicked them out of their lineups, causing no shortage of whining from Trumplicans falsely claiming they were being unfairly censored.

Still, it’s part of a much broader, and far more successful right wing effort to steadily replace U.S. journalism with lazy culture war infotainment and propaganda as far as the eye can see. Peppered with overlarge, semi-functional corporate media companies too afraid to tell anybody the truth, and a handful of actual journalists increasingly operating on shoestring budgets.

Either way, supposed free thinkers can now more easily fill their heads with billionaire-approved bile, pebbles and hate, literally branded as the truth. Whose to question the wisdom of the free market?


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Nestle certainly hasn’t been shy about engaging in aggressive trademark enforcement in the past, but this one is something different. We’ve already covered several stories in which a person or company has attempted to trademark the name of a city for a particular market designator. Not use the name of the city in a larger brand name, mind you, but just the name of the city itself. Fortunately, those examples resulted in those trademarks not being registered and it should be plainly obvious as to why: Companies don’t get to lock up a geographical name, like a city, to the exclusion of everyone else being able to use it in business.

Keep that point in mind, because it’s going to be pretty key to this slightly different story in which Nestle, owners of Seattle’s Best Coffee, are trying to invalidate a registered trademark held by Seattle Strong Coffee Co.

Nestlé purchased Seattle’s Best Coffee from Starbucks in 2022 and this April, filed a petition to cancel the Seattle Strong trademark name, claiming it is too similar to Seattle’s Best Coffee.

“The United States Patent and Trademark Office says we earned ‘Seattle Strong’ and we want to keep it,” said [owner Evan] Oeflein.

Filings show Seattle Strong responded to Nestlé, saying the petition is “an ill-fated effort by a large multinational company to control the use of the name of the city ‘Seattle’ in coffee-related products in an attempt to bully a small, local coffee company from Seattle.”

Note that this is all to do with the name, not a larger issue of the name combined with trade dress or anything of that nature. Which means, at the end of the day, that this is a fight over the word “Seattle.” After all, “best” and “strong” aren’t the same or similar. “Coffee” is the name of the product and is therefore descriptive, meaning it has little to no role to play in any sort of trademark action. All that’s left is “Seattle” and, as we stated in the opening, there is strong precedent both that geographical trademarks have a very high bar to jump over generally and that trademarks that rely primarily on city names aren’t generally entertained by the USPTO.

And if that holds true, it should follow that claims of similarity between marks that are also heavily or entirely reliant on the similarity being the name of the city should also fail.

“I think there’s a great opportunity to support kind of a David vs Goliath story here,” said Oeflein.

Nestlé has not responded to Fox 13’s request for comment.

“We’re going to stand strong, but we definitely would appreciate the support of Seattle,” said Oeflein.

This looks like nothing more than trademark bullying behavior to this writer. Big as Nestle is, it doesn’t get to pretend that it has a trademark on the city of Seattle.


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In Trump’s eyes, anything that doesn’t make white people appear to be the saviors of the world is something that should be buried. Whatever the phrase “fake news” won’t make go away is subject to seemingly daily government edicts that declare any recognition of racial diversity or America’s racist past (and present) to be un-American activities subject to censorship, stifling, or complete removal from the public record.

Not content to saddle businesses, law firms, the military, and the public sector generally with “anti-woke” mandates, the Department of Interior has issued guidance to the National Park Service, tasking them with setting up complaint boxes to be stuffed with bitching from park visitors who align themselves with open bigotry.

Here’s what’s being posted in national parks around the nation, thanks to DOI head Doug Burgum’s adherence to Trump’s executive order that aims to rewrite history in favor of rich white people:

An example image of a sign leaked to NPR for Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield in Missouri, the site of the second major battle of the Civil War, ahead of its potential installation, asks visitors to identify “any signs or other information that are negative about either past or living Americans or that fail to emphasize the beauty, grandeur, and abundance of landscapes and other natural features.” (The sign also asks for feedback concerning areas and services that need repair or improvement.)

Supposedly, this will help “restore truth and sanity to American history,” which sounds like the title of an openly racist podcast that caters to “Christian” homeschoolers, but actually is the completely real title of a Trump Administration executive order.

This isn’t going to end up the way Trump wants it to. For one thing, his administration hasn’t learned anything from its past failures. Doomed to repeat forgotten history, the Burgum-overseen National Park Service has created an online portal for NPS-related complaints, which will certainly be overstuffed with all sorts of internet detritus before the plug is pulled on it.

But Trump has also misjudged the cultural makeup of those most likely to visit national parks. Most parks either preserve nature or big up patriotism. The US hasn’t been great about admitting its past faults and it’s certainly reluctant to make these amends in permanent, landmark form.

So, when asked to wipe out what Trump thinks shouldn’t matter, park visitors are rejecting this invitation to participate in the administration’s revisionist history program.

The Trump administration recently began posting signs on federal parks and historic sites asking for help from visitors in identifying language that negatively discussed America’s past or present and launched a process for federal agencies to remove, cover or replace flagged materials.

In the responses submitted by visitors to National Park Service sites, however, which were obtained by Government Executive, no single submission pointed to any such examples. Instead, in the nearly 200 submissions NPS received in the first days since the solicitations were posted, visitors implored the administration not to erase U.S. history and praised agency staff for improving their experiences.

Government Executive is putting it nicely. Direct quotes posted further down in the article make it clear people are pissed Trump is trying to erase history that doesn’t make America look like the Great White Hope the president imagines himself to be. (Side note: the headline of the GovExec article says “see” the comments posted by NPS visitors and yet, mysteriously, does not actually allow readers to view the submitted comments for themselves. [Extremely chin-in-hand HMMM face])

“There shouldn’t be signs about history that whitewash and erase the centuries of discrimination against the people who have cared for this land for generations,” a visitor to Indian Dunes National Park said.

A visitor to Independence Hall in Philadelphia called the new signs “censorship dressed up as customer service.”

[…]

Several visitors to the Stonewall National Monument in New York lamented changes there the park’s website that removed mention of transgender individuals in the Stonewall Uprising.

Yep. Everyone knows what the Trump Administration is trying to do here, and that includes die-hard supporters of Trump and the people in his administration. The difference is that regular Americans don’t particularly care for government meddling that aims to turn taxpayers into unpaid Hanoi Hannahs, but ones that target their fellow Americans.

And then there are my people — the people who reject government overreach with pithy swearing:

“The executive order to asking for feedback is ****,” the message read. “Parks already do an amazing job telling stories that contain hard truths and everyone is entitled to the truth to make better decisions in our lives. So what if people feel bad?”

That’s too few asterisks for “bullshit” but there’s no doubt that’s the word that was actually used by this park visitor. If GovExec ever gets around to releasing the underlying documents (rather than pretending those pixels are worth their weight in gold), we’ll be able to see what was actually said.

Censored swear word aside, the underlying sentiment comes through loud and clear: a lot of people fucking hate the American government when it tries to pretend it has never done anything wrong. Loving your country and recognizing its failures isn’t cognitive dissonance. It’s just the way things are. Just as no marriage is perfect, neither is this “more perfect Union.” We should never seek to bury the bad things performed in our name. And the only way to grow as a nation is to recognize where we’ve gone wrong and strive to prevent these things from happening again. Unfortunately, those in power want to repeat the mistakes of the worst governments in history while simultaneously insisting the US DID NOTHING WRONG over its 250 years of existence.

If the Trump Administration wants to forget the past and seal its repetitive doom, that would be fine if it only affected those in the administration. But when a president wants an entire nation to help him forget the past, we’re all doomed, even if we haven’t forgotten.


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