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By Seyed Mohammad Marandi – January 17, 2026

In a move that stunned the world, the United States military launched attacks across the Venezuelan capital, bombing multiple sites, including a major academic and scientific center and a medical warehouse, as if to stress the similarities between US and Zionist troops. The operation culminated in the kidnapping of President Nicolás Maduro and his wife, and the murder of roughly 100 people.

This shameless act followed months of escalation. It began with threats over fabricated allegations of drug shipments, followed by a military buildup in the Caribbean. Then came a series of deadly missile strikes on boats, strikes that legal experts worldwide decried as unlawful, murdering over a hundred people, not all of them even Venezuelan. Most victims were likely ordinary fishermen or others simply struggling to feed their families.

Then, predictably, the narrative shifted to the real objective: oil. One hour after President Maduro was abducted, the White House made its announcement. The world looked on with disgust and shock to see a shackled head of state, albeit in high spirits, alongside his wife, who had been badly beaten by US troops.

The US president declared that Venezuela’s oil, the planet’s largest proven reserves, was now an indefinite American asset. From here on, its many billions in sovereign wealth were to be funneled through and stolen by Washington.

In Caracas, the response was a nation’s fury. The vice president and now acting president of Venezuela denounced an illegal, illegitimate kidnapping, a blatant violation of the UN Charter and all norms of human decency. Global condemnation was swift and widespread, emanating from Latin America, Africa, and Asia. It came from every corner except the capitals of Washington’s closest allies: the Israeli regime, the European Union, and other pro-Western regimes.

A new line was being drawn in real time for the whole world to see. A world leader abducted by a foreign army. A nation’s wealth declared the permanent property of another. The so-called rules-based international order torn to shreds. But the story is far from over. Resistance in Venezuela is alive.

This brings us to the Iran-Venezuela partnership, an alliance branded from the outset by the empire as a global threat. It is no coincidence that Zionists and neoconservatives target Iran and Venezuela simultaneously. Their partnership represents a formidable challenge to this era of predatory imperialism. Its significance lies not only in economic and political cooperation, but in the awareness, solidarity, and understanding forged among the global majority, a force whose power cannot be measured in material terms. The demonization promoted by the empire and its media machine loses much of its potency as most people across Latin America and West Asia recognize their shared truths, ideals, and aspirations. This recognition is poison to the empire.

Despite Western asset theft, sanctions, violent regime-change operations, color revolution projects, and even war, the empire’s crafted narrative remains singular and dark: a strategic menace, an axis of anti-American authoritarianism, a marriage between two so-called pariah states. Within this frame, allegations build into a manufactured climate of fear. The partnership is branded as a pact for authoritarian cooperation. But in truth, it has become the world’s most advanced laboratory for evading illegal sanctions, sanctions deployed by the US and its allies to strangle nations, collapse economies, destroy jobs, increase poverty, break families, kill the sick for lack of medicine, unravel the fabric of societies, and bring nations to their knees.

The empire portrays a somehow sinister shadow economy conducting its business in the dark, on the high seas. This characterization is then made to morph inevitably into the ultimate security threat: military advisers, Iranian drones on Venezuelan soil, culminating in some alleged Hezbollah link. Here the narrative makes its decisive leap, transforming the threat from mere economic into something framed as existential, an illusion of danger to the United States itself. Finally, it is presented as a grand conspiracy: two isolated regimes plotting to invade the US with immigrants and refugees, kill its population with drugs, and other accusations that, while insane, remain tragically believable to a large segment of the heavily propagandized American public.

This is the narrative. It has been used to justify many years of barbaric sanctions against women and children. And now it has justified the abduction of a sovereign nation’s president and the massacre of roughly 200 people. This so-called criminal partnership is, of course, something else entirely. It is a determined collaboration between two nations forging an alternative path, a practical blueprint for preserving their independence in the face of aggression and collective punishment by the United States.

The relentless focus on an alleged global terrorist threat is a strategic distraction. This framing is designed to obscure the tangible daily realities that truly bind these brotherly nations: the engineers reviving refineries, the agricultural technology feeding cities, the 20-year strategic plan signed in Tehran. This is the real struggle, not merely to survive, but to sustain a modern state against a comprehensive and barbaric economic siege.

Let us interrogate the architecture of the story itself: how a narrative is weaponized, brick by brick, until the wall it builds is so high it conceals the human reality on the other side, justifying any action taken behind it. In the struggle for a multipolar world, who defines terrorism? Who defines legitimacy and morality? And what price are nations forced to pay to write their own history?

For Iran, this relationship is more than a mere strategic or economic alliance. It is the execution of a national mission, a principle engraved into the very foundations of the state. The constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran is explicit. It contains a revolutionary mandate committing the state to the defense of the mustaz’afin, the oppressed and the downtrodden wherever they may be. This principle provides a lens through which the struggles of the Palestinian, but also the Bosnian, the South African, the Cuban, and yes, the Venezuelan, are seen as one and the same: a unified struggle against imperial domination and oppression.

This is not theoretical. It is a record of action. When most of the world’s governments were still conducting business with apartheid South Africa, the newly formed Islamic Republic of Iran immediately severed all ties. It became a vocal champion of the ANC and other resistance organizations, offering critical support to the anti-apartheid struggle while the West backed white supremacist rule. In the 1990s, as Europe stood by and watched a genocide unfold in Bosnia, Iran acted. It defied a UN arms embargo to provide the Bosnian army with crucial weapons, supplies, and military advisers, a lifeline that was key to ensuring the nation’s survival.

So when Iran looks at Venezuela today, an independent nation under brutal economic warfare, its assets stolen, its leader now abducted, it does not see a mere strategic partner. Iran sees a shared struggle against oppression. This constitutional and ideological imperative makes its principled stance more than a byproduct of the alliance. It is the soul of the alliance. And it is from this bedrock principle that, despite threats, cooperation has grown: a partnership forged in the urgent practical need to breathe life into an economy under siege. This reveals the real story, not of a dark axis, but of a blueprint for economic sovereignty forged in defiance of a brutal hegemon.

The partnership between Iran and Venezuela is neither ancient nor inevitable. It is a modern creation, forged by a shared vision of a multipolar world and hardened in the relentless pressure cooker of economic siege. For most of history, Tehran and Caracas were distant acquaintances. That changed at the turn of the century with a powerful fusion of ideologies: Bolivarian socialism and Islamic revolutionary thought, united by a single towering conviction, resistance to unipolar dominance.

The strategic bridge between Caracas and Tehran began construction in the early 2000s under Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez and Iran’s Mohammad Khatami. Their diplomatic courtship started in earnest in 2001 and was cemented through reciprocal state visits and major cooperation agreements in energy and construction. The partnership evolved further under President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, solidifying from 2005 onward into a declared axis of unity against US imperialism.

The scale of cooperation for two heavily sanctioned nations was quite remarkable. They signed more than 270 bilateral deals. In 2007, they announced a $2 billion joint fund to invest in other countries attempting to liberate themselves. The commitment was underscored in 2006 when Chávez pledged that Venezuela would stay by Iran at any time and under any condition. By March 2005, the expanding partnership and Venezuela’s backing of Iran’s nuclear program was causing alarm within the US administration.

On the ground, Iranian firms built ammunition and cement factories, opened a car plant, and launched direct air links between their capitals. The value of Iranian industrial projects in Venezuela reached $4 billion, and bilateral trade had grown significantly by 2008. The bond held firm under Nicolás Maduro. However, the relationship soon faced its most severe challenge: comprehensive, crushing sanctions from the United States. This external pressure transformed their axis into a vital practical lifeline. Vision alone does not keep the lights on. Consequently, the alliance evolved from a union of rhetoric into a pragmatic pact for survival and development.

By 2020, Venezuela’s refining industry had collapsed. In response, Iran dispatched five tankers carrying 60 million gallons of gasoline on a defiant 15,000-kilometer voyage, with both nations warning the US against interference. This was a bold rescue mission for energy sovereignty, later formalized into a €110-million contract to repair Venezuela’s El Palito refinery. The cooperation, however, expanded far beyond oil. An Iranian supermarket chain opened in Caracas, and the two nations even launched joint nanotechnology research. This was a comprehensive project for building sovereign capacity, encompassing everything from food security and industry to advanced technology.

Critically, the cooperation extended into the cultural and scientific realms of both nations. Ministers of science, culture, and education traveled back and forth. This was no longer merely about trade; it was the forging of a long-term intellectual alliance. But this tangible, multidimensional success did not go unnoticed. In Washington, alarm solidified into formal counter-strategy. As early as 2012, the US Congress held hearings and drafted legislation specifically to counter Iran’s growing presence and hostile activity in the Western Hemisphere.

A peaceful partnership dedicated to improving lives had been officially designated an adversary in American law. And with that gaze fixed upon it, the dark narrative intensified. Mossad spread false reports of a planned Iranian naval base at a Venezuelan port. In Washington, and bizarrely across the obedient US media, the partnership was no longer framed as a regional challenge, but as an existential security threat on America’s doorstep.

Nevertheless, in 2022, the two countries defiantly signed a 20-year strategic cooperation plan in Tehran, inked by Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and the late Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi. Despite the escalating threats, each phase of the relationship built upon the last. It was this shared vision that made practical cooperation possible. It was this unyielding commitment to sovereignty and freedom from domination that ultimately led to the murders in the Caribbean, the bloodshed in Venezuela, and the kidnapping of its president.

But this is not a fleeting alignment. It is a structural alliance, a resilient network that has survived the passing of its founder, the late Venezuelan leader Hugo Chávez. It has persevered and thrived despite political transitions, over two decades of US pressure, and direct congressional action to counter it. These two nations concluded early on that when you are excluded from the system, you do not plead for re-entry. You build an alternative, piece by piece.

But when a new blueprint for independence is being written, what does the old power do? It seeks to erase the architects, and more importantly, the architecture. The attack on Venezuela was a message delivered to every nation seeking independence: “You are not safe. Your sovereignty is conditional. Your resources are forfeit.” The applause from the Zionist regime in response to murder and aggression confirmed the quality of the Venezuelan–Iranian relationship and the identity and nature of the antagonist.

Washington’s War on Iran: The Importance of Defending Information Space

The persistent rumors, often sourced to Israeli regime intelligence, of an Iranian military outpost or a Hezbollah hub in the Caribbean were more than ammunition for a hostile narrative. They revealed the power behind the curtain. To the supremacism of Zionism and its neoconservative allies, who are in fact one and the same, this is the ultimate threat. The very existence of independent nations pursuing their own dignity and honor and demanding equal rights is an existential threat to their domination. For them, such a threat justifies any response.

But the planners of this operation made a critical miscalculation. They believed that by severing the head, the body would collapse. They did not understand the roots. This alliance was the vanguard of a multipolar world and was founded upon a deep-rooted ideological belief in the shared dignity and honor of both peoples. It sought to challenge the architecture of a unipolar order even before the rise of antagonism between the West and Russia or China. It asserted the right of nations to chart their own independent course. This brotherhood helped ignite a fire that cannot be quenched by a dying empire, no matter how violently it lashes out.

The solidarity and comradeship between people of different continents, races, and religions have been a beacon of hope for the post-American era. This alliance was never merely bilateral. It is a cornerstone of a broader constellation within BRICS and the Global South of nations determined to write their own rules, to live on their own terms, and to reject the exhausted logic of colonialism in a new guise.

Anti-colonial sentiment is not a relic in Caracas or Tehran. It is the very fuel of their people’s resolve to resist piracy, looting, and, most importantly, the colonization of the mind. Time will prove that the abduction of President Nicolás Maduro has not cowed the Venezuelan people into submission. Instead, it has made their resistance a global inspiration, illuminating for the entire world the strength of a nation determined to defy an empire.

Across the world, people now witness men and women marching in defiance, refusing to be colonized by Washington. Meanwhile, their allies in Iran, likewise struggling against Zionist terror and aggression, will continue to stand by Venezuela through thick and thin. So, the collective march toward liberation from empire will continue.

This is a transcription of a presentation given by Seyed Mohammad Marandi on the program “Demystifying Iran” broadcast by Al Mayadeen. A Spanish language transcript of Marandi’s presentation is available at Misión Verdad.

(Al Mayadeen)


From Orinoco Tribune – News and opinion pieces about Venezuela and beyond via This RSS Feed.

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Caracas, January 21, 2026 (venezuelanalysis.com) – Four Venezuelan private banks received a reported US $300 million from an initial US-administered sale of Venezuelan crude.

According to Ecoanalítica, Banesco, BBVA Provincial, Banco Mercantil, and Banco Nacional de Crédito offered a combined $150 million to customers on Tuesday via foreign exchange auctions, with the rest of the funds expected to be made available by the end of the week.

Unofficial reports suggested that private sector importers in the food and healthcare sectors would be given priority. Analyst Alejandro Grisanti stated that the dollars were purchased slightly below 400 bolívars (BsD) per USD. Unlike in prior exchange tables, the banks were not obliged to use the official exchange rate set by the Central Bank, which stands currently at 347 BsD per USD.

The $300 million comprises a portion of the recently announced $500 million sale of Venezuelan crude that had been in storage due to a US naval blockade since early December, with proceeds reportedly deposited in US government-run accounts in Qatar.

Since the January 3 bombings and kidnapping of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores, US President Donald Trump and senior officials have vowed to take control of the Venezuelan oil industry and defend the interests of Western energy conglomerates.

The initial agreement involved around 50 million barrels of Venezuelan crude with an estimated return of over $2 billion. Tankers from commodity traders Vitol and Trafigura began moving oil cargoes to Caribbean storage hubs last week.

The allocation of the remaining $200 million from the already executed sales is presently unknown. US officials previously claimed that Venezuela would only be allowed to import from US manufacturers while also floating the possibility of swap deals involving diluents and spare parts for the oil sector and electric grid.

Venezuelan Acting President Delcy Rodríguez confirmed the $300 million received by private banks and identified protecting workers’ incomes as the government’s priority at this moment.

“$300 million has entered the country, to cover the incomes of our workers, protecting their purchasing power from inflation and from foreign exchange instability,” she said during a televised broadcast on Tuesday.

Rodríguez likewise stressed the importance of stabilizing the forex market, with constant devaluations eroding the Venezuelans’ purchasing power. The highly speculative parallel market exchange rate skyrocketed to 900 BsD/USD in early January before expectations of foreign currency injections brought it down under 500.

Amid the initial US-enforced oil deals, the interim Rodríguez administration and National Assembly are moving forward with a reform of the country’s Hydrocarbon Law to expand conditions for foreign investment.

Former President Hugo Chávez overhauled energy legislation in 2001 to establish state control over the oil industry. The Hydrocarbon Law, which was later amended in 2006, mandated that state oil company PDVSA hold majority stakes in all joint ventures and raised royalties and income tax to 33 and 50 percent, respectively.

On Thursday, National Assembly President Jorge Rodríguez argued that the oil reform is aimed at adapting to the country’s “economic reality” and should not be “a cause for fear or concern.” A first debate on the bill is scheduled for Thursday.

“It is essential to find optimal conditions for investments in so-called green oilfields that are yet to be explored,” he said during a meeting with deputies. “As such, we have to ensure that this foreign investment is protected and profitable.”

The parliamentary leader, who also discussed other upcoming legislative projects, highlighted the so-called Productive Participation Contracts (CPP) as key instruments for oil sector growth that will be included in the reformed legislation.

The CPP models were introduced under the 2020 Anti-Blockade Law. According to industry sources, they are concession-type deals that grant private partners increased control over operations and sales and faster returns on investment through lower taxes and royalty exemptions.

Since 2017, Venezuela’s oil industry has been hard hitby US unilateral coercive measures, including financial sanctions, an export embargo, and secondary sanctions, which aimed at strangling the Caribbean nation’s most important revenue source. US officials have announced a selective flexibilization of sanctions in the immediate future to facilitate oil deals.

The recent naval blockade had an immediate impact on crude output, forcing PDVSA to shut down wells as it ran out of storage. US Secretary of State Marco Rubio referred to the blockade as “leverage” to impose conditions on the Venezuelan government.

US forces reportedly seized a seventh oil tanker on Tuesday. According to the US Southern Command, the Liberia-flagged Sagitta had loaded crude in Venezuela and is on the US Treasury’s blacklist. US authorities did not disclose whether they took control of the vessel or if it will turn over its cargo.

The post Venezuelan Banks Receive 300M Ffrom US-Administered Crude Sales, Gov’t Officials Defend Oil Reform appeared first on Venezuelanalysis.


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This article by Dana Estrada originally appeared in the January 21, 2026 edition of El Sol de México.

Tecomitl, in Milpa Alta, and San Mateo Tlaltenango, in Cuajimalpa, are the neighbourhoods that will receive the most money in Mexico City for neighborhood improvement and the rescue of public spaces, which must be used through neighborhood proposals that are built with Participatory Budgeting in 2026.

Tecomitl will receive 11.6 million pesos and San Mateo Tlaltenango, 5.9 million, a figure that contrasts with what will be received by neighborhoods belonging to the Iztapalapa and Gustavo A. Madero boroughs, which have a larger population.

The Loma de la Palma neighborhood, located in the GAM, will receive 2,201,000 pesos, while the town of San Lorenzo Tezonco, in Iztapalapa, will receive 2,946,000 pesos as participatory budget.

Looking at the ballots at the Participatory Budget Consultation polling station Photo: Adrián Vázquez Archive/El Sol de México

The Finance Secretariat of the Mexico City government published in the Official Gazette that for 2026, the deputies of the local Congress approved 2,128,854,000 pesos for participatory projects that will be voted on May 3rd and will be built by the 16 boroughs.

The Electoral Institute of Mexico City (IECM) explained to El Sol de México that this resource will be used until 2027, once the votes for the Participatory Budget corresponding to this year have been presented.

The budget funds are concentrated in the boroughs of Gustavo A. Madero and Iztapalapa, which together comprise more than 200 neighborhoods, and will therefore receive over 205 million pesos each. Most of the proposed projects include street light replacement, sidewalk and street repairs, park restoration, security modules, rainwater harvesting systems, and more, all aimed at improving residents’ quality of life.

Other municipalities that also receive more than 150 million pesos for participatory budgeting are: Cuauhtémoc with 178 million 574 thousand pesos; Álvaro Obregon with 158 million 545 thousand; and Venustiano Carranza with 154 million 342 thousand pesos; districts that have between 60 and 200 neighborhoods.

Cuajimalpa encompasses neighborhoods with budgets of 5,952,000 pesos for San Pedro Cuajimalpa, 5,583,000 pesos for the Santa Fe corridor, and 3,582,000 pesos for Bosques de las Lomas. This borough has a total budget of nearly 100 million pesos.

The districts with the smallest budgets, despite their large territorial extension, are Tláhuac, with 98 million 172 thousand pesos; Magdalena Contreras, with 95 million 306 thousand pesos; and Milpa Alta, with 82 million 486 thousand pesos.

As part of the work prior to the participatory budget vote, the General Council of the Electoral Institute of Mexico City approved the designs of the documentation, electoral and consultative ballots that will be used in the consultation of said budget.

Each ballot includes features to prevent unintentional invalidation when marking it. These include three new colors, and each ballot will also have unique graphics such as margins, corners, and illustrations.

The post Mexico City Approves Participatory Budget of $114 Million USD appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.


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The Foreign Minister of Venezuela, Yván Gil, criticized Argentina’s president, Javier Milei, saying he has once again displayed “his profound ignorance of international law and the basic norms that govern coexistence between nations.”

In response to Milei’s recent statements, Gil indicated on Telegram that the Argentine president’s words “are not only delusional,” but also constitute a direct attack on the principle of sovereignty and the Zone of Peace in Latin America and the Caribbean.

“We don’t know if he is acting out of ignorance, incapacity, or habit, but we are certain that he is trying to hide his own internal failures,” the chancellor stated.

These reactions come after the Argentine president expressed support for the US military intervention against Venezuela. “We value the decision and the determination shown by the President of the United States, Mr. Donald Trump, and by his entire government,” he said, referring to the actions taken in Venezuela.

The foreign minister added that Milei’s irresponsibility does not represent a legitimate foreign policy and called it “a simple absurdity.”

Soldiers Recall Venezuela’s Heroic Resistance Against US Invasion and Trump’s Cowardly Attack

After the US bombing of Venezuela in the early hours of January 3—which left dead and wounded among military personnel and civilians—President Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, were kidnapped.

In response to these events, Venezuela has received support from various nations that condemn the attacks as violations of national sovereignty, the Charter of the United Nations, and international law. The allied international community demands the immediate release of the presidential couple, currently being held in the United States.

(Últimas Noticias) by Karla Patiño

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/JB/SH


From Orinoco Tribune – News and opinion pieces about Venezuela and beyond via This RSS Feed.

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President of Venezuela’s National Assembly, Jorge Rodríguez, announced that details of the proposed reform to the Hydrocarbons Law cannot be released at this time. He affirmed, however, that the Productive Participation Contracts implemented through the Anti-Blockade Law were key to increasing the country’s oil production during the sanctions, and therefore the government seeks to incorporate them into this new version of the law.

“There is a model that has proven extremely successful in increasing oil production,” he said. “When Venezuela was neither sanctioned nor blockaded, it was relatively easy to attract foreign investment and partnerships with national companies for the exploitation of what are called mature fields—those with prior investment—to begin production. But it is essential to find the optimal conditions to attract investors for what are called green fields: those that remain unexploited and therefore require a much larger investment. To achieve this, it is necessary to ensure that this foreign investment is protected and profitable. That is why the Productive Participation Contract mechanism was tested—a key factor in increasing oil production.” He emphasized the establishment of the Hydrocarbons Law as a strategic pillar of national development.

The CPPs (Productive Participation Contracts) are oil agreements between PDVSA and private or foreign companies to increase crude oil production, allowing greater operational control and investment recovery, while PDVSA supervises them under the Anti-Blockade Law to circumvent sanctions.

Rodríguez argued that the responsible and sovereign exploitation of oil should translate directly into social investments: the construction of schools, hospitals, technology infrastructure, healthcare, housing for young people, and other essential public services. This vision links the country’s hydrocarbon wealth to the fulfillment of fundamental rights, reaffirming the state’s role as guarantor of the equitable redistribution of oil revenue.

Venezuela: Acting President Rodríguez Secures US $300 Million in Oil Revenue to Shield Workers From Inflation (+Exchange Rate)

“Oil underground is useless; it must be converted into schools, housing for young people, healthcare, roads, and highways,” he told the media upon leaving the Parliament’s Advisory Commission, where members discussed the analysis, evaluation, monitoring, and implementation of the 2026-2027 Legislative Agenda in accordance with Article 36 of the Internal Regulations and Debates.

The Speaker of Parliament noted that laws always require two phases: the first debate focuses on the explanatory memorandum, its scope, and its impact on the population; this is followed by a process of public consultation with communities; and finally, the legal text is discussed article by article in the second debate. Therefore, it is not yet possible to disclose specific details—beyond the inclusion of new elements such as the CPPs and new trade relationships aimed at increasing production.

(Últimas Noticias) by Odra Farnetano

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/JB/SH


From Orinoco Tribune – News and opinion pieces about Venezuela and beyond via This RSS Feed.

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This article originally appeared in the January 21, 2026 edition of La Jornada, Mexico’s premier left wing daily newspaper.

US President Donald Trump reiterated yesterday that his military will begin ground operations to combat drug trafficking organizations, and insisted that the Gulf of Mexico should be called the “Gulf of America,” even jokingly suggesting that he considered naming it the “Trump Gulf.”

“We have designated the Tren de Aragua, MS-13, and the Mexican drug cartels as foreign terrorist organizations. We have hit them hard. They have seen what we have done on the water. We are beginning to do it on land,” the tycoon stated at a conference held to mark the first anniversary of his return to the White House.

On another topic, Trump said, “Why is it called the Gulf of Mexico? It should be the Gulf of America… I was going to call it the Gulf of Trump, but I thought they’d kill me if I did. I wanted to do it, but I decided against it. Just kidding… it sounds good, though. Maybe we could do it… It’s not too late.”

He stated that “for the first time in half a century” the United States is experiencing changes in migration trends and that “more people are leaving than entering.”

Trump also asserted that he has no interest in speaking with Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, who was captured and taken to New York amid bombing raids by U.S. forces in Venezuela on January 3. “I think my lawyers wouldn’t be happy.”

He indicated that he would “love” to involve opposition leader María Corina Machado in the transition in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, and described her as “an incredibly kind woman.”

When asked how far he would go in his attempt to seize Greenland, Trump simply replied: “They’ll see.”

Regarding the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), he stated: “I believe we will find a solution that will leave NATO very satisfied, and us as well,” and reiterated that the alliance without Washington’s support “is not very strong.”

He announced that he would not attend a G-7 meeting this Thursday in Paris, to which he was invited by French President Emmanuel Macron, because Macron “will not be in power much longer,” and boasted that his proposed Peace Council for Gaza “could replace” the United Nations, which, he asserted, “has not been very helpful.”

“They should have resolved all the wars that I resolved. I never called on them. I never even thought about it. They should be able to resolve those wars, and they don’t,” the president asserted.

The post Trump Insists Land Strikes Against Drug Traffickers Coming Soon, Rambles About Gulf of Mexico appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.


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By Llanisca Lugo González  –  Jan 15, 2026

In these early days of January, we have had to witness what hoped never to see, though it comes as no surprise: the kidnapping of a legitimate sitting president through a criminal act of aggression by the United States.

The initial bewilderment that followed in the first hours after the US military operation has given way to actions of denunciation and expressions of solidarity worldwide. These actions are a result of serious assessment in the face of an overwhelming flow of information (some accurate, others misleading or entirely false) that circulated across social media and the formal media.

Venezuela’s state and government remain intact: the National Assembly convened on January 5 and Vice President Delcy Rodríguez was sworn in as acting president.

However, dawn has not yet broken over the battlefield.

There is no room for naïve optimism. The fires still burn. The lessons are not yet learned.

The US military assault on Venezuela and kidnapping of President Nicolás Maduro and National Assembly Deputy Cilia Flores was no “surgical strike”. There is nothing surgical about deploying 150 aircraft, Delta Force units and then the entire ensemble of the US Southern Command (its electronic warfare systems capable of shutting down power and communications). This operation destroyed Venezuela’s military defense systems and other military installations across the country, as well as civilian structures (including warehouses holding medical equipment). Over a hundred Venezuelans were killed resisting the abduction, facing a military equipped with weapons systems funded by more than USD 1 trillion a year.

This is not only a display of power but also of desperation. The final resort after 25 years of failed operations to enact regime change in Venezuela. It is meant as a global warning: a message of force and issued by a power that has been unable to break Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution and seize control of the world’s largest oil reserves before time runs out. There is nothing new in this posture. It follows an all-to familiar script from a long history of US interventions: the coups against Jacobo Árbenz of Guatemala in 1954, João Goulart of Brazil in 1964, Juan Bosch in the Dominican Republic in 1965, Salvador Allende in Chile in 1973, and the broader coordinated terror campaign against the entire Left in Latin America through Operation Condor from 1975. Chávez knew this history. Maduro does as well. For a country with strategic resources, nothing is clearer than the need to defend sovereignty (a lesson that is well known across the Global South).

With this criminal operation (one that violates all the norms of what remains of so-called “international law”) the United States faces a crisis of legitimacy, even among its own allies. The face of imperialism is laid bare: the assertion of dominance over all others, in any hemisphere. Propelled by an overwhelming military force and the capacity to strike anywhere in the world, imperialism today goes beyond the Monroe Doctrine. Donald Trump and his ilk want everything and want to lose nothing. Here lies his fragility.

Trump has been forced to confront the absolute failure of the Venezuelan Right. He has withdrawn the fictitiousness of their right to rule and instead has had to accept the continuity of the Chavista leadership. Just as they failed to impose Juan Guaidó, they have now failed with Maria Corina Machado. To place either of them in the Miraflores presidential palace, the US troops would have had to climb the hills around the city and fight street by street against the resistance of a population unified by its hatred of a return to the oligarchy.

Faced with such US aggression, one cannot believe in a path of diplomacy necessarily based on the recognition of sovereign and equal states. The United States interprets the willingness to dialogue of our nations as signs of weakness and pounces like a starving beast. We must never forget this. Nor should we forget that they lie.

The battlefield has a military component, in which the United States have carried out a mission successfully. But it has other components (economic, political, ethical, symbolic fronts) that are contested. The protagonist of these dimensions is the Venezuelan people, mobilizing their memory, their recent history, their dignity, their victories, and their protagonism. The people mobilized under Chávez’s enduring gaze.

Soldiers Recall Venezuela’s Heroic Resistance Against US Invasion and Trump’s Cowardly Attack

The role of Cuba
For Cuba, blockaded for more than 60 years and accused by the same empire of being a state sponsor of terrorism and a failed state, there is no other path than to deepen anti-imperialism.

The ties between Cuba and Venezuela were born from the admiration José Martí (1853-1895) had for Simón Bolívar (1783-1830)—that traveler who wept before the statue of the Liberator. These ties were nourished by the love between Chávez and Fidel a century later. These are not mere commercial ties forged out of the need to survive amid a blockade, though sovereign cooperation would be entirely legitimate. They are bonds of fraternity, ties between siblings in the pursuit of a socialist path, nourished by faces of the people, by thousands of Cuban professionals who have served in Venezuela, and by stories of affection, loyalty, and sacrifice born over decades.

Our countries have sustained economic relations based on trust and mutual commitment, on the exchange of oil for medical and educational services, on compensated trade relations with preferential agreements. These exchanges have diminished in recent years due to unilateral sanctions and the tightening of the blockade. A naval blockade on Venezuelan oil could mean new difficulties for that exchange, but what Cubans are talking about these days is not national economic interests, but imperialism, revolution, internationalism, commitment — words we must bring into our lives as a compass for everyday practice.

The Left is living through a moment of definition and must take its rightful place in history at this hour. We have failed to advance regional integration. We have failed to strengthen regional sovereignty by pooling our resources and strengths. We have failed to deepen our understanding of one another’s struggles and the differences in our national realities. And in the face of this, there has always been an empire (today more voracious and soulless, but the same as ever).

Cubans condemn the US military aggression against Venezuela and the threats against the countries of the region, and we firmly condemn the kidnapping of Maduro and Flores and demand their release. In defending the Proclamation approved at the II CELAC Summit that recognizes our region as a Zone of Peace, we defend peace with sincerity. Our anger today does not translate into hatred, but carries the history of the victory over mercenary troops at Girón, the October Crisis, resistance to acts of state terrorism and to a blockade that was already 40 years old when formal fraternal relations with Venezuela began.

Today, the Cuban people mourn 32 sons of a country that only wants to work to live better along the path it has chosen. They are so aware that no people can confront the threats now being launched against Mexico, Cuba, Colombia, and Greenland alone. Only united can we stop a powerful fascist who has no morality or ethics other than dispossession and unpunished criminality, who feels entitled to every part of the world that interests them and endowed with the right and the power to destroy the part of the world they can do without.

Llanisca Lugo González is a member of the No Cold War Collective, is a researcher and the Antonio Gramsci Chair at the Instituto Juan Marinello, Havana, Cuba. She is a Deputy in the National Assembly of Cuba.

(People’s Dispatch)


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In episode 92 of Soberanía, we begin by looking at how much can change in just two weeks, using Mark Carney’s comments at the World Economic Forum as a starting point to discuss shifting economic and political signals and what they mean for Mexico’s Claudia Sheinbaum. The conversation then turns to Mexico’s decision to expel criminal figures and what that action reveals about US pressure on Mexico. In the third segment, we examine Mexico’s push toward universal health care, focusing specifically on the rollout of new Mexican health cards and what they mean in practice for access and coverage. Finally, in Loser and Haters we pick on the Mexican opposition.


The post World Cries Out “Sovereignty, Not Subordination” Soberanía 92 appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.


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This article originally appeared in the January 21, 2026 edition of Sin Embargo.

Mexico City. President Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo stated that Mexico will limit the entry of US military aircraft, even when they are related to training activities, considering it preferable that Mexican aircraft be in charge of transporting personnel who go to train abroad.

When asked by a journalist why a U.S. military plane landed at Toluca International Airport and not at another base, the President explained that the decision was made by the National Security Council, which must approve this type of training and bilateral agreements.

The head of the Executive Branch emphasized that these are not individual decisions of one institution, but rather decisions made by different branches of the State, and reiterated that the landing in Toluca did not violate any law nor did it require authorization from the Senate, since that body only intervenes when foreign troops or trainers enter the country.

The post Mexico To Limit Entry of US Military Aircraft appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.


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By Fight Racism! Fight Imperialism!  –  Jan 7, 2026

The Guardian is lying to us about Venezuela. This so called “independent” media outlet which professes “fearless investigative journalism—giving a voice to the powerless and holding power to account” has once again proved it does nothing of the sort. It repeats the same lies that have legitimised the US bombing of Caracas and kidnapping of President Nicolas Maduro and his wife, National Assembly deputy, Cilia Flores.

Lie 1: Maduro is a dictator
Julian Borger, a Guardian “senior analyst” penned on 3 January “Maduro is a dictator who has run an authoritarian state since 2013,” rejecting the results of all three (2013, 2018 and 2024) presidential elections that Maduro has stood in. The US has notoriously refused to recognise election results from Venezuela since 2013, Borger is simply parroting US claims.

In each election Maduro won over 6 million votes and over 50% of the vote share (2013 – 51%, 7.5 million votes. 2018 – 67%, 6.2 million votes. 2024 – 51% 6.4, million votes). Each election has been observed by hundreds of electoral observers. 2024’s election was targeted by a cyber-attack which delayed the election results, bolstering claims of fraud, however, the US-based National Lawyers Guild refuted this in their detailed observers report. Last year, Venezuela held elections for the National Assembly, Governorships and Legislative council in which large sections of the opposition participated. Maduro’s Great Patriotic Pole coalition won 82% of the votes for National Assembly deputies and 23 out of 24 governorships, again illustrating widespread electoral support. In contrast, the prominent opposition leader, Maria Corina Machado is thoroughly discredited within Venezuela, a poll last month showed 89% disapproved of her and even Trump admits she does not have enough popular support to run the country.

Moreover, Venezuela has a system of direct participatory democracy that is never reported on. There are over 5,300 communes, each made up of thousands of residents. In 2025 there were four nationwide consultations where communes proposed and voted on community projects, each commune receiving $10,000 to execute the winning project. 20,000 local projects were completed in this manner; direct participatory management of state funds for community use—hardly the hallmark of a dictator. Meanwhile, 8 million volunteers have joined the people’s Bolivarian militias, armed and drilled in preparation for a US invasion. If the majority of Venezuelans had wanted to overthrow Maduro, they would have done it themselves!

Lie 2: Maduro is a drug kingpin
In its news feed on 5 January, the Guardian repeated US prosecution allegations against Maduro, without presenting any facts. Trump has alleged that Maduro is the head of the Cartel de los soles. Even US intelligence admitted the group does not exist. Moreover, the United Nations office on drugs and crime’s 2025 report declared Venezuela as a territory free of coca leaf cultivation, marijuana and cocaine processing, reporting that less than 5% of the region’s cocaine is transited through Venezuela. The same report ranks Venezuela 11th in the world for drug seizures, highlighting its robust anti-narcotics programme.

Lie 3: Venezuela is a failed state
The “Guardian view” on 4 January claimed that “Venezuelans have endured a repressive, kleptocratic and incompetent regime.” It’s no secret that Venezuela has lived through hyperinflation and scarcity, however the Guardian completely fails to mention the US oil blockade and 1000 unilateral coercive measures (sanctions) that by 2021 had decimated export revenue to less than 1% of its pre-sanctions level, resulted in the deaths of 40,000 Venezuelan’s in 2018 according to a Centre for Economic and Policy Research report.

Nor did the Guardian mention that despite this, Venezuela under Maduro built 5 million units of social housing, increased domestic food production to cover over 90% of basic food needs and distributed free and subsidised food bags providing a lifeline to millions of working class Venezuelans.

Meanwhile in food bank Britain, one of the richest nations in the world, the Guardian itself reported that 9 million people are vulnerable to dependence on food banks run, not by the state, but by charity in 2024.

Lie 4: Venezuelans are celebrating the kidnapping of Maduro
In several articles, the Guardian reports that Venezuelans in Britain, the US and Europe are celebrating. Yet huge protests have erupted in New York, in Washington, in London, featuring Venezuelans who have spoken out against the illegal US bombing, demanding the release of President Maduro. The Guardian has completely ignored these voices, only quoting and giving airspace to opposition aligned Venezuelans who back Trump’s regime change narrative.

Reporting from Bogotá and Caracas, Guardian correspondents Tom Phillips and Patricia Torres have refused to report on the mass protests taking place in Venezuela. Hundreds of thousands have taken to the streets in all regional capitals demanding the return of Maduro and rejecting US war on Venezuela. 50,000 filled Caracas’ Avenida Urdaneta on 4 January. They have been made completely invisible by the Guardian because this does not fit with their narrative of Venezuelans celebrating the downfall of an unpopular dictatorship.

President Nicolás Maduro is Not a Dictator

Lie 5: Acting President Delcy Rodriguez is aligned with Donald Trump
Since 5 January the Guardian has insisted that Delcy Rodríguez, former vice president who is now acting president, has struck a “conciliatory tone” with the US, insinuating that she will not defend the Bolivarian Revolution. This psy-op is aimed at dividing the solidarity movement. Contradicting such notions, on 3 January, Rodríguez called people to the streets declaring “we will never again be slaves, we will never again be colonies of any empire.” On 5 January, assuming the presidency she emphasised, “I come here as executive vice president to the constitutional president of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro Moros, to take the oath of office. I come with sorrow for the suffering inflicted upon the Venezuelan people following an illegitimate military aggression against our homeland…but I also come with honour to swear, in the name of all Venezuelans, by our liberator father Simon Bolivar…whose liberating blood runs through the veins of Venezuelans.”

In offering dialogue with the US, Rodríguez is simply following in the footsteps of Maduro who repeatedly called for dialogue against the US escalation of war. Rodríguez has been part of Venezuela’s government since 2003, first in the administration of Hugo Chávez, then in Maduro’s administration. She is the child of Jorge Antonio Rodríguez, a leftist guerrilla tortured and killed by US linked intelligence services in 1976. She is not about to roll over and hand Venezuela to Trump and neither will the millions of Venezuelans committed to the Bolivarian revolution.

The Guardian is a mouthpiece for imperialist interests in Venezuela. As Fight Racism! Fight Imperialism! has consistently exposed, it has long manufactured consent for destabilisation, coup attempts, sanctions and now war against Venezuela. The Guardian attacks any national struggle that takes an explicitly anti imperialist stance, from Cuba to Nicaragua, Burkina Faso to Yemen. Whilst balking at Trump’s threats to Denmark’s sovereignty over Greenland, the Guardian enables the US war on self-determination in Latin America; a thoroughly racist, chauvinist stance that must be protested for what it is—propaganda for war.

(Revolutionary Communist Group)


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This article by Luis M. López originally appeared in Publimetro on January 18, 2026.

Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo led the presentation on Sunday of progress on the Justice Plan for the Chichimeca and Otomí peoples of Guanajuato and the semi-desert of Querétaro, an event in which she delivered the agrarian documentation that gives legal life to the ejido Nuevo Cruz del Palmar, thus ending a territorial conflict of more than eight decades between the communities of La Petaca and Cruz del Palmar.

“This is a peaceful resolution to a historical conflict, and a debt that the Mexican State owed to these communities,” President Claudia Sheinbaum said.

During her message, the President described the creation of the new agrarian community as a “peaceful resolution of a historical conflict,” and linked it to the constitutional recognition of Indigenous and Afro-Mexican peoples approved in 2024, within the framework of the so-called fourth transformation.

“A new community is born here, with legal certainty over its land, after more than 80 years of waiting,” said President Claudia Sheinbaum.

At the event, held in the community of La Cruz del Palmar, in Guanajuato, the president stressed that the so-called justice plans cannot remain only on paper, but must be translated into concrete actions for Indigenous peoples.

President Sheinbaum declared, “That is why justice plans are made, because it is not enough for it to remain in the letter of the Constitution; the government has the obligation to do justice for the people.”

She explained that this justice is built by working directly with the communities, recognizing them, and jointly deciding what they need, the first step being the recognition of their ancestral land. “That is why we are so pleased to be delivering this document today,” he said, referring to the agrarian file that gives legal standing to the new ejido.

At the event, Sheinbaum presented the ejido commissioner with the basic file and the current register of ejido members, documents that formalize the legal existence of the Nuevo Cruz del Palmar ejido, which has an area of ​​569 hectares.

In an interview on site for Publimetro, Sabino Ramírez Infante, a resident and historian of Cruz del Palmar, recounted that the origin of the problem dates back to the agrarian reform era, when a portion of the land was left unregulated.

Sabino Ramírez Infante, a resident and historian of Cruz del Palmar

“When we tried to move forward, representatives linked to the ejido process were murdered more than eight decades ago. We waited 87 years for this great moment,” he said, referring to the creation of the new ejido.

The presidium included federal and state authorities, among them Edna Vega , head of the Ministry of Agrarian, Territorial and Urban Development (SEDATU), and Adelfo Regino, director of the National Institute of Indigenous Peoples (INPI), as well as traditional authorities from Indigenous communities in the region.

Investment & Pending Issues of the Plan

The INPI reported that the Justice Plan has accumulated more than 700 million pesos in investment, with actions in areas such as territory, sacred sites, well-being and infrastructure, in addition to agreements for the installation of community houses for Indigenous languages ​​and technical tours for artisan paths.

With the delivery of the agrarian file, federal authorities brought to a close one of the oldest territorial conflicts in the region and formalized the birth of a new community with full legal recognition.


The post President Sheinbaum Formalizes New Guanajuato Ejido, Closing Agrarian Conflict of More Than 80 years appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.


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Online users have reacted sharply on X after the Canadian prime minister addressed the World Economic Forum in Davos, openly acknowledging the breakdown of the so-called US-led “rules-based order.”


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Canada’s prime minister tells the World Economic Forum that the so-called US-led global order is breaking down, as Washington turns power, trade, and coercion into tools of domination.


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Corporate media have deployed a lexicon of legitimation in their coverage of the deadly US invasion of Venezuela and the abduction of President Nicolás Maduro, along with his wife and fellow politician Cilia Flores. Major news outlets have routinely described these events using words like “capture” (New York Times1/3/26) or “arrest” (BBC1/3/26), which presents them as a matter of enforcing the law against fugitives or criminals, and carries the built-in but false assumption that the US had the right or even duty to conduct its operation in the first place.

The ludicrous premise is that any time an arrest warrant is issued somewhere in the United States, the US has the right to do anything, anywhere in the world, in pursuit of the subject—including bombing another country, invading it, killing its citizens, and spiriting away its president and first lady. Cornell Law School professor Maggie Gardner (Transnational Litigation Blog1/5/26) rebuked the idea that the US merely enforced the law in Venezuela, pointing out (emphasis in original):

Under customary international law, a sovereign can only exercise enforcement jurisdiction in the territory of another sovereign if it has that sovereign’s consent. This hard line limiting enforcement powers to a sovereign’s own territory is clear and well-established.

Venezuela, of course, didn’t consent to being bombed, or to having Maduro and Flores taken from the country at gunpoint. Accordingly, what happened in Caracas is best understood not as the US enforcing the law, but as the US breaking international law. It’s misleading, therefore, to use language like “capture” and “arrest,” which evoke the US upholding the law, to describe blowtorch-wielding, heavily armed US forces taking Maduro and Flores prisoner in the middle of the night (BBC1/4/26).

‘Abducted, so to speak’

I used the news aggregator Factiva to examine New York TimesWall Street Journal and Washington Post coverage from January 3 through January 5, the day of the US’s attack on Venezuela and the first two days after these developments. The papers published a combined 223 pieces that featured Maduro’s name, and 166 of these (74%) used the term “capture” or a form of it, such as “captured” or “capturing.” Sixty of these pieces, or 27%, included the word “arrest” or variations on the term, like “arrested” or “arresting.”

“Abduction” or “kidnapping”—synonyms that mean to take someone away unlawfully and by force—are far more suitable words for what the US did to Maduro and Flores. Only two pieces in the Post and one in the Journal used any form of “abduct” (such as “abduction”) in any of the articles that refer to Maduro—1% of the combined total articles. In each case, the term appears in quotation marks. The Times ran no pieces in which the word appeared.

The Post (1/3/26) shared a perplexing perspective from Geoffrey Corn—head of the Center for Military Law and Policy at Texas Tech University, and a former top legal adviser to the US Army—who said that the US Supreme Court has been clear since the late 19th century that “you can’t claim that you were abducted and therefore the court should not be allowed to assert authority over you.” The article went on:

“Maduro is not going to be able to avoid being brought to trial because he was abducted, so to speak, even if he can establish it violated international law,” Corn said, adding that in his view, the administration’s overnight military operation lacked any “plausible legal basis.”

So, despite Corn’s view that the US attack was illegal, he couldn’t bring himself to present Maduro’s abduction as literal rather than figurative.

That article, as well another in the Post (1/3/26) and one in the Wall Street Journal (1/5/26), quoted Democratic Senator Mark R. Warner:

If the United States asserts the right to use military force to invade and capture foreign leaders it accuses of criminal conduct, what prevents China from claiming the same authority over Taiwan’s leadership? What stops Vladimir Putin from asserting a similar justification to abduct Ukraine’s president?

Even as Warner is skeptical about the US’s actions in Venezuela, he still uses the language of “capture” for Maduro, while using “abduct” for a hypothetical scenario in which the official enemy Putin carries out a parallel crime. None of the articles that included Warner’s quote  commented on this linguistic inconsistency.

The word “abduct” was never used in the voice of a reporter from any of these papers to describe what the US had done.

‘It’s not a bad term’

Venezuelan officials, including Maduro himself (New York Times1/5/26), say that he was “kidnapped” by the US. They’re not the only ones. On Democracy Now! (1/3/26), Venezuelan journalist Andreína Chávez and US-based Venezuelan historian Miguel Tinker Salas both used that word to characterize what the US did to Maduro and Flores.

Canada’s national broadcaster, the CBC (1/5/26), regarded the idea that Maduro was “kidnapped” as at least meriting serious discussion. Co-anchor Andrew Chang asked:

Did the US military just kidnap Nicholas Maduro?… “Kidnap” is a loaded word because it implies illegality. Maybe a more neutral way of describing Maduro’s capture is as an “abduction,” but the US government calls it an “arrest.”…

This isn’t some nerdy question about semantics. It’s a question about law, and whether the US has the legal right to extract world leaders from their homes, and maybe even whether other countries might have that right, too.

Notably, when Trump was told that Venezuela’s acting President Delcy Rodríguez said it was a “kidnapping,” he didn’t push back, saying, “It’s not a bad term.”

However, the only times “kidnap” appeared in the TimesJournal or Post in relation to Maduro and Flores—in 10 pieces, or 4% of the coverage—came when that term was attributed to representatives of the Venezuelan state. Suggesting to readers that a government that has been demonized in US media for decades is the only source that regards Maduro and Flores as having been “kidnapped” is tantamount to suggesting that no credible sources take that position.

The three papers combined to run zero articles treating as an objective fact the view that America “abducted” or “kidnapped” a sitting head of state in defiance of international law, while they regularly used “captured” and “arrested” outside of quotation marks, as if those word choices are merely flat descriptions of reality.

ICE also ‘arrests’

These linguistic choices matter. “Capture” and “arrest” paint Trump, Delta Force and the CIA as righteous heroes protecting their country—as well as Venezuela and the rest of the world—from the villainous Maduros. “Abduct” and “kidnap” morally invert the good guy and bad guy roles, and would portray US actors as the wrongdoers.

This particular form of word play is part of a pattern for corporate media under this Trump administration. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) round-ups of migrants in the United States have featured what can most accurately be described as abductions or kidnappings of people—off the streets, at courts, in workplaces and elsewhere—by armed, masked and unaccountable agents, into unmarked vehicles. It’s little surprise, then, that immigration lawyers, members of Congress, and law professors (LA Times10/21/25), among others, routinely use the word “abduct” to describe these events.

And describing ICE’s practices as “kidnappings” isn’t some fringe view. Rep. Jesus “Chuy” Garcia (D-Ill.) uses the word (Independent12/5/25), as does Rolling Stone editor Tim Dickinson (7/2/25), and the academic and author Natasha Lennard of the New School for Social Research in New York (Intercept7/1/25). ICE’s victims (Mother Jones7/18/27NPR7/27/25) and their families (Guardian4/15/256/10/256/26/25) frequently describe their ordeal in such terms.

Yet corporate media eschew such language for the same sanitized “arrest” or “capture” language they employed for Maduro and Flores. When I used Factiva to pair “ICE” with the words “abduct” or “kidnap,” just two articles turned up that included the perspective that ICE “abducts” people (New York Times7/13/25Washington Post12/3/25), both attributed to critical sources. Five (2%) included a version of the word “kidnap,” all in quotation marks.

Three of these quotes were from the much-maligned Venezuelan government (New York Times3/18/2511/25/25Washington Post5/4/25), one came from a man whose father and daughter-in-law had been detained by ICE (Washington Post3/21/25), and another from a member of the Chicago Board of Education (New York Times10/22/25).

The language is freighted in the same way, whether it is migrants under attack from US jackboots, or those same forces unleashed against socialist politicians in Global South countries seeking to escape imperial domination.

The views expressed in this article are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Venezuelanalysis editorial staff.

Source: FAIR

The post Labeling Kidnapping a ‘Capture,’ Media Legitimate Violation of International Law appeared first on Venezuelanalysis.


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The US invasion of Venezuela on January 3 and the subsequent abduction of President Maduro marked a significant shift in American foreign policy, reflecting a return to the interventionist tactics of the past.


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submitted 2 months ago* (last edited 2 months ago) by rss@news.abolish.capital to c/latam@news.abolish.capital
 
 

The US invasion of Venezuela on January 3 and the subsequent abduction of President Maduro marked a significant shift in American foreign policy, reflecting a return to the interventionist tactics of the past.


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submitted 2 months ago* (last edited 2 months ago) by rss@news.abolish.capital to c/latam@news.abolish.capital
 
 

The US invasion of Venezuela on January 3 and the subsequent abduction of President Maduro marked a significant shift in American foreign policy, reflecting a return to the interventionist tactics of the past.


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Caracas (OrinocoTribune.com)—Acting President Delcy Rodríguez announced Tuesday that Venezuela has received the first US $300 million of a total of US $500 million from oil sales. She explained that these funds will be used to finance workers’ salaries and protect their purchasing power from what she described as the “fluctuations of the foreign exchange rate.”

During a meeting with commune leaders in the La Vega parish of Caracas, Rodríguez noted that these resources will be distributed to public and private national banks through the Central Bank of Venezuela.

“Let us continue advancing in communal democracy,” said Rodríguez, emphasizing that organized popular power is what governs the destiny of Venezuela. “The [US] $300 million received will cover the income of our workers, protecting their purchasing power from inflation and the negative impact of the exchange rate.”

Venezuelan authorities have not yet provided precise information about the nature of the new oil relationship with the US regime following its criminal military attack against the country and abduction of President Nicolás Maduro. However, analysts claim that the easing of illegal US sanctions might be among upcoming decisions to allow for new pragmatic changes carried out under duress, amid impending military threats and direct assassination threats against Delcy Rodríguez and Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello, among other Chavista leaders.

Analysts claim that this extraordinary income comes from trade operations conducted between Venezuela and the US involving the sale of crude oil accumulated as result of the illegal US naval blockade. These assets are reportedly entering the country via newly created sovereign funds in Qatar, which were announced by the acting president last week.

Exchange rate stabilization and economic outlook
Economists claim the drastic shift in Venezuela’s exchange rate environment stems from expectations of improved access to foreign currency. Since last December, the gap between the official and black market exchange rates had reached nearly 300%. The official rate averaged approximately 300 bolívars per USD, while the black market rate peaked at 900 bolívars per USD immediately following the US attacks.

As of January 20, the official exchange rate stands at 344.5 bolívars per USD, while the black market rate has dropped to 450 bolívars per USD—representing a 50% decline in the parallel market rate.

Rodríguez also touched on the social recovery of the nation: “We are pleased that our children are back in school. Let us continue strengthening popular democracy and following Venezuela’s destiny together with the people.”

Venezuela’s GDP Grows Almost 9% in Third Quarter (+Exchange Rate)

Delcy Rodríguez is serving as acting president following the US attack and abduction of President Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, by US special forces on January 3. The presidential couple was taken to New York, where they remain illegally detained in a maximum security prison.

According to the latest figures released by Venezuelan authorities, the military aggression perpetrated in Caracas and the states of Aragua, Miranda, and La Guaira resulted in more than 100 deaths, including both civilians and military personnel, and left more than 150 people injured.

Special for Orinoco Tribune by staff

OT/JRE/SL


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Venezuelan Acting President Delcy Rodríguez continues to make changes to her cabinet. On Monday, she announced the appointment of Nuramy Josefa Gutiérrez González as the new minister of health and the appointment of Calixto Ortega Sánchez as president of the International Center for Productive Investment (CIIP).

Nuramy Gutiérrez is a Venezuelan professional with a long career in the healthcare sector. From now on, she will be committed to strengthening healthcare and protection policies for the benefit of the Venezuelan people, Rodríguez wrote on social media. The president expressed her gratitude to Magaly Gutiérrez for her work in the health sector, confirming that she will continue to lead the Venezuelan Institute of Social Security (IVSS).

Informo al país que he designado a la doctora Nuramy Josefa Gutiérrez González, como nueva ministra del Poder Popular para la Salud. Esta profesional venezolana ha dedicado su vida a este sector, profundizará las políticas de atención y protección sanitaria dirigidas al pueblo. pic.twitter.com/pR26Oio0wN

— Delcy Rodríguez (@delcyrodriguezv) January 20, 2026

Rodríguez noted that the appointment of Calixto Ortega as president of the CIIP will allow the continued growth of national and international investments for the Venezuelan production system in this stage of economic recovery.

“We offer our full support for the well-being and prosperity of Venezuela,” said the acting president while thanking Alex Saab for his commitment and great work at the head of the institution.

Ortega’s was among the first cabinet changes announced by Delcy Rodriguez on January 6, when he was appointed as new sectoral vice president of economy and finance, replacing Rodriguez. She noted that Ortega will have the responsibility of strategically coordinating the ministries and institutions that make up the country’s economy.

Rodríguez emphasized that these new appointments are key to continuing to promote the country’s welfare and economic development policies.

Hernán Canorea, new president of VTV
Furthermore, the acting president appointed journalist Hernán Canorea as the new president of Venezolana de Televisión (VTV), replacing Freddy Ñáñez, who had been in charge of the state channel since November 2017.

This appointment was made through Decree No. 5,216, published in Official Gazette No. 6,969, which came into effect last Friday, Jan. 16, when she announced the appointment of Miguel Perez Pirela as new head of the Information and Communication Ministry.

Canorea has had a long career in journalism within the Venezuelan system of public media. He began his career at Radio Nacional de Venezuela and later moved to television at VTV.

| Position | New Official | Replaces | |


|


|


| | Minister of Health | Nuramy Gutiérrez | Magaly Gutiérrez | | President of CIIP | Calixto Ortega Sánchez | Alex Saab | | President of VTV | Hernán Canorea | Freddy Ñáñez | | President of Patria Foundation | Anabel Pereira Fernández | (New Appointment) |

New president of Fundación Patria
Another move by the Chavista leader was the appointment of Anabel Pereira Fernández as acting president of the Patria Foundation and president of its board of directors. Pereira has also served as minister for economy and finance since August 2024.

Venezuela’s Acting President Delcy Rodríguez Announces New Cabinet Changes

Pereira is a lawyer and economist by profession and has extensive experience in Venezuelan public administration within the financial and regulatory sector.

With this appointment, the executive seeks to strengthen the operational capacity of this institution which, in recent years, has become a key element in the country’s stability. The Patria Foundation is attached to the vice presidency of the Republic. and its structure is defined in its founding.

(Últimas Noticias) by Karla Patiño with Orinoco Tribune content

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/JRE/SL


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This article by Eduardo Nava Hernández originally appeared at Rebelión on January 10, 2026. The views expressed in this article are the authors’* own and do not necessarily reflect those ofMexico Solidarity Mediaor theMexico Solidarity Project.*

The proclamation by the US president of a revived Monroe Doctrine (or, to satisfy his egomania, the Donroe Doctrine) was perversely put into action with the assault on Fort Tiuna in Caracas, the bombing of various Venezuelan military and civilian installations, the kidnapping of President Nicolás Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores, and the murder of the Venezuelan and Cuban guards protecting them. From then on, the discourse emanating from Washington purports to herald an era of imperial domination through the unlimited use of force and, as Stephen Miller—advisor to Donald Trump and one of those tasked, along with Marco Rubio and Secretary of State Pete Hegseth, with “managing” the Venezuelan transition—has stated, a world in which international law and the sovereignty of states have no relevance.

The unrestricted use of force is the first premise of the new order envisioned by Trump. More than a rehash of the Monroe Doctrine, it is a revival of Theodore Roosevelt’s Big Stick doctrine, representing the United States’ purported “right” to intervene militarily in other countries to preserve its strategic interests. The second premise would be the division of the world into spheres of influence, virtually spheres of dominance, assigned to the great powers, where the entire so-called “Western Hemisphere”—that is, the Americas—would be a living space— Lebensraum in the Nazi German version—for expansion to ensure Americans receive the resources they need, to the exclusion of other powers.

A new order that, for those other emerging powers, China and Russia, is unacceptable and leads to increased tensions across the globe; but it is a fact that its design is already impacting the nations of the Americas and poses a threat to the entire continent. It is clear that the governments of Argentina, Ecuador, Peru, Paraguay, Bolivia, El Salvador, Guyana, and the soon-to-be-inducted government of Chile are already operating under this logic of subordination to imperialism, while Venezuela has become a politically unstable territory in resistance, and direct threats loom over Cuba, Colombia, and, as has been predicted, Mexico.

To exert pressure, Washington’s argument hinges on drug trafficking, just as it was the activity and ideology of communism in our countries and terrorism in the past. Organized crime gangs are now being labeled narco-terrorists; and in Venezuela, Colombia, and Mexico, this is being used as leverage to force a shift in their governments, compelling them to submit to Washington, gaining access to their oil and mineral resources, and excluding other countries from these resources. In the case of Mexico, Trump is also trying to force it to suspend fuel supplies to Cuba, thus further strangling its economy; but he continues to threaten to attack Mexican cartels directly on our soil.

There is no doubt that these forms of pressure will continue and intensify. Donald Trump and his team have demonstrated time and again that they will not hesitate to use any means to bring all the governments of the Latin American region, and other parts of the world, under their control. This is nothing less than a return to the crudest and most aggressive forms of imperialism, historically known, but which we were supposed to never see again in this century. And for Mexico, this implies, from now on, a period of great complexity in bilateral and geopolitical relations in general. Added to this is the pressure from the country’s business and right-wing opposition, which, in complete agreement with Washington, demands that Venezuela be left to its fate and that solidarity with Cuba be abandoned in accordance with the will of the aggressor empire. All of this is happening as the trade and financial agreement between Canada, Mexico, and the United States, USMCA, enters its review phase.

A long-term vision for Mexico implies strengthening diplomatic, commercial, and political ties with diverse regions of the world, to bolster autonomy and break the logic of exclusive confinement that Trumpism seeks to impose on the countries of the region.

The attacks have been multifaceted and brutal, especially during the last year: tariffs on Mexican exports; the mass and violent expulsion of migrant workers to the United States; forcing Mexico to become a repository for migrants from other countries in the Americas and other regions of the world; threats to carry out operations on our territory (“something has to be done about Mexico”) against drug manufacturing and trafficking organizations, especially fentanyl; the integration of the Mexican armed forces into the strategy of the U.S. Northern Command through joint exercise programs; and pressure to impose tariffs on Chinese exports to our country. The stance of the Morena governments since Donald Trump’s first term has been to pragmatically comply with the despot’s demands, ever since Andrés Manuel López Obrador agreed to close the southern and northern borders to the Central American caravans, detain them in concentration camps (with tragedies like the one in Ciudad Juárez), and receive deportees from other countries. President Claudia Sheinbaum, among other things, has handed over about fifty Mexican prisoners without extradition trials for crimes committed in Mexico to be imprisoned in US prisons.

The aggressiveness of Trump’s policies should compel us to re-examine the logic that has led, in recent times, to the trade-off of principles for immediate interests.

The current situation compels the Sheinbaum administration to adopt a smart and firm policy. The document issued on January 4th jointly with Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Spain, and Uruguay, and the positions presented at the UN Security Council by Mexican representative Héctor Vasconcelos and at the OAS by Alejandro Encinas, have been positive developments that reaffirm the principles of Mexico’s established foreign policy. The suspension of the Senate committee meeting, which was to discuss the approval of allowing U.S. military personnel to enter Mexican territory for training exercises with the Mexican Navy, was also a positive sign.

The principles of non-intervention, self-determination of states, and peaceful settlement of disputes are, of course, the indispensable foundation for the development of an autonomous policy in the international arena. They imply discarding the pragmatism that has dominated Mexican diplomacy in recent decades, based merely on strengthening economic ties with our northern neighbor through trade agreements, and on security and counter-narcotics issues, which has in fact subordinated Mexico more than ever before to the demands of the United States. In other words, the aggressiveness of Trump’s policies should compel us to re-examine the logic that has led, in recent times, to the trade-off of principles for immediate interests.

Mexico must urgently disassociate itself from any form of military alliance with the interventionist power and withdraw its armed forces from joint operations, under penalty of appearing to collaborate in the violation of nations’ right to self-determination, in this case, that of Venezuela. It cannot accept, as it has thus far, that China is a nation hostile to our national interests; it is not. On the contrary, a long-term vision implies strengthening diplomatic, commercial, and political ties with diverse regions of the world, which is the way to bolster autonomy and break the logic of exclusive confinement that Trumpism seeks to impose on the countries of the region.

We need a more active diplomacy in international forums, however corrupted and weakened they may be, because these are the arenas where we can make our proclaimed principles of foreign policy heard and where we can forge multilateral alliances to isolate Trump’s neo-fascism, by putting forward proposals grounded in international law, which must be revived as a bulwark against US political and territorial expansionism. Trump has opened many fronts of aggression simultaneously, so multilateral responses are necessary. And, above all, trade agreements must not dictate international policy, lest we relinquish sovereignty in foreign policy.

Mexico must overcome the inertia of decades of unilateral alignment with the interests of the United States and understand that the nation’s future depends, more than ever in the current circumstances, on its ability to circumvent the encirclement that the empire seeks to impose on us, along with the other countries of the region. A rapprochement with Brazil, the other subregional power, is key at this moment to counteract the influences emanating from the north that are poisoning the atmosphere of international coexistence. This also applies to Canada, a country also threatened by regional convergence in North America and by the trade and financial agreement we share with the United States. Our country’s silence regarding the massacre in Gaza has been repugnant and ominous; it must not continue in the case of aggressions against our closest neighbors in the region.

Although it may not seem so, the Mexican government’s weakness lies primarily within its own borders. The polarizing rhetoric of Andrés Manuel López Obrador, continued by Claudia Sheinbaum, which confronts and verbally discredits the opposition and capital—even though the government actually serves the latter, confronting and attacking the middle class, as well—and the construction of its hegemony solely on the basis of clientelism through social programs and propaganda, while simultaneously weakening popular organization, is insufficient to confront a right wing that, while diminished, is more than willing to join imperialist initiatives and rely on them to vie for power. However high the popularity of the rulers may be, electoral clientelism—as we have seen recently even in Argentina, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Honduras, where progressivism had a more solid foundation—proves fragile in the face of the combined onslaught of the empire and its internal lackey groups.

The Bolivarian revolution in Venezuela has not collapsed, and it will surely survive, because its social base is much stronger, stemming from communes and popular social organizations, than what we see in Mexico. Building this network of organizations that will give life to an effective popular alternative is the task of the left, not the current regime.

The post Mexico in the Context of the New Imperialism appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.


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By Joe Emersberger – Jan 19, 2026

He has shown that US tyranny causes millions of deaths, but supports it anyway

Despite having always been a strong opponent of the kidnapped Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, the Venezuelan economist Francisco Rodríguez has harshly criticized illegal U.S. sanctions on his country. He has a very impressive academic and professional background as an economist. He has frequently used his expertise to refute fascists like Ricardo Hausmann (a supporter of Nazi Israel’s genocide in Gaza) who deny the lethal impact of US sanctions on Venezuela.

Grim calculations showing a partial toll of US savagery
More recently, Rodríguez was the lead author of a paper that was published in the prestigious Lancet Global Health journal. [1] The paper showed that illegal economic sanctions (mostly imposed by the US but often joined by its EU vassals) have killed about 560,000 people per yearfrom 2012 – 2021. The paper noted that “This estimate is higher than the average annual number of battle-related casualties during this period (106 000 deaths per year) and similar to some estimates of the total death toll of wars including civilian casualties (around half a million deaths per year).” One reason the death toll is so high is because roughly 25% of the world population (about 2 billion people) live under US sanctions.

It should be stressed that the data Rodriguez used in this paper came largely from the UN. The UN, even before the US-sponsored genocide in Gaza, exposed itself as being quite capable of publishing dubious statistics that serve the US imperial agenda. So that bias may have made his estimate lower than it would otherwise have been. In spite of that, Rodriguez’s estimate was horrific. And for the 1970 – 2021 period, his research shows the death toll from illegal US-led sanctions to be 38 million.

The obvious conclusion to draw from Rodriguez’s research is that the US is a very murderous dictatorship. With total impunity, the US wields lethal authority over billions of people who are not US citizens, or even residents. Empire is another word for that kind of dictatorship.

No. Trump cannot win an election in Venezuela “democratically”
But in a New York Times op-ed on January 8, Rodriguez has shown himself to be completely oblivious to the implications of his own research. He wrote the following:

If Venezuela were a democracy, then Ms. Machado’s party would be in power. But Venezuela is not a democracy, nor will it become one overnight simply because Mr. Maduro is no longer around. When the Trump administration made the decision to carry out a surgical operation to extract Mr. Maduro instead of occupying the country, it also chose, at least in the short term, to work with a state structure designed and run by supporters of Mr. Maduro and his predecessor Hugo Chávez.

This passage is sickening for a few reasons. He refers to the attack that killed about a hundred people as a “surgical strike”. In fact, nowhere in the op-ed does he say a word about the deaths caused by the kidnapping of Maduro. But most offensive of all is Rodriguez’s claim that “if Venezuela were a democracy, then Ms. Machado’s party would be in power.”

Maria Corina Machado’s party should be outlawed in Venezuela, and Machado herself should have been jailed decades ago. Machado signed the Carmona Decree in 2002 when Hugo Chavez was overthrown for two days. The decree, issued by the short-lived US-backed dictatorship of Pedro Carmona, voided the 1999 constitution that voters had ratified and dissolved all the country’s democratic institutions including the National Assembly and the Supreme Court. In 2005, Machado told the New York Times that she was only at the National Palace the day the decree was issued to visit Pedro Carmona’s wife who was “a family friend”. She told the Christian Science Monitor she thought the Carmona Decree was a sign in sheet. These are risible claims. It was disgraceful of Rodriguez to tell New York Times readers that Machado’s support for the 2002 coup could be doubted. And recall that the New York Times enthusiastically welcomed Carmona’s brief dictatorship.

Maria Corina Machado with George W Bush in 2005. Both supported a coup that ousted Hugo Chavez in 2002.

She has always made clear that she wants to slavishly serve the US dictatorship in Venezuela and violently exterminate the Chavista movement she despises. As Rodriguez concedes in his New York Times op-ed, she has called for foreign invasion (mass slaughter) in Venezuela, and applauded Trump’s recent homicide spree targeting Venezuelans on the high seas, and never condemned Trump illegally sending hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to prison in El Salvador as if they were slaves. Unmentioned by Rodriguez was that Machado is also a staunch supporter of the US-sponsored genocide in Gaza.

Rodriguez claimed in the op-ed that Machado has the support of 70% of Venezuelans. That’s outlandish, but also irrelevant to whether she could ever win a democratic election. Anyone who accepts the legitimacy of a US-backed candidate winning in Venezuela should not complain if Trump were to use starvation sanctions and military force to ensure that his allies prevail in elections within the United States. The main thing preventing that in the US (for now) is that Democrats and Republicans are two factions of the same party: both totally committed to serving oligarchs and ensuring that “Israel” can perpetrate genocide. All factions of the US oligarchy have profited from the “two party” scam and will not easily give it up.[3]

Moreover, even if Machado’s fascist views were shared by the Venezuelan majority, they would still be illegitimate. Democracy does not mean the majority is allowed to perpetrate mass murder. That’s what Machado would do if the US were to fully commit to installing her into power. Trump obviously balked at the US troop casualties and long term expense of installing Machado and carrying out her homicidal fantasies. Rodriguez completely glossed over Machado’s fascistic nature and described her as overly stubborn – almost as if she were too virtuous to get Trump’s support.

No grounds for accepting that Machado’s party won in 2024
Despite admitting in his op-ed that Machado is an extravagant liar who has said that Maduro’s government helped steal the US election in 2020 from Trump, Rodriguez has an unshakable faith in Machado’s tally sheets from the 2024 presidential election (which she claims were won by her proxy, Edmundo Gonzalez). Gonzalez refused to present evidence to the electoral chamber of the Supreme Court. Venezuela’s Electoral Council has not published a breakdown of the vote by polling station. It has been alleged that this can only be because the government is hiding evidence of fraud since it has almost always done this in the past.

That argument ignores the lesson of the US-backed coup in Bolivia in 2019. The Morales government in Bolivia gave OAS and EU monitors full access to results in real time of the presidential election. The OAS and EU concocted brazen lies about the results that incited a military coup. These lies were fully backed by the western media and prominent human rights groups like Human Rights Watch. As usual, nobody suffered appropriate consequences for what was done to Bolivia. The OAS General Secretary at the time, Luis Almagro, who aggressively promoted the lies, did not even lose his job over it.

And of course, Francisco Rodriguez – like the rest of the western establishment – has been calling Venezuela a dictatorship years before 2024. Rodriguez did not accept the legitimacy of Maduro’s victory in 2018. Rodriguez had been a key advisor to the very distant second place finisher in that election, Henri Falcon. Rodriguez also accepted the legitimacy of the Trump-appointed Juan Guaido as interim president of Venezuela in 2019. More recently, Rodriguez happily endorsed Leopoldo Martinez who ran for Congress in the US as a Democrat. Rodriguez said Martinez “stood up to authoritarianism, faced political persecution, and kept fighting for democracy.” In fact, Leopoldo Martinez accepted a job with the Carmona Dictatorship as its Finance Minister.

Wider implications of living under US dictatorship
Venezuela’s government, even after being bombed by the US, has to tread very carefully and try to use diplomacy to survive. Trump wagers that Venezuela’s diplomacy will eventually devolve into surrender. After kidnapping Maduro, his war on Venezuela remains unpopular in the US. A majority (51%) oppose invading Venezuela and only 36% support it. A plurality (46%) doesn’t even approve of the kidnapping of Maduro. That’s remarkable given the constant vilification of Maduro across the political spectrum – and how supposedly low US casualties were as a result of the kidnapping. But the US “anti-war movement” such as it is, poses a miniscule threat. It is not nearly disruptive enough – party due to its own errors, but mainly because it operates under the constraints of dictatorial rule.

Venezuela cannot kidnap Trump in retaliation or bomb Washington DC. We should all wish it could. A lack of a credible military deterrent has always forced Venezuela to go ridiculously easy on US-backed subversives like Machado and Juan Guaido, who was never even arrested as he wandered all over Venezuela for years as the US-appointed interim president.

To be free of US tyranny, every country needs to have a credible military deterrent of its own – or one shared through reliable military alliances. Without that, “democracy” will mean either capitulation to the US or suffering of brutal consequences for daring to defy it – while the tyrants in Washington suffer no consequences at all.

NOTES
[1] His criticism of sanctions was so strong that he was willing to write a positive blurb about a bookJustin Podur and I wrote about Venezuela even though we took a strongly pro-Maduro perspective. Also, capitalism can be blamed for hundreds of millions of deaths since 1990 through a comparison with Cuba as I showed in another Substack article.

[2] Rodriguez’s co-authors were Silvio Rendon and Mark Weisbrot, the co-founder of the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR) where Rodriguez is a senior research fellow.

[3] Albeit in the post genocide in Gaza world things look possible that were once seemed unthinkable.

(Substack)


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Editorial note: Orinoco Tribune does not generally publish pieces older than two weeks. However, an exception is being made in this case as the current article remains as relevant today as when it was first published.

By Friends of Socialist China – Jan 5, 2026

China Daily published a hard-hitting editorial on January 4, branding US actions against Venezuela an invasion and an act of imperialist aggression.

It began by noting that: “The international community is deeply shocked by the United States’ blatant use of force against Venezuela, including large-scale air strikes on the country and the forcible seizure of its president and his wife. Its actions should be condemned as they constitute a naked act of armed aggression against a sovereign state and flagrantly violate international law…

“By any definition, the US military operation amounts to an invasion. It dangerously escalates the so-called ‘Monroe Doctrine’ from a 19th-century, isolationist-era concept into a 21st-century doctrine of force and coercion. This sets an alarming precedent for Latin America and the Caribbean, posing a direct threat to the sovereignty and security of countries across the region.”

Dealing with various pretexts advanced by the US, it points out: “Washington’s justification of it being a ‘counter narcotics’ action is neither credible nor legitimate. No such pretext can justify the bombing of a sovereign country or the abduction of its head of state. If such reasoning were to be accepted, it would effectively grant powerful nations a license to intervene militarily wherever they see fit, under a pretext given by themselves, hollowing out international law and replacing it with the law of the jungle.”

And referring to Trump’s statements that the US would “run” Venezuela to “get the oil flowing”, it responds: “These remarks tore away the already thin veil of moral pretence, exposing the operation for what it was: a resource-grabbing power play. Any veneer of pursuing justice or stability was blasted away in a blatant demonstration of lawless hypocrisy. The pattern is disturbingly reminiscent of the Iraq War — another chapter in Washington’s long record of seizing other countries’ resources under false pretences.”

While Washington speaks of “strategic retrenchment”: “For other countries in the Americas, this is not retrenchment but imperialist expansion — an aggressive reassertion of arrogant conceit. Venezuela is unlikely to be the last victim if this logic is allowed to prevail. The military action also aims to intimidate regional countries and deter them from deepening cooperation with other partners in the fields that the US is trying to dominate.”

“From fabricated charges to military strikes and regime change, the operation follows a familiar and deeply troubling script — one that reflects the logic of state piracy. Sovereign governments are first delegitimised, then destroyed by force, after which foreign capital moves in to carve up natural resources. This behaviour drags the world back toward a barbaric colonial era of plunder, in open defiance of international law… No wonder even some in the US political circle said they never again wanted to hear US leaders preach about a so-called ‘rules-based’ international order.”

It concludes: “What the world is witnessing is not a ‘rules-based’ order, but colonial pillaging. Upholding sovereignty, equality and non-interference is not optional. It is the foundation of global stability — and it must be defended.”

The following is the full text of the editorial.

The international community is deeply shocked by the United States’ blatant use of force against Venezuela, including large-scale air strikes on the country and the forcible seizure of its president and his wife. Its actions should be condemned as they constitute a naked act of armed aggression against a sovereign state and flagrantly violate international law and the basic norms governing international relations, as well as the purposes and principles of the UN Charter.

By any definition, the US military operation amounts to an invasion. It dangerously escalates the so-called “Monroe Doctrine” from a 19th-century, isolationist-era concept into a 21st-century doctrine of force and coercion. This sets an alarming precedent for Latin America and the Caribbean, posing a direct threat to the sovereignty and security of countries across the region and shaking the foundations of the international order established after World War II.

Washington’s justification of it being a “counter narcotics” action is neither credible nor legitimate. No such pretext can justify the bombing of a sovereign country or the abduction of its head of state. If such reasoning were to be accepted, it would effectively grant powerful nations a license to intervene militarily wherever they see fit, under a pretext given by themselves, hollowing out international law and replacing it with the law of the jungle.

The true motivation behind the US’ aggression was laid bare by the US administration, which triumphantly announced that Nicolas Maduro and his wife had been “captured and flown out of the country” and that the US would “run” Venezuela on a “temporary basis” to “get the oil flowing”. These remarks tore away the already thin veil of moral pretense, exposing the operation for what it was: a resource-grabbing power play. Any veneer of pursuing justice or stability was blasted away in a blatant demonstration of lawless hypocrisy. The pattern is disturbingly reminiscent of the Iraq War — another chapter in Washington’s long record of seizing other countries’ resources under false pretenses.

President Nicolás Maduro is Not a Dictator

Washington’s claim of “strategic retrenchment” thus rings hollow. For other countries in the Americas, this is not retrenchment but imperialist expansion — an aggressive reassertion of arrogant conceit. Venezuela is unlikely to be the last victim if this logic is allowed to prevail. The military action also aims to intimidate regional countries and deter them from deepening cooperation with other partners in the fields that the US is trying to dominate.

The news conference held by US officials shortly after the operation only underscored this intent. The brazen boasting about “Operation Absolute Resolve”, including lurid details of how US special forces seized the Venezuelan president from his bedroom, was designed to instill fear rather than convey transparency. It revealed the extent to which the US is prepared to turn its military superiority into an instrument for imposing its will on others.

From fabricated charges to military strikes and regime change, the operation follows a familiar and deeply troubling script — one that reflects the logic of state piracy. Sovereign governments are first delegitimized, then destroyed by force, after which foreign capital moves in to carve up natural resources. This behavior drags the world back toward a barbaric colonial era of plunder, in open defiance of international law.

Such egregious conduct has not gone unchallenged even within the US. Some observers bluntly stated that the US has become a bully of the world. No wonder even some in the US political circle said they never again wanted to hear US leaders preach about a so-called “rules-based” international order.

International reaction has been equally blunt. UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres expressed grave concern over Washington’s disregard for international law. Russia said it was “extremely alarmed” by the act of armed aggression. The European Union called for respect for international law and the UN Charter “in all circumstances”. These voices reflect a shared global anxiety that when might replaces law, no nation is safe.

History has repeatedly shown that while wars may be easy to start, they are far harder to end. Although Washington boasts of the supposed efficiency and low cost of its operation, the true price will be paid over time by the entire region — and ultimately by the US itself. Power politics may yield short-term gains, but they cannot bring lasting peace or stability.

China has urged the US to ensure the personal safety of Maduro and his wife, immediately release them, cease attempts to subvert the Venezuelan government, and resolve differences through dialogue and negotiation. What the world is witnessing is not a “rules-based” order, but colonial pillaging. Upholding sovereignty, equality and noninterference is not optional. It is the foundation of global stability — and it must be defended.

(Friends of Socialist China)


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In Africa, there is usually little news coverage about Latin America, but the US military intervention in Venezuela on January 3 made the front pages of newspapers and led radio and television newscasts. Most African countries have expressed clear condemnation of the military attack carried out by the US under President Donald Trump. South Africa, a BRICS member and one of the continent’s leading countries, was among the first to do so, and ranks among the most critical, following months of various tensions with the Trump administration.

In its official public statement issued that same day, January 3, South Africa said that the removal of President Nicolás Maduro constitutes a “manifest” violation of the United Nations Charter and that it is imperative to oppose this act by the US because failing to do so would normalize a scenario in which the principle that no nation is superior to another exists only on paper, while in practice, military power dictates the rules. The government of Cyril Ramaphosa called for the urgent convening of the UN Security Council.

Since Donald Trump took office in January 2025, relations with South Africa have been strained. The occupant of the White House claims that a “white genocide” is underway in the country, without any evidence of such. But the issues are not merely rhetorical. While pursuing a hardline immigration policy, Trump has promoted the reception of white Afrikaner migrants as refugees. Likewise, he did not attend the G20 summit held in Johannesburg last November and has imposed restrictions on South African diplomats regarding arrangements for the next meeting, which is scheduled to take place in the United States in 2026.

The South African government’s position is not uniform. This stance has generated new problems within the Government of National Unity between the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the African National Congress (ANC), the majority party in the coalition, which has clear anti-imperialist roots and holds the Ministry (Department) of International Relations and Cooperation. According to the DA, the ministry’s call for an urgent meeting of the UN Security Council “smacks of hypocrisy and contradiction,” and they reproached their allies for not having taken the same position during the Russia–Ukraine conflict in 2022 (at that time, South Africa abstained from voting on a resolution condemning Russia).

The rest of AfricaAt the continental level, on January 3 itself—the day of the armed action against Venezuela—the organization that brings together the continent’s 54 countries, the African Union (AU), expressed its “deep concern” over the events in the South American and Caribbean country, including the abduction of President Nicolás Maduro, while reaffirming its commitment to the fundamental principles of international law. At the regional level, one day later, the organization that includes most West African countries, ECOWAS, condemned the US action in line with the AU’s statement but without mentioning the Venezuelan president.

Although Venezuela’s foreign policy toward Africa began in the 1960s, it gained significant momentum under the government of Hugo Chávez. The Bolivarian leader coined the idea of “Mother Africa” starting in 2002, which translated into a significant increase in diplomatic, commercial, and cultural relations with African nations. During Chávez’s presidency, diplomatic relations were established with every country on the continent, 17 diplomatic missions were opened, and a vice ministry for Africa was created. As part of this outreach, Chávez became the first president of a non-African country to speak at the AU’s annual meeting in 2006 and promoted the creation of the Africa–South America (ASA) summits, whose second edition in 2009 was held on Venezuela’s Margarita Island.

Notably, this January, the UN Security Council is chaired by an African country: Somalia. It is worth recalling that recently, Somaliland—the northern region of the country that proclaimed independence from Somalia in 1991 and until recently had no official recognition—was recognized by Israel on January 6 and visited by Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar, a move that Somalia condemned as a serious violation of international law.

South Africa took the lead in condemning US actions in Venezuela, in what can be seen as a new chapter in relations between the two countries. Other nations were slower to respond. For example, on January 8, the countries that make up the Alliance of Sahel States (Burkina Faso, Niger, and Mali), with a clear anti-imperialist stance, issued an official statement condemning the “act of aggression by the United States.” They criticized the “illegal kidnapping of President Nicolás Maduro and his wife” and reaffirmed their commitment to a world order based on respect for the principles of the United Nations Charter. It is striking that oil-producing countries such as Angola, Algeria, or Nigeria have not yet issued official statements.

In Nigeria, on Christmas Day, US air forces carried out strikes in Sokoto State, in the country’s northeast (Nigeria being the most powerful member of ECOWAS), against Islamic State targets. According to the US Secretary of Defense, the attacks were coordinated with the Nigerian government following Donald Trump’s allegations of killings of Christians in the country.

The geopolitical gameAfrican countries’ solidarity with Venezuela stems from their historical experience with the consequences of colonialism and imperialism.

In these calls for dialogue and for maintaining a multilateral order that respects the sovereignty of peoples, one can discern a fear that the era of rule by the strongest may once again become the politics of the present and the future.

At the same time, there is caution in realpolitik, as important issues are under discussion with the United States, such as visa and migration matters and the renewal (or not) of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), which has allowed African products to enter the US market with low or no tariffs. It is within this delicate balance that Africa’s highly diverse continent continues to navigate.

South Africa: CP Reiterates Solidarity with the People of Venezuela Amidst Intensified Aggression by the United States

(Misión Verdad)

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/CB/SL


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Various journalistic and media organizations in Bolivia criticized the decision by the National Telecommunications Company (Entel) to remove, as of January 17, Telesur (channel 206) and Russia Today (channel 204) from its Fiber Optic Television, Satellite Television, and Entel TV Smart application services. The associations warned that the measure affects the public’s right to access a diverse range of information.

In a joint statement, the Association of Correspondents of the International Press (ACPI) and the National Association of Journalists of Bolivia (ANPB) questioned the decision by the state-owned company, which was justified on alleged “administrative issues” that, they noted, have not been clearly or thoroughly explained.

For both organizations, this lack of information “violates the audiences’ right to receive a serious and transparent explanation consistent with the responsibility of a state-owned enterprise.”

The journalistic entities stated that the insufficient justification offered both in Entel’s official statement and through its customer service channels gives rise to well-founded suspicions that this is an unacceptable act of censorship and a violation of freedom of expression.

They added that this concern is reinforced by precedents in Bolivia, as well as by recent experiences in other countries in the region, where similar decisions adopted after political changes led to restrictions on media pluralism and the weakening of democratic debate.

In this context, the organizations stressed that respect for diversity of voices and tolerance of differing—even opposing—positions are fundamental pillars of any democratic system, principles that are also recognized and protected by the country’s Constitution.

They further warned that the arbitrary silencing of media outlets and journalists can trigger a spiral of serious consequences for freedom of expression, normalizing censorship practices that later become difficult or even impossible to reverse.

“This situation harms society as a whole and exposes media outlets and journalists to the risk that, in the future, even more restrictive decisions may be adopted against those who do not align with official narratives,” the statement said.

For this reason, they urged the Bolivian government to fully guarantee the exercise of freedom of expression and respect for informational pluralism, without distinction as to the type of actor involved, as well as the population’s right to obtain information through the media of its choice.

The Association of Alternative Media of Bolivia (AMAB) joined the criticism, recalling that under previous administrations—even those with ideological orientations different from the current one—international channels such as CNN broadcast their signal in the country without restrictions or censorship.

AMAB stated that the exclusion of Telesur and RT “constitutes a direct attack on the fundamental right of Bolivians to be informed freely, pluralistically, and diversely” and that it violates essential principles enshrined both in the Constitution and in international human rights treaties.

The organization maintained that in a state that proclaims itself democratic, access to multiple sources of information should not be considered a privilege but a right. In that sense, it emphasized that press freedom is a pillar of democratic coexistence and protects not only journalists and media outlets but, above all, the public, which has the ability to decide what content to consume and which voices to hear in order to form its own judgment about national and international issues.

Finally, AMAB warned that Entel’s decision cannot be understood as a mere technical or commercial adjustment but rather as “a political measure that deliberately restricts the population’s access” to perspectives different from those promoted by the current state administration.

ALBA Suspends New Right-Wing Government of Bolivia

(Telesur)

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/CB/SL


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Moscow reiterated its condemnation of the US military’s attack on Venezuela, once again describing it as “illegal.”

Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov reported that Russia maintains constant communication with Venezuela’s acting president, Delcy Rodríguez.

“We are in continuous contact with the acting president via diplomatic channels,” he told journalists.

Peskov noted that although President Vladimir Putin does not currently have an immediate phone call scheduled, one would be arranged “without delay” if necessary to strengthen bilateral coordination.

Likewise, the Kremlin urged the international community to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Venezuela in the face of external pressure. These statements coincide with remarks by Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, who highlighted the “long history of good and strategic relations” between the two nations.

Finally, Lavrov reaffirmed that both Moscow and Caracas remain “faithful to the agreements signed,” thereby consolidating their political and economic alliance.

Russia Reaffirms Unwavering Support for Venezuela Amid US Imperialist Aggression

(Últimas Noticias)  

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/CB/SL


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