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Bogotá, Colombia — On Saturday, January 24th, and Sunday, January 25th, over one hundred current and former politicians, ambassadors, trade unionists, activist luminaries, and representatives from grassroots and youth organizations across the Western Hemisphere (and some from the Eastern) attended the Progressive International’s two-day summit, Nuestra América. The urgent gathering was a much-needed response to intensifying U.S. imperial aggression in Latin America.

In keeping with its founding mission to “unite, organize, and mobilize the world’s progressive forces,” the Progressive International (PI) convened the event following the illegal invasion of Venezuela and the kidnapping of President Maduro and First Lady Celia Flores. The speed and efficiency with which it was assembled testify to the urgency of the moment, the organizing capacity of the facilitators, and, above all, the felt necessity for regional unity in the face of an ever-more-brazenly expansionist Yankee regime.

The speed and efficiency with which it was assembled testify to the urgency of the moment, the organizing capacity of the facilitators, and, above all, the felt necessity for regional unity in the face of an ever-more-brazenly expansionist Yankee regime.

PI’s stated goals for the summit were to “articulate a shared diagnosis of the present conjuncture and lay the foundations for coordinated action in defence of peace, sovereignty, and democratic self-determination” in a region recently racked by extrajudicial killings of fishermen in the Caribbean and threats of further military action from Donald Trump and his cabinet against Colombia, Mexico, and Cuba—not to mention two centuries of aggression, coercion, coups d’etat, financial strangling and hostage-taking, and outright military incursions from the north.

The summit kicked off on Saturday at 9 AM with speeches by PI’s Co-General Coordinator (and U.S.-born) David Adler and Colombia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Rosa Yolanda Villaciencio. The tone of the preliminaries shifted between buoyant camaraderie—Adler, to laughter from the room, referred to himself as a “gringo” or “preferred gringo”—and a gravity befitting the seriousness of the moment. Villaciencio’s remark that “the world is changing, or more precisely, the world has already changed,” referring to the no-holds-barred turn U.S. imperialism has taken, was a stark but necessary reminder of the magnitude of the stakes at hand.

There are many ways to judge the success of such a summit: its perception by the public, the distinction of its attendees, the productivity of the deliberations, the breadth and depth of the resolutions, etc. I return to Adler’s opening speech, his words (delivered in impeccable Spanish) and aspirations, as the metric of choice:

What the delegates did commit to in the San Carlos Declaration—those resolutions enshrined in writing—were less “concrete pathways for action” and more like the wooden planks used as guide rails when pouring the concrete. That is not to discount the agreed-upon resolutions as insignificant. On the contrary, they represent a sound and comprehensive platform from which to launch future action.

“I trust that these days will allow us to move forward with clarity, honesty, frankness, and determination. That we will leave the capital of Bogotá not only with words, but also with commitments, not only with diagnoses, but also with common actions.”

The question, then, becomes: Did the delegates leave Bogotá having made not just statements but also commitments? Not just diagnostics but also plans for common action? Or, better still in PI’s own words, did they engage in “a tactical exploration of concrete pathways for action”?

To answer that solely by examining the final product of the day-and-a-half of deliberations—the San Carlos Declaration, named after the Palacio de San Carlos where the summit was held—would be unfair, even misleading. The vast majority of Saturday was spent in closed-door discussions where delegates brainstormed and debated proposals free from press scrutiny. Having spoken with a number of delegates, it seems a great deal was discussed regarding material plans for regional cooperation that were not reflected in the Declaration in any tangible way.

Uruguayan Senator Bettiana Díaz reads the San Carlos Declaration Photo: Seth Garben

What the delegates did commit to in the San Carlos Declaration—those resolutions enshrined in writing—were less “concrete pathways for action” and more like the wooden planks used as guide rails when pouring the concrete. That is not to discount the agreed-upon resolutions as insignificant. On the contrary, they represent a sound and comprehensive platform from which to launch future action. For instance, the promises to:

• “Pursue coordinated engagement in multilateral forums…”
• “Establish mechanisms for enhanced hemispheric coordination and mutual support…”
• “Defend the rights of Latin American migrants…”
• “Defend workers’ rights…”
• “Support the documentation and analysis of coercion and disinformation…”
• “Strengthen regional dialogue”
• “Examine options for greater financial and trade autonomy…”
• “Promote cooperation on energy and food sovereignty…”
• “Revitalize regional integration efforts by exchanging experiences, identifying areas of convergence, and pursuing cooperative initiatives…”

…among others, are all important and timely. However, to claim these commitments rise to the level of material action or solid planning would be disingenuous.

In truth, the only firm organizational step outlined in the Declaration was to schedule the next Nuestra América summit in Havana, Cuba—no doubt to the delight of Cuban Ambassador to Colombia, Carlos de Cespedes. The ambassador applauded the declaration and the international support that birthed it, but in the same breath insisted on the importance of giving form to those commitments so that “they do not stay confined to the document.”

Cuba’s illustrative history of embodied solidarity—exemplified in the export of medical brigades to epidemic-stricken countries and the forty martyred Cuban soldiers who died defending the Maduros, to name a few—adds irrefutable ballast to the ambassador’s remarks. We can only hope his admonition is realized, and as soon as possible.

^From Left to Right: Cuban Ambassador to Colombia Carlos de Céspedes, Harol González Duque Director de la Academia Diplomática, Colombia Minister of Foreign Affairs Rosa Yolanda Villavicencio Mapy, David Adler Photo: Seth Garben

In retrospect, perhaps it is too much to ask of delegates that they prepare a detailed, ready-to-implement declaration in under 24 hours. However, hearing from some of them about the closed-door deliberations at the very least reveals an appetite for such swift action and uncompromising conviction.

Two other delegates confirmed the proposal was indeed brought up, noting though that specifics remain in development. Should it set sail, it could, like the Sumud Flotilla before it, elevate the cause of international solidarity for Latin America and put on full display the terrorist lengths the U.S. is willing to go to in order to retain regional dominance (as if that were needed).

“One of the proposals at the conference today,” a delegate who preferred to remain anonymous told me, “was to extend the Gaza flotilla strategy into the Caribbean. They’re planning a flotilla to Cuba because Trump is talking about a full naval blockade….” Two other delegates confirmed the proposal was indeed brought up, noting though that specifics remain in development. Should it set sail, it could, like the Sumud Flotilla before it, elevate the cause of international solidarity for Latin America and put on full display the terrorist lengths the U.S. is willing to go to in order to retain regional dominance (as if that were needed).

Another remarkable proposal came from Colombian Education Minister Daniel Rojas, who closed out the third panel of speakers (in the unenviable position following the crowd favorite María José Pizarro’s rousing speech) at Saturday night’s public forum at the Teatro Colón. Harking back to Hugo Chávez and his plan, Rojas floated the idea of a shared Latin American currency as what he views as one of the potential “concrete and real mechanisms of integration.”

“It is important that our generation advances [these] mechanisms. And this is related to what is happening in the rest of the world. We are talking now, for example, about how the African Union is considering making the African currency backed by the African continent’s own assets and resources to counter the hegemony of the dollar.”

Such a plan (extensive and idealistic as it may be) would surely satisfy the declaration’s commitment to “examine options for greater financial and trade autonomy,” but similarly was absent from that resultant text. Not surprisingly, for, as Rojas concedes, neither the political will nor the might to confront and circumvent corporate power structures is present at the present time. That said, it was one of the few tangible remedies I heard over the course of the summit, and should not go without commendation.

Nor need we project too far into the future to see how some of the declaration’s objectives are already being given shape by some of the delegates’ own countries, namely Mexico, which has taken up the mantle as Cuba’s largest exporter of oil after the U.S. hog-tying Venezuela and in defiance of mounting Yankee pressure to desist. Though recent reporting from (hegemonic mouthpiece) Reuters would appear to cast doubt on the relationship, Morena party member and delegate Veka García reiterated President Claudia Sheinbaum’s commitment to continued energy support for Cuba, saying that “The president has said no one will interfere with the decisions [to export oil] that have been made.”

This is all to say: though the declaration may have opted for more thematic, high-level calls for regional solidarity rather than outlining specific courses of action (that likely would have enjoined delegates and their respective countries and organizations to efforts they’re not necessarily prepared for) the proposals considered over the course of the weekend demonstrate the existence of a willingness to entertain such plans, a requisite ingenuity to craft them plans, and an eagerness to implement them.

Senator María José Pizarro Rodríguez and Education Minister José Daniel Rojas Medellin Photo: Seth Garben

And, as one of the younger—if, at 24 years old, not the youngest—delegates to Nuestra América, Juan Álvarez of Juventudes Revolucionarias de Panamá (JR) summarized, if with some detectable disappointment, the declaration is only “a first step.”

“At the institutional level, you can never expect a radical solution. That’s how liberal democracy works: it will never give you a direct confrontation or direct preparation for conflict—which I feel is what we should be doing.”

Yes, but que bajón!

Further action, Álvarez stressed, reflecting his and his organization’s Marxist-Leninist spirit, would depend on organizing the masses, on raising their class consciousness and their appetite and readiness for militancy, to confront the growing but not inexorable threat of rapacious U.S. colonial acquisition. The masses must, as Álvarez says, be made aware that the US has their sights on their sovereignty and very explicitly intends to convert their territories into future colonies, and that they must act accordingly. This point is foregrounded in the declaration, when it recognizes that “intergovernmental coordination, while indispensable, will remain insufficient without the popular power of social movements, peoples organisations, trade unions, and youth.”

That does not, however, as Adler mentioned to me before departing the Palacio de San Carlos on Sunday afternoon, absolve the PI coordinators from their own organizing work. “What we accomplished today,” says Adler, “firmly was to establish a plan of action for Nuestra America as an initiative.”

And it’s not light work either, as Adler assures me:

“The task for the next week, basically, is to take all the proposals that were tabled here and agreed by the delegates in the closed door sessions, and put them on paper as a calendar of actions that are going to continue to convene these forces, whether it’s from the trade union perspective, heavy emphasis here on trade unions as the front line in the fight against fascism, whether it’s these more diplomatic, coordinated diplomatic interventions.”

So indeed, there are still many proposals to be aired that will (hopefully) give teeth to the valiant if, as of yet, mere aspirational resolutions put forth in the San Carlos Declaration. This reporter, along with the region and entire world, will be waiting attentively to see that calendar and how the proposals develop, if only to confirm the Hegelian formula that the seed of this significant document contains the whole power of the tree—nay, the forest—of Latin American resistance to Yankee barbarism.

Seth Garben is a writer, poet, musician, filmmaker, playwright, and activist/organizer based in the US and Mexico City. He is a member of the Democratic Socialists of America and a core team lead with immigrant rights group Danbury Unites for Immigrants. He composes and performs music in Mexico City and internationally as Goldy Head.

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  News Briefs

  Solidarity Après la Lettre Dispatch #1

  January 26, 2026January 26, 2026

  The Progressive International’s Nuestra América Summit, the San Carlos Declaration, and What Comes Next

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  News Briefs

  The San Carlos Declaration of the Nuestra América Emergency Summit

  January 26, 2026January 26, 2026

  Full text of the declaration arising from the Progressive International’s Nuestra América summit held on January 24th and 25th, 2026 in Bogotá, Colombia.

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  Mañanera

  People’s Mañanera January 26

  January 26, 2026January 26, 2026

  President Sheinbaum’s daily press conference, with comments on approval ratings, Grupo Salinas tax debt, PROFECO vs Ticketmaster, and FIFA World Cup 2026.

The post Solidarity Après la Lettre Dispatch #1 appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.

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This Sunday, Venezuelan Acting President Delcy Rodríguez led a high-level working meeting with the vice ministers of hydrocarbons and the board of directors of Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA).

The main objective of the meeting was to evaluate and enhance the energy sector’s production plan for 2026. During the session, the necessary operational tactics were coordinated to sustain the growth of the country’s primary industry, focusing on healthy recovery and the optimization of national refineries.

This joint effort seeks to guarantee the nation’s energy sovereignty, understood as the pillar that sustains the social well-being of all Venezuelans. Rodríguez emphasized that the Bolivarian Government’s commitment to recovering crude oil extraction and processing levels is unwavering.

The authorities present agreed that administrative efficiency and technological innovation will be the key tools for achieving the goals set in the annual production schedule, thereby ensuring the stability of the internal economic system.

The meeting also provided an opportunity to review progress on the logistical infrastructure supporting hydrocarbon activity across the country’s various basins. It was emphasized that each barrel produced translates directly into investment in social programs, health, and education, fulfilling the strategic vision of wealth redistribution. With these actions, the executive branch reaffirmed its productive role and its management capacity in the face of the challenges posed by the current global energy market.

A key point of the meeting was the analysis of the partial reform of the Hydrocarbons Law, which has already received initial approval from the National Assembly. This legal amendment is designed to integrate projects under the Anti-Blockade Law, thereby attracting international investment funds to strengthen the industry’s financial structure.

Objectives of the Partial Reform of Venezuela’s Hydrocarbons Law

As Acting President Rodríguez explained, these changes aim to safeguard the inalienable nature of natural resources, ensuring that their extraction always benefits the Venezuelan people, in line with the legacy of Commander Hugo Chávez.

She stated that the objective of the partial reform of the Hydrocarbons Law is to attract national and international investment to transform subsoil resources into improvements in wages, public services, health, and food. She assured that the plan to export fuel in 2026 is maintained within the reform, and she announced the signing of the first contract for the export of natural gas from Venezuela.

Rodríguez gave an overview of recent oil production:

• Venezuela reached a production of 1,200,000 barrels per day at the end of December 2025.
• The country did not have to import fuel during 2025, thanks to the fully functioning national refining system.
• She highlighted the success of the Productive Participation Contracts (CPP). For example, a field that produced 23,000 barrels per day in April 2024 ended 2025 at 110,000 barrels per day.

The strengthening of PDVSA is strictly aligned with the 7 Transformations mandated by President Nicolás Maduro within the Homeland Plan. Under this premise, the hydrocarbons sector is positioned as the central axis of national development for this year, designated the “Year of the Admirable Challenge.” The goal is clear: to transform the potential of subsoil resources into a tangible industrial reality that will drive GDP growth and strengthen the national currency against external pressures.

The PDVSA board of directors and the ministers reaffirmed their commitment to meeting the expansion targets set for the end of this cycle. They agreed to maintain constant monitoring of the shared investment projects stemming from the new legal framework. Acting President Rodríguez closed the meeting by reiterating that the oil industry is the heart of the country’s economic resilience and that its success is fundamental to consolidating Venezuela’s status as a powerful nation.

(Últimas Noticias)

Translation by Orinoco Tribune

OT/AS/SF

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By Suleyman Karan – Jan 23, 2026

A coordinated rebellion is quietly reshaping global finance – one that aims not just to escape dollar tyranny, but to bury it.

“American hegemony helped provide public goods: open sea lanes, a stable financial system, collective security, and support for frameworks for resolving disputes … We participated in the rituals and largely avoided calling out the gaps between rhetoric and reality … This bargain no longer works. Let me be direct: we are in the midst of a rupture, not a transition.” – Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney, special address at the World Economic Forum (WEF), Davos 2026

The era of the dollar’s unchallenged global supremacy is fraying at the edges. What was once a cornerstone of global finance and trade is now a contested domain, as a growing number of states search for alternatives to the currency long used to enforce western diktats. The US dollar’s centrality to cross-border transactions and its role as the world’s reserve currency are no longer guaranteed – and this shift is no longer theoretical.

For decades, the dollar served as a universal medium of exchange, store of value, and unit of account. But these benefits came with steep costs. The system’s dependence on a single state’s policies and its reliance on intermediary conversions generated layers of risk and friction. Today, those risks have become obstacles to the expansion of global trade. And as emerging economies gain confidence and weight, Washington is being forced to cede its monetary throne.

The dollar still reigns, but its grip is loosening
The dollar continues to dominate cross-border transactions, whether in current accounts or financial markets. It remains a trusted store of value for both institutional investors and individuals. But the tide is turning. Since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, central banks and private capital have steadily reduced their dollar holdings, redirecting value into gold and other tangible assets.

While the dollar is still used for standardizing global accounting, the utility of artificial intelligence (AI) and technological innovation now allows for currency baskets – like those composed of the BRICS nations (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) – to easily substitute many of the dollar’s functions. In short, the era when no credible alternative existed is over.

BRICS and the rise of counterweight currencies
As the Global South expands its share in global trade and GDP, the practical use of non-dollar currencies is gaining traction. Within the BRICS bloc, transactions are increasingly being conducted in national currencies.

SWIFT (Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication)—the western-dominated messaging network used by banks for cross-border payments—remains dominant, but alternatives are gaining ground. Data shows that by May 2025, China’s yuan, which accounted for just 2 percent of global payments, already facilitated 50 percent of BRICS-internal trade.

While the BRICS payment system is still far from global acceptance, its presence is growing. And behind this momentum lies a strategic understanding: true monetary sovereignty cannot coexist with dependency on hostile financial systems.

CBDCs: A digital leap toward multipolar finance
The greatest barrier to building multipolar alternatives is not political will but infrastructure. Replacing SWIFT requires secure, scalable, and interoperable platforms. Here, central bank digital currencies (CBDC) – blockchain-based digital versions of national currencies issued and regulated by central banks – offer a transformative pathway. Unlike cryptocurrencies, CBDCs are fully backed and controlled by sovereign monetary authorities, combining digital speed with state oversight.

Beijing is leading the charge. The People’s Bank of China has expanded its Cross-Border Interbank Payment System (CIPS), an alternative to SWIFT designed for yuan transactions and increasingly integrated with CBDC platforms.

According to its estimates, CBDCs can reduce transaction costs by up to 50 percent and clear cross-border payments in seconds. SWIFT, by contrast, depends on a slow, layered correspondent banking model that can take days and imposes heavy fees.

Digital yuan surges past $2 trillion
This is why China’s digital yuan (e-CNY) has grown by over 800 percent since 2023, exceeding $2.3 trillion in transaction volume by the end of 2025. To increase domestic adoption, China is employing a strategy that preserves the sovereignty and regulation of e-CNY while incorporating interest-bearing features and stablecoin-like functionality.

Project mBridge – short for “multiple CBDC Bridge” – is a joint initiative developed by the Bank for International Settlements Innovation Hub and the central banks of China, Hong Kong, Thailand, and the UAE. It enables real-time, cross-border payments using CBDCs on a shared blockchain platform without the need for correspondent banks or SWIFT messaging.

In 2025, mBridge processed $55.49 billion in transactions – a 2,500-fold increase from early 2022 trials. Over 95 percent of its volume is in e-CNY, challenging early forecasts that CBDCs, and especially China’s, would suffer from public skepticism and limited use cases.

Five years after its launch, e-CNY remains the world’s largest central bank digital currency experiment. And its success is reshaping assumptions about who can set the pace in financial innovation.

West Asia’s fintech frontlines
The shift is not confined to East and South Asia. In West Asia, the UAE is taking the lead in digital payments. A new platform backed by China and tested by the central banks of the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Hong Kong, and Thailand has already executed more than 4,000 cross-border transactions. The UAE’s Ministry of Finance recently completed the first state transaction using wholesale digital dirhams.

Beijing’s designation of First Abu Dhabi Bank as its second yuan-clearing institution in the Emirates marks a deeper step in regional monetary integration. Unlike previous appointments of Chinese institutions abroad, this move elevates a local bank, signaling both strategic trust and intent to build regional nodes of financial autonomy.

This builds on earlier shifts, including the landmark 2023 deal in which the UAE and China settled a liquefied natural gas (LNG) trade in yuan – the first of its kind and a symbolic rupture from the petrodollar system.

BUNA and the architecture of monetary autonomy
The Arab Regional Payment Clearing and Settlement Organization, known as BUNA, is another critical piece of the emerging payment architecture. Headquartered in the UAE and operated by the Arab Monetary Fund, BUNA is a cross-border and multi-currency payment platform created to facilitate trade and investment flows within and beyond the Arab world.

It enables central and commercial banks to send and receive payments in multiple currencies across the Arab region and with global partners. Monthly transaction volumes have grown into the thousands, and BUNA continues to expand participation. While its long-term strategy includes interoperability with other regional and global systems, such as India’s UPI or China’s CIPS, no fixed timeline or confirmed list of new currencies has been officially announced.

Ren Haiping, Deputy Head of Strategic Research at the China Center for International Economic Exchanges, has noted that expanding BUNA’s currency reach – including adding the rupee and yuan – could improve financial market infrastructure and deepen cooperative economic ties, including cross‑border trade and investment linkages between participants.

This is echoed by broader Gulf initiatives like AFAQ, the Gulf Instant Payment System launched by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), which connects member-state banks and facilitates real-time cross-border transactions without relying on dollar-clearing banks. AFAQ is designed to create a unified regional payment ecosystem that offers fast, secure, and efficient settlement of transactions within the Arab states of the Persian Gulf.

BRICS Plans ‘Multi-Currency System’ To Challenge US Dollar Dominance: Understanding Russia’s Proposal

No monetary revolution without institutional transformation
Despite China’s digital advances, no single state can anchor a new global system alone. The transformation will require institutional architecture – a clearinghouse like the postwar European Payment Union (EPU), which helped stabilize intra-European trade by settling imbalances multilaterally rather than bilaterally in scarce US dollars.

The New Development Bank (NDB) within BRICS is best positioned to lead this. But entrenched global power dynamics – not just financial inertia – remain the real obstacle. Under the US government of President Donald Trump, Washington escalated both economic and military pressure to stifle such shifts. Its weaponization of sanctions in Venezuela and Iran was a clear warning.

Trump openly frames dollar dominance as a matter of national security, and even a legitimate ‘casus belli.’ This mindset persists in both US political parties and has become a cornerstone of Atlanticist policy.

Dollar still dominates finance – but the cracks are widening
Despite losing ground in trade, the dollar still dominates cross-border finance. In 2024, global goods and services trade reached $33 trillion – about a third of global GDP. Yet according to the Bank for International Settlements, daily FX turnover stood at $7.5 trillion – more than five times the annual trade volume. That market remains overwhelmingly dollar-based.

In 2022, the dollar featured in 88 percent of all FX transactions. By April 2025, its share had even risen slightly to 89.2 percent. The euro declined to 28.9 percent (from 30.6 percent in 2022). The yen remained stable at 16.8 percent. Meanwhile, the yuan rose to 8.5 percent – a steady climb since 2013. Yet much of the dollar’s dominance now comes not from strength, but from weakness elsewhere: the euro and pound’s decline has only reinforced its position.

From bypassing SWIFT to building the future
China knows it cannot dismantle dollar dominance alone. BRICS and the broader Global South must lead the charge. The architecture is already taking shape. By January 2025, countries including Russia, Iran, Venezuela, Saudi Arabia, China, the UAE, and Egypt had begun using the “petro-yuan” in cross-border energy transactions.

For Moscow, this shift is a direct response to sanctions and an effort to escape the grip of SWIFT and dollar-based trade. The move has worked – not symbolically, but materially. And as others follow, what was once a bypass strategy is becoming the nucleus of a new system.

An opening for the multipolar moment
The Greenland conflict is opening new opportunities for the Global South, as US geopolitical pressure and financial market risks may push Europe to reduce dollar dependence and move away from US assets. Investors may shift toward safe havens like the Swiss franc or strengthen economic ties with Beijing. These dynamics could accelerate the development of alternative payment systems.

This evolving crisis of dollar supremacy has exposed a deeper political rupture beneath the surface of shifting financial balances. The Global South is no longer willing to fund, facilitate, or remain vulnerable to an imperial system that serves its own economic subjugation.

New institutions are being born, old systems are fraying, and the illusions of inevitability that once upheld US financial primacy are shattering. The monetary order that emerges next will not be dictated from Washington, but forged in the shared interest of those long excluded from its spoils.

(The Cradle)

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Homelessness in Barcelona has surged to a record 1,982 people, exposing a deepening housing crisis and urgent calls for reform.

The number of people sleeping on the streets of Barcelona has reached a record high of 1,982 -a 43% increase since 2023- according to a report from the Arrels Foundation, which assisted 3,337 homeless individuals during 2025.

Beatriz, a spokesperson for Arrels, points out that even those earning the minimum wage are forced to choose between eating or keeping their accommodation, a structural crisis that current resources fail to mitigate.

Social organizations and activists demand fundamental solutions that go beyond temporary shelters and attack the root causes: universal access to housing and reform of a labor market that exploits without guaranteeing a livable life.

Early in 2025, Barcelona residents similarly condemned an overwhelming housing crisis fueled by a real estate model that places landlord profits above the right to decent housing. In interviews with teleSUR, citizens noted that prices had soared to historic highs, drastically out of alignment with average wages and creating profound uncertainty, particularly for the younger generation.

William, a migrant from Ghana who spent years living in public squares such as Catalunya Square, describes how the situation has drastically worsened: constant evictions are breaking up support communities, and without legal papers, the rental market remains inaccessible.

Durant el 2025 hem acollit 2.699 persones al nostre centre obert, un 5% més que el 2024. Un espai diürn obert els 365 dies de l’any per oferir protecció, descans i serveis bàsics. https://t.co/FRRJ2OujEL pic.twitter.com/MrueCTu25x

— Arrels Fundació (@ArrelsFundacio) January 15, 2026

The Tenants’ Union blamed speculation and warned about the fraud of 11-month temporary contracts, used by owners to bypass state regulations and facilitate the eviction of families to favor tourism or large international investors.

Civil organizations criticized the Spanish Government’s measures as insufficient, arguing they primarily protect property owners’ interests. In response, they called for an immediate cuts to rents and a ban on speculative sales.

During 2024, massive protests backed by unions like CC.OO. and UGT also took to the streets of Madrid and Barcelona to denounce that, while 3.8 million houses stand empty, workers must spend most of their income on rents reaching 1,800 euros per month.

(teleSUR)

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Mérida, January 26, 2026 (venezuelanalysis.com) – Delegates from governments, parliaments, and social movements across the globe gathered in Bogotá, Colombia, on January 25 for the inaugural “Nuestra América” summit.

Convened by the Progressive International at the San Carlos Palace, the emergency congress aimed to establish a unified strategy against what participants described as a “rapidly escalating assault” on Latin American sovereignty.

The high-level meeting, featuring 90 people from more than 20 countries, took place against a backdrop of heightened regional tensions and the Trump administration’s express intent to impose its dictates in the Western hemisphere.

The summit was triggered by the events of January 3, when US forces launched “Operation Absolute Resolve,” involving targeted bombings in Caracas and surrounding areas. The attacks killed over 100 people and drew near-universal condemnation from progressive forces who blasted the operation as a flagrant violation of the UN Charter.

The military incursion saw special forces kidnap Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores. The pair will face trial in New York on charges including narco-trafficking conspiracy, to which both pleaded not guilty during the arraignment hearing on January 5. Venezuelan officials have repeatedly denounced the kidnapping and demanded Maduro and Flores’ release and return.

The “San Carlos Declaration,” adopted at the close of the Bogotá summit on Sunday, characterized the current moment as a “new age of colonial violence” driven by a “revived Monroe Doctrine and a new ‘Trump Corollary’”.

The text asserted that “the defense of sovereignty in the hemisphere is inseparable from the defense of international law at the global level,” calling for a “coordinated international solidarity” to halt US coercive actions.

“We, the delegates at the inaugural convening of Nuestra América in Bogotá, Colombia, affirm the shared horizon of: a hemisphere that governs itself, defends its peoples, and speaks in its own voice,” the document read. Delegates committed to a “common strategy” to “project Nuestra América as a force for sovereignty and solidarity.”

The gathering featured high-level bilateral exchanges, as well as working groups led by grassroots movements. The final statement emphasized the importance of popular power to defend working-class interests and build international solidarity.

In the coming weeks, the “Nuestra América” movement plans to intensify its diplomatic activity, with a second major meeting already scheduled to take place in Havana, Cuba.

Code Pink’s Latin America coordinator Michelle Ellner attended the Bogotá summit and told Venezuelanalysis that it is urgent to confront a US project of “hemispheric domination that combines military intervention, lawfare, and repression.”

“No country or movement alone can confront the US military and financial apparatus,” she argued. “But together, states, peoples and social movements can continue building an anti-imperialist movement that can sustain those who are currently fighting politically.”

Ellner noted that progressive movements have historically been fractured but that they need to go from “reaction to action.” The Venezuelan-US organizer explained that Code Pink and allied groups are coordinating legislative pressure and mobilizations within the US to challenge the “normalization of intervention.”

Acting government promotes “coexistence and peace”

In Venezuela, Acting President Delcy Rodríguez launched the “Program for Democratic Coexistence and Peace” on Friday during a televised broadcast.

According to Rodríguez, the initiative seeks to “heal the fractures” caused by political violence and “eradicate expressions of hate” that threaten national stability in the wake of the US’ recent attacks and threats.

The program is overseen by a diverse committee led by Minister of Culture Ernesto Villegas alongside several other cabinet members, former business leader Ricardo Cusanno, and various social activists.

The acting president emphasized the need for political dialogue among different Venezuelan political forces without meddling from Washington and other foreign actors. The government announced plans to present a new law to the National Assembly to institutionalize the initiative.

In recent weeks, Venezuelan judicial authorities have likewise released opposition agents, some of them having been accused of treason and terrorism, as well as people accused of involvement in the unrest that followed the July 2024 presidential elections. Caracas has reported 626 released and invited the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to accompany the process.

Edited by Ricardo Vaz in Caracas.

The post Progressive Activists, Officials Condemn Venezuela Attacks, Call for Joint Action Against Monroe Doctrine appeared first on Venezuelanalysis.

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The Progressive International convened an emergency summit, named ‘Nuestra América’, in Bogotá, Colombia on January 24th and 25th. This document is the founding declaration of that summit, which commits to coordinated action against coercion in the Americas.

Part 1

Reaffirming the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, including the sovereign equality of states, the prohibition on the use of force, and the sacred right of all peoples to self-determination,

Recognizing these as the principles that animated Simón Bolívar in his struggle for a free continent, José de San Martín in his vision of an independent and sovereign Americas, Benito Juárez in pursuit of lasting peace between its nations, and Jose Martí in his call to defend it from imperialist intervention;

Stressing that the present international conjuncture is marked by the erosion of those principles, as reactionary forces rise to reassert US domination over its neighboring nations and beyond through coercion, manipulation, and military intervention;

Alarmed that this project has been articulated explicitly under the banner of a revived Monroe Doctrine and a new “Trump Corollary,” which asserts the Americas as an exclusive sphere of control and treats sovereignty, democracy, and international law as impediments rather than obligations;

Noting with grave concern that this doctrine has already been operationalized through concrete acts, including but not limited to:

• Financial intervention in Argentina aimed at conditioning economic policy and constraining democratic choice;
• Electoral intervention in Honduras, including the pardon of convicted narco-dictator Juan Orlando Hernández and the campaign to appoint the National Party to the presidency;
• Military intervention in Venezuela through a campaign of bombing in the capital Caracas that claimed civilian lives and 32 Cuban combatants who bravely and honorably confronted the hostile intervention of the United States and defended the kidnapping of Nicolás Maduro and Cilia Flores;
• Strikes on civilian vessels in the Caribbean Sea and Pacific, carried out without due process and resulting in the extrajudicial killing of over one hundred fishermen and boat crews;
• The unprecedented intensification of the economic, commercial and financial blockade and the increase in threats against Cuba with the objective of overthrowing the Revolution;
• Expansionist designs on Greenland, where demands for its acquisition by the United States pay no heed to the sovereignty of its people or to their right of self-determination;
• Systematic violation of the political, civil, and social rights of the more than fifty million migrants living in the United States—overwhelmingly of Latin American origin—who are subjected to detention, expulsion, and repression by state authorities, including the Department of Homeland Security and Immigration and Customs Enforcement;
• Persistent threats and political attacks directed against the sovereign and democratic government of Mexico, led by its first woman president, Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo, aimed at discrediting a project of social transformation and undermining the dignity and self-determination of the Mexican people;
• Support for lawfare as a weapon of political persecution, deployed against political leaders advancing sovereignty and regional integration, such as Lula Da Silva, Rafael Correa, and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, including international escalation with OFAC sanctions against Gustavo Petro.

Recognizing that this escalation constitutes not only an unprecedented threat to the peoples of the Americas, but also a direct menace to the universal principle of self-determination, whose selective application undermines its validity everywhere;

Recalling the observation of President Gustavo Petro that Israel’s genocide of the Palestinian people in Gaza was but a premonition for all peoples who refuse subjugation, demonstrating how unchecked violations of international law migrate from one region to another;

Affirming therefore that signatories from within and beyond the Americas join this Declaration in the conviction that the defense of hemispheric sovereignty is inseparable from the defense of international law globally, and that only coordinated international solidarity can halt the present trajectory toward expanded imperial violence.

Part II

Affirming that collective action among sovereign states and their peoples is the only strategy capable of withstanding an assault organized under the Monroe Doctrine, and that fragmentation remains the principal condition upon which domination depends;

Recognizing that the contemporary instruments of coercion rarely present themselves as war alone, but as a composite of financial pressure, unilateral coercive measures, information warfare, punitive restrictions on trade and energy, calibrated diplomatic isolation and systematic assaults on workers and the trade union movement—designed to erode legitimacy, exhaust public capacity, and compel political outcomes;

Recognizing that universal access to quality public services—including education, health and social care, energy, water, and sanitation—is a necessary condition for a functional, equitable, and stable democracy, and that these services are essential to breaking the cycles of structural, social, and economic inequality that erode democratic participation and popular sovereignty;

Observing that the current United States administration has pursued a deliberate strategy of division through intimidation, coercion, and isolation, including financial sanctions, trade restrictions, energy blockades, and diplomatic pressure intended to fracture regional cooperation and impose outcomes from abroad;

Underscoring that no nation acting alone can reliably withstand the pressure exerted by the world’s largest military and financial apparatus, but that through cooperation nations can build the autonomy, resilience, and shared capacity necessary to endure and to develop under adverse geopolitical conditions;

Recalling that the peoples of the Americas have repeatedly advanced their freedom and stability when they have acted in concert, including in resistance to colonial legacies such as the continuing occupation of the Malvinas, and through the creation of regional and subregional mechanisms that expanded policy space, strengthened mutual support, and reduced exposure to external tutelage;

Recalling in particular the establishment of the South American Defense Council within UNASUR as an effort to develop regional coordination, confidence-building, and sovereign defense dialogue on the basis of non-intervention, thereby reducing dependence on doctrines, training pathways, and security architectures historically shaped by the United States, including those associated with the School of the Americas;

Recalling also the creation of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) as a forum for Latin American and Caribbean multilateralism without external tutelage, providing a space for political coordination and common positions independent of the United States-dominated Organization of American States, in service of the region’s aspiration to be a Zone of Peace;

Recognizing that these experiences demonstrate a central lesson for the present conjuncture, namely that sovereignty is not preserved by isolation, but by deliberate cooperation that converts shared vulnerability into shared strength and transforms geographic proximity into political solidarity;

Emphasizing that intergovernmental coordination, while indispensable, will remain insufficient without the popular power of social movements, peoples organisations, trade unions, and youth—whose creativity and collective action shape the horizons of democracy— to defend sovereignty and advance the interests of the working class and also the emergence of a renewed solidarity movement within the Global North, capable of rejecting complicity, contesting militarism, and affirming in public institutions and civic life that aggression and coercion will not be carried out in its name;

Recognizing that this popular power depends on the capacity to think, learn, and act together, and that the production of critical knowledge, political education, and shared analysis is an essential dimension of any project of democratic transformation;

Stressing therefore that the strategy of Nuestra América must be understood as simultaneously diplomatic, economic, civic, popular, social and cultural: a common front that strengthens collective resilience, defends democratic choice and human rights from external coercion, and restores the primacy of international law through coordinated action across borders.

Part III

We, the delegates at the inaugural convening of Nuestra América in Bogotá, Colombia, affirm the shared horizon of: a hemisphere that governs itself, defends its peoples, and speaks in its own voice.

To advance that project, we hereby commit to a common strategy to resist coercion, build autonomy through democracy and integration, and project Nuestra América as a force for sovereignty among nations and solidarity among peoples.

To resist coercion, we commit to:

1. Pursue coordinated engagement in multilateral forums, including the United Nations and its specialized agencies, to uphold the Charter, defend the prohibition on the use or threat of force, and resist efforts to normalize unilateral coercive actions.
2. Establish mechanisms for enhanced hemispheric coordination and mutual support in response to sanctions, blockades, destabilization efforts, and sudden economic shocks, including the identification of shared needs, best practices, and pathways for cooperation.
3. Advance solidarity and affirm sovereignty across the hemisphere—from Cuba to Venezuela, from Mexico to Colombia and beyond—by expanding medical, food, energy, and disaster-response cooperation; by developing collective approaches to mitigate the civilian impact of unilateral coercive measures; and by affirming that no challenge in our region will be met with invasion or militarized coercion, but with dialogue and cooperative, rights-based approaches to shared regional challenges.
4. Support the documentation and analysis of coercion and disinformation, including unilateral measures, covert interference, and information warfare, in order to inform diplomatic engagement, legal strategies, and public understanding.
5. Encourage collaboration among legal experts and institutions to share jurisprudence, assess avenues for legal challenge, and explore coordinated responses to unlawful coercion and extraterritorial enforcement.
6. Defend the rights of Latin American migrants in the United States, oppose mass deportations, and advance the conditions of peace, prosperity, and democratic development in our region.
7. Defend workers’ rights by promoting trade union and labor rights, including the right to organize, collective bargaining, and strike in our region so that no worker is forced to leave their homeland in search of dignity elsewhere.

To reassert our independence, we commit to:

1. Strengthen regional dialogue on the protection of democratic processes, including the exchange of experiences on electoral accompaniment, safeguards for civic participation, and diplomatic responses to external interference or intimidation.
2. Examine options for greater financial and trade autonomy, including regional clearing arrangements, contingency payment channels, and expanded South–South trade cooperation, with the aim of reducing exposure to political and economic coercion.
3. Promote cooperation on energy and food sovereignty and the strengthening of public services by sharing information and exploring joint approaches to strategic reserves, public procurement and provision, infrastructure investment, public ownership, and sustainable agricultural production in the service of ecological development.
4. Revitalize regional integration efforts by exchanging experiences, identifying areas of convergence, and pursuing cooperative initiatives that enhance collective bargaining power, protect public goods, and expand policy space.

To strengthen Nuestra América, we commit to:

1. Sustain a living process of coordination among governments, movements, political forces, trade unions, and peoples, deepening this dialogue through convenings, shared initiatives, and ongoing channels of cooperation seeking to advance towards a citizenship of the Americas with guaranteed rights.
2. Expand alliances with international resistance movements and foster dialogue with peoples of the Global North aimed at challenging complicity with aggression, opposing profiteering from coercion and war, and promoting adherence to international law and peaceful coexistence.
3. Convene the next Nuestra América to Havana, Cuba, calling all peoples of the world to stand in solidarity with the Cuban people and their enduring struggle for the defence of their sovereignty and self-determination against US American designs and threats.

In this spirit — and in the face of great dangers — we will forge a future for the Americas that fosters unity, sovereignty, and peace over fear, violence, and foreign domination.

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  News Briefs

  The San Carlos Declaration of the Nuestra América Emergency Summit

  January 26, 2026January 26, 2026

  Full text of the declaration arising from the Progressive International’s Nuestra América summit held on January 24th and 25th, 2026 in Bogotá, Colombia.

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  News Briefs

  Progressive International’s Emergency Nuestra América Summit Arrives at Critical Juncture for Latin American Unity

  January 22, 2026January 22, 2026

  Beset by disunity, cynical calculation, tepid reformism and an ascendant ultra-right, Latin America and the Caribbean must unite against a US imperialism which aims to snuff out any emancipatory possibilities and subjugate the continent once and for all.

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  Analysis

  Mexico in the Context of the New Imperialism

  January 20, 2026

  Mexico must overcome the inertia of decades of unilateral alignment with the interests of the US and understand that the nation’s future depends, more than ever, on its ability to circumvent the encirclement that the empire seeks to impose on us, along with the other countries of the region.

The post The San Carlos Declaration of the Nuestra América Emergency Summit appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.

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Every day, President Claudia Sheinbaum gives a morning presidential press conference and Mexico Solidarity Media posts English language summaries, translated by Mexico Solidarity’s Pedro Gellert Frank. Previous press conference summaries are available here.

Popular Support Amid Disinformation

A Reporte Índigo survey places President Claudia Sheinbaum with a 77.5% approval rating at the start of 2026, a level of support that has held steady since October 2024.

Sheinbaum thanked the people and emphasized that direct communication with the population and being out in the field are key to maintaining the bond with society, amid the rise of fake news on social media.

End of Tax Privileges: Grupo Salinas Must Pay

The President confirmed that Grupo Salinas expressed its intention to pay the tax debt it owes to the Mexican State.

Since last Thursday, the period to comply with this obligation has been open, and it must be resolved this week. The President was clear: the Supreme Court has now ruled that Grupo Salinas’ injunction is invalid, and the definitive ruling from the collegiate courts is what counts.

End of Abuse: Profeco Targets Ticketmaster and Scalpers

The Federal Consumer Protection Agency (Profeco) announced sanctions against Ticketmaster for lack of clarity in BTS ticket pre-sales and sales. Resale platforms such as Stubhub and Viagogo will also be sanctioned. In response to abuses and excessive price hikes, a fine of nearly 400 million pesos (US$22.89 million) is being considered for ticket scalpers.

New Court, No Luxuries

The Supreme Court announced that, following the purchase of high-end vehicles for justices, the units will not be used and their return has been ordered. Sheinbaum noted that, beyond the administrative aspect, it is about a new Court with a new vision and close to the people.

A World Cup Played on the Ground

The World Cup doesn’t start in stadiums. It begins in schools, public fields, and communities. Soccer reaches public primary, secondary, and high schools, with participation from girls and boys, because sports are a right, not a privilege.

There will be inclusive tournaments for women, youth, people with disabilities, and children who have escaped life on the street, along with the recovery of sports spaces across the country.

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• 

  News Briefs

  The San Carlos Declaration of the Nuestra América Emergency Summit

  January 26, 2026January 26, 2026

  Full text of the declaration arising from the Progressive International’s Nuestra América summit held on January 24th and 25th, 2026 in Bogotá, Colombia.

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  Mañanera

  People’s Mañanera January 26

  January 26, 2026January 26, 2026

  President Sheinbaum’s daily press conference, with comments on approval ratings, Grupo Salinas tax debt, PROFECO vs Ticketmaster, and FIFA World Cup 2026.

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  News Briefs

  Mexican Government to Investigate Ticketmaster Monopoly for BTS Ticket Sales Irregularities

  January 26, 2026January 26, 2026

  Mexico’s Attorney General indicated that the fines against the ticketing company could reach up to $230k USD.

The post People’s Mañanera January 26 appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.

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This article by Jorge Salcedo originally appeared in the January 26, 2026 edition of El Sol de México.

During the morning press conference of President Claudia Sheinbaum, the head of the Federal Consumer Protection Agency (PROFECO), Iván Escalante, said that in the context of the BTS concerts that will take place in May, a legal infraction procedure will be initiated against Ticketmaster for the lack of clarity in the information provided to consumers.

He also announced that resale platforms will be sanctioned for engaging in abusive and unfair practices. The Attorney General indicated that the fines against the ticketing company could reach up to four million pesos ($230,000 USD).

A celebration of BTS member J-Hope’s birthday in Mexico City’s Alameda Central park.

The head of PROFECO announced that they are working on reviewing guidelines to regulate the advertising and sale of tickets for concerts, festivals, and shows, focusing on issues such as clear descriptions of the venue, dates, and times of events ; publication at least 24 hours before the first sale; maps and exact prices for each venue; price ranges; and specification of the ticket cost with the total amount to be paid, including all charges.

He mentioned that prior to the ticket purchase, complaints were identified and reports were received , and that no physical sales were identified at the GNP Stadium.

The goal of these guidelines, which were developed over the weekend, is to give people time to reflect before purchasing tickets for events, at least 24 hours in advance.

• 

  News Briefs

  Mexican Government to Investigate Ticketmaster Monopoly for BTS Ticket Sales Irregularities

  January 26, 2026January 26, 2026

  Mexico’s Attorney General indicated that the fines against the ticketing company could reach up to $230k USD.

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  News Briefs

  PAN’s Desolate “Mass” Membership Drive

  January 26, 2026January 26, 2026

  It began in October with an arena event where Maximiliano Cortázar fell into a pool. Three months and only 3,500 new members later, the ultra-right party is still floundering in the deep end.

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  Analysis

  USMCA Review Needs to Include More Than Just Corporate Interests

  January 26, 2026January 26, 2026

  Mexico’s Economy Secretary Ebrard has cancelled social organization consultations and adopted a rhetoric of supplication towards corporate interests in advance of the USMCA review.

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This article by Álvaro Delgado Gómez originally appeared in the January 26, 2026 edition of Sin Embargo.

Mexico City. The National Action Party’s ( PAN ) membership drive, announced in October as part of its relaunch and aimed at attracting young people with raffles for iPhone 17 phones, has been a failure: In three months it has added only 3,500 new members, an increase of just 1 percent of its membership rolls.

Jorge Romero Herrera, President of the PAN, announced the recruitment campaign on October 18 and consolidated it in December, but even the main figures of the right have scorned this process: Vicente Fox, the first President of Mexico not from the PRI, did not reaffiliate and neither did Felipe Calderón, who formally resigned in 2018.

Even Xóchitl Gálvez snubbed the party that made her a presidential candidate in 2024, and federal deputy Margarita Zavala Gómez del Campo, Calderón’s wife, has not reaffirmed her support for the PAN either, even though she is part of its parliamentary group.

Those who did rejoin the PAN are Germán Martínez Cázares, who resigned in 2018 to become a senator for Morena and director general of the Mexican Social Security Institute (IMSS) at the invitation of Andrés Manuel López Obrador, and Javier Lozano Alarcón, who in that same presidential election returned to the PRI to support José Antonio Meade.

Maximiliano Cortázar Lara goes for a dip.

Both are friends of Calderón: Martínez Cázares was Secretary of Public Administration, while Lozano was Secretary of Labor, and now they join others from the same group in the PAN, such as Roberto Gil Zuarth and Maximiliano Cortázar Lara.

It was precisely after Martínez left as president of the PAN, due to the defeat of 2009, that César Nava —his successor also imposed by Calderón— began a campaign to recruit members that, according to him, added 371,377 new members in just two weeks to reach a total of 1,414,435.

Although the PAN’s membership list did indeed grow after Fox’s victory in 2000 and Calderón’s fraud in 2006, even including figures from the oligarchy such as María Asunción Aramburuzavala and Lorenzo Servitje Sendra, along with their respective families, it was drastically reduced from Gustavo Madero’s presidency onwards and became an instrument of control with the “register keepers” who still control the list of members.

Such was the factional logic of the internal groups that the PAN almost lost its registration in 2023, for having only 277,000 members, a little over 20,000 more than the 256,000 required by law.

On October 18, Jorge Romero Herrera, national leader of the PAN party, unveiled the new logo for his political organization. Photo: Facebook National Action Party.

That’s why, on October 18 of last year, after its resounding defeat in the 2024 election, the PAN announced an open-door policy and launched a membership drive. At that time, the number of members was 318,799, according to the National Registry of Members (RNM).

A month and a half after the relaunch of the PAN and the reaffiliation campaign, on December 2, the total was 320,187. Only 1,388 new members had joined, an average of 30 per day.

And two months after the start of the campaign, on Thursday, December 18, the total was 320,716, meaning that only 1,917 Mexicans had joined, an average of 32 per day.

That’s why, the day after Christmas, on December 26, Romero Herrera relaunched the re-affiliation campaign with a message on social media: “Dare to face the future, dare to take action.”

“We’re going to raffle off an iPhone 17 Pro every month for all young people, and it’s totally legal. That’s how our founders did it, they held raffles: for everything, refrigerators, TVs.”

But exactly three months after the start of the process, on January 18, 2026, only 3,545 people joined the PAN, an average of 38 per day. At that time, the party had a total of 322,344 members. That is, a mere 1.1% increase from its October membership.

To attract new members to the PAN, Jorge Romero Herrera enabled an application with which those interested can affiliate, but he also offered to raffle an iPhone 17 Pro smartphone every month to motivate the participation of young people.

“We’re going to raffle off an iPhone 17 Pro every month for all young people, and it’s totally legal, in case they want to join the app. That’s how our founders did it, they held raffles: for everything, refrigerators, TVs,” Romero argued, but in reality the raffles that the PAN held were to finance itself when it didn’t receive public money before the government of Carlos Salinas de Gortari.

There is no evidence in the official channels of the PAN about the raffle of iPhone smartphones for those who join their party, as offered by Romero Herrera, but what is a fact is that affiliations have only grown 1% in three months.

The PAN’s process of registering new members has been carried out in parallel with the similar campaign also being conducted by Morena, the party in federal government, which reported that it has already surpassed 11 million Mexicans.

Álvaro Delgado Gómez is a journalist who began his career as a reporter in 1986, and has worked in the newsrooms ofEl Financiero*,El Nacional, andEl Universal, as well as head of Political Information at the weeklyProceso. He is the author of many books, includingEl Yunque: The Far Right in Power;El Ejército de Dios; andEl engaño: Prédica y práctica del PAN.El amasiato: El acuerdo secreto Peña-Calderón y otras traiciones PANistasis his most recent book.*

• 

  News Briefs

  PAN’s Desolate “Mass” Membership Drive

  January 26, 2026January 26, 2026

  It began in October with an arena event where Maximiliano Cortázar fell into a pool. Three months and only 3,500 new members later, the ultra-right party is still floundering in the deep end.

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  Analysis

  USMCA Review Needs to Include More Than Just Corporate Interests

  January 26, 2026January 26, 2026

  Mexico’s Economy Secretary Ebrard has cancelled social organization consultations and adopted a rhetoric of supplication towards corporate interests in advance of the USMCA review.

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  News Briefs

  Salinas Pliego Did Not Pay Tax Debt, Still Negotiating

  January 24, 2026January 24, 2026

  A five-day grace period which would allow the ultra-right winger a 39% discount on his nearly $3 billion USD tax debt has passed.

The post PAN’s Desolate “Mass” Membership Drive appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.

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This editorial by Manuel Pérez Rocha L. originally appeared in the January 26, 2026 edition of La Jornada, Mexico’s premier left wing daily newspaper. The views expressed in this article are the authors’* own and do not necessarily reflect those ofMexico Solidarity Mediaor theMexico Solidarity Project.*

Mexican social and civil organizations are striving to present alternatives to free trade within the framework of the current USMCA review. However, they are not listened to by our own government, nor are they even received. In contrast, every time Trump opens his mouth, he unsettles, insults, and confuses his friends and enemies about who they truly are. He knows he doesn’t need much trickery to create a distraction. He is the distraction. He has resorted to extreme measures. As Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney said, “The old international order is over.”

Indeed, Trump is shaking off cumbersome rules for the American plutocracy and severing ties with every democratic multilateral institution, be it the UN or international agreements like the Paris Convention. He is, in effect, setting in motion a full-throttle neoliberalism. Meanwhile, the United States’ role and interests in the global capitalist financial system remain intact; Trump has not seriously threatened to withdraw from or dismantle the Bretton Woods system (IMF, World Bank), for example.

Although Trump is capriciously politicizing this year’s USMCA renegotiations, it’s positive that this neoliberal treaty, which is largely a repeat of NAFTA, is being questioned. Free trade agreements are indeed “free” to the extent that they grant capital freedom from obligations, regulations, and measures that interfere with its profits. For Trump, the “politicization” of the USMCA is a smokescreen to advance US corporate interests.

Ebrard famously remarked he wouldn’t submit to “that woman,” but that President?

Just last Friday, the bipartisan Defense of American Property Abroad Act was approved by the Congressional Transportation and Infrastructure Committee. This law, according to its co-sponsor, Texas Republican Representative August Pfluger, “sends a clear message: The United States will defend its companies and hold accountable countries that violate trade agreements or undermine property rights”. Pfluger cites, as the sole precedent, that supposedly “in May 2022, then-Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) abruptly shut down Vulcan Materials Company’s operations with false accusations that the company was breaching its contract, and his government subsequently launched a relentless pressure campaign against Vulcan, which included multiple lawsuits and the deployment of military and law enforcement personnel to its facilities” (own translation). Meanwhile, Vulcan’s $1.9 billion lawsuit against Mexico remains pending at the ICSID.

At the same time, the largest US corporations and mining companies are demanding that the Trump administration restore the “legal certainty” privileges of NAFTA that were eliminated in the USMCA, which limited the rights to resort to investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) claims to existing contracts of hydrocarbon and energy companies (see Business Roundtable Comments on the Operation of USMCA and the National Mining Association comments on USMCA).

Given this enormous pressure, the recent statements by the Secretary of Economy, Marcelo Ebrard, regarding the need to expand legal certainty for foreign investors, are noteworthy. Ebrard appears to be responding to and endorsing the business sector’s concerns about the current rule of law in Mexico (in his interview in La Jornada). He has maintained that it is essential for Mexico to maintain and strengthen the dispute resolution mechanism to avoid “hasty decisions that affect different industries.” What decisions is he referring to? He says that with this system (of dispute resolution) there is “an equal, symmetrical sphere for the three countries.” What symmetry is he talking about? “That it be as agile as possible and cover more areas so that this reduces uncertainty in the operation of the treaty.” What more areas? So that Mexico continues to receive a flood of lawsuits?

An article published by this newspaper states that “Ebrard mentioned that in the coming days they will deliver to President Claudia Sheinbaum the results of the consultation conducted in Mexico in preparation for the trilateral review, and subsequently send it to the Senate.” However, unlike the business sector, social and civil organizations have been excluded from this consultation. More than one hundred civil society organizations (CSOs) and experts in different sectors and matters related to NAFTA and the trilateral relationship, gathered at the USMCA Advocacy Assembly (Sin Maíz no hay País), have expressed, in a letter dated January 21, their concern and surprise at the cancellation of meetings previously agreed upon with the Ministry of Economy, “in a context in which key definitions of the renegotiation process of the Treaty between Mexico, the United States and Canada (USMCA) are advancing,” citing Ebrard’s statements regarding expanding the dispute resolution mechanisms.

They say that “the repeated rescheduling of this dialogue space is causing concern among the organizations that make up the assembly, particularly given the lack of effective channels of communication with the Ministry of Economy, despite the impacts that the current decisions will have on workers, communities, and the fulfillment of the Mexican State’s international commitments” (see full letter). The exclusion of Mexican CSOs continues a trend that has persisted for four decades since NAFTA was negotiated.

The eagerness to attract foreign investment without conditions, requirements, or controls (that’s what a free trade agreement is), and to grant supranational legal rights, is to further undermine our sovereignty. I echo the letter from the USMCA Advocacy Assembly, which “reiterates its willingness to engage in constructive dialogue and contribute proactively to an inclusive, transparent, and people-centered renegotiation process.” Is that too much to ask?

• 

  News Briefs

  PAN’s Desolate “Mass” Membership Drive

  January 26, 2026January 26, 2026

  It began in October with an arena event where Maximiliano Cortázar fell into a pool. Three months and only 3,500 new members later, the ultra-right party is still floundering in the deep end.

• 

  Analysis

  USMCA Review Needs to Include More Than Just Corporate Interests

  January 26, 2026January 26, 2026

  Mexico’s Economy Secretary Ebrard has cancelled social organization consultations and adopted a rhetoric of supplication towards corporate interests in advance of the USMCA review.

• 

  News Briefs

  Salinas Pliego Did Not Pay Tax Debt, Still Negotiating

  January 24, 2026January 24, 2026

  A five-day grace period which would allow the ultra-right winger a 39% discount on his nearly $3 billion USD tax debt has passed.

The post USMCA Review Needs to Include More Than Just Corporate Interests appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.

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Iran is in the crosshairs of both Western corporate media and the U.S. and Israeli governments. What started as a peaceful protest against rising inflation and the cost of living quickly exploded into something much more dangerous: an attempt to topple the government.

Corporate media framed this as a democratic uprising against a viciously repressive regime, who mowed down protestors in their thousands in a desperate attempt to maintain its grip on power. Dozens of outlets, from The Times of London to The New York Post, described it as a “genocide” – a word seldom used to frame Israel’s actions in Gaza.

But under the surface, a different explanation was brewing, one of an attempted foreign-orchestrated regime change attempt. Both Israeli media and former CIA director, Mike Pompeo admitted as much, the latter tweeting that Mossad agents were in the crowds in Iran, directing the demonstrations.

Joining the MintCast today from Tehran is returning guest, Seyed Mohammad Marandi. Dr. Marandi is Professor of English Literature and Orientalism, University of Tehran. Born in the United States in 1966, he moved to Iran as a teenager, joining the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps and fighting in the Iran-Iraq War. He is a regular feature in media around the world, discussing politics in Iran and West Asia more generally.

Today, Marandi discussed the reality of the situation in Iran, the aftermath of the protests, and the Western sources fueling much of the violence.

One of those sources is Human Rights Activists in Iran (HRAI), an organization that claims the government has massacred 17,000 people in barely two weeks. HRAI is an NGO based in Fairfax, VA – only a stone’s throw from CIA headquarters in Langley. Worse still, it is directly funded by the CIA cutout organization, the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). In 2024 alone, the NED quietly channeled over $900,000 to HRAI.

Regime change in Tehran has been a top priority for Washington ever since the Iranian Revolution of 1978-1979 that overthrew U.S.-backed dictator, Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi.

Pahlavi himself had been kept in place by the CIA, who engineered a coup against the democratically-elected government of Mohammad Mossadegh (1952-53). Mossadegh, a secular liberal reformer, had angered Washington by nationalizing the country’s oil industry, carrying out land reform, and refusing to crush the communist Tudeh Party.

New Mossad Recruitment Ads Exploit Iran’s Unrest With Help From US Comedian

The CIA (the NED’s parent organization), infiltrated Iranian media, paying them to run hysterical anti-Mossadegh content, carried out terror attacks inside Iran, bribed officials to turn against the president, cultivated ties with reactionary elements within the military, and paid protestors to flood the streets at anti-Mossadegh rallies.

The shah reigned for 26 bloody years between 1953 and 1979, until he was overthrown in the Islamic Revolution.

The U.S. supported Saddam Hussein’s Iraq, who almost immediately invaded Iran, leading to a bitter, eight-year long conflict that killed at least half a million people. Washington supplied Hussein with a wide range of weapons, including components for chemical weapons used on Iranians, as well as other weapons of mass destruction.

Since 1979, Iran has also been under restrictive American economic sanctions, measures that have severely hindered the country’s development. During his first term, Trump withdrew from the Iran Nuclear Deal and turned up the economic pressure. The result was a collapse in the value of the Iranian rial, mass unemployment, soaring rents and a doubling of the price of food. Ordinary people lost both their savings and their long-term security.

Throughout this, Trump has constantly threatened Iran with attack, finally following through in June, bombing a host of infrastructure projects inside the country.

Protestors today, especially those in the Iranian diaspora in the West, are calling for the restoration of the monarchy under the shah’s son, Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi. Also prominent at these rallies are dozens of Israeli flags. Pahlavi has promised Iran will become an Israeli ally if he is placed on the throne.

Watch this important interview now, and gain a unique viewpoint rarely shared in corporate media.

(MintPress News)

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Venezuela’s interim president issues a sharp rebuke of Washington’s escalating pressure on her country.

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From Presstv via This RSS Feed.

Venezuela’s Acting President Delcy Rodríguez, speaking at the Puerto La Cruz Refinery on Sunday alongside oil workers, stated that differences with the US will be resolved through “Bolivarian diplomacy,” emphasizing that the path to resolution will be strictly diplomatic.

Rodríguez said the Venezuelan government is prepared to address the situation directly by appealing to international conflict resolution mechanisms.

“We will face the US government head-on; we will resolve our differences, our historical controversies, through Bolivarian diplomacy,” the acting president said, while adding: “We are not afraid, because if there is one thing that should unite us as a people, it is guaranteeing the peace and tranquility of this nation.”

She added that Venezuela will not be intimidated by external pressures, calling for social cohesion: “We are not afraid, because if there is anything we must unite as a people, it is to guarantee the peace and tranquility of this homeland.”

During her speech, the Chavista leader recalled the impact of the US military attack on January 3, which resulted in the kidnapping of President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady and Deputy Cilia Flores. Rodríguez described the event as an unprecedented act of aggression in the region and labelled Maduro as a prisoner of war.

“The country had to face the darkest thing a human being can experience, which is war against a noble people, under totally unequal conditions,” she noted, stating that it was once unthinkable that “a South American capital would be militarily attacked by an external force.”

Delcy Rodríguez again urged the country’s political sectors to cease their dependence on foreign directives and prioritize internal dialogue to overcome the current crisis.

“Enough of Washington’s orders on policies for far-right Venezuelans; let Venezuelan politics resolve our differences and our internal conflicts,” she stated.

The acting president concluded with a call to practice politics “with a capital P, and with a V, for Venezuela,” insisting that national unity is the only way to safeguard the country’s sovereignty.

Hydrocarbons law reform
Rodríguez also stated that the partial reform of the Organic Hydrocarbons Law aims to optimize the exploitation of resources under principles of energy sovereignty, guaranteeing that subsoil wealth translates into “economic and social happiness” for the Venezuelan people, Telesur reported.

During the meeting, Rodríguez reaffirmed that Venezuela is not afraid of the global energy agenda. “We shouldn’t be afraid of the energy agenda, neither with the US nor with the rest of the world. Diversity in its international relations is Venezuela’s right,” she said while admitting that oil production was briefly affected by the illegal US oil blockade launched last December.

The leader emphasized that the country is moving forward with determination in the defense of its natural resources, while promoting strategic alliances that respect its independence.

“Let those barrels sitting in green fields be transformed into wages, food, and healthcare for our people. Let national and international resources be combined to develop our reserves,” she added, directly linking oil and gas production to social welfare.

One of the milestones highlighted by the acting president was the recent signing of the first contract for the export of natural gas, which positions Venezuela as an emerging power in this sector, beyond oil.

Former Manager of PDVSA: Trump’s Oil Viceroyalty Over Venezuela Is Fantasy (Interview)

“They didn’t believe it, but we’ve already closed a contract to export the first molecule of gas from Venezuela, and now we’re going for more,” she said, emphasizing that the goal is to transform the world’s largest crude oil reserves and the vast gas reserves of the hemisphere into tangible prosperity for the Venezuelan people.

“It is now up to us to become the country with the largest oil reserves in the world, with the largest gas reserves in this hemisphere; it is now up to us to become a true oil and gas producing powerhouse,” she said.

The legal reform in this sector ensures the continuity of Commander Hugo Chávez’s legacy regarding state ownership of natural resources. “The legacy of the Eternal Commander regarding resource ownership will remain untouched and intact within the new legal framework,” Rodríguez affirmed, calling for unity within the hydrocarbons sector and recognizing the fundamental role of the workforce in the industry’s recovery.

(Últimas Noticias) by Odry Farnetano with Orinoco Tribune content

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/JRE/JB

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By Pablo Meriguet – January 23, 2026

Deprived of oil shipments following the US attack on Venezuela, Cuba has made moves to survive the economic blockade.

The January 3 attack on Venezuela by the US military profoundly transformed the dynamics in the region, especially in the Caribbean. Following agreements reached between the Venezuelan government led by Delcy Rodríguez and the Trump administration, Cuba was forced to quickly seek solutions to its economic crisis.

For more than 60 years of economic and trade blockade by Washington, Cuba has managed to survive thanks to the support of allied governments, which have provided support for the revolutionary process. During its existence, the USSR supported the island with machinery and goods in exchange for the sale of sugar and other products. After the fall of the USSR, Cuba has navigated a prolonged economic crisis thanks to the support of governments such as China and Vietnam, among others.

However, during the 21st century, Hugo Chávez and Venezuela became a lifeline for the Caribbean island. Despite threats from the United States and the tightening of sanctions against Havana, Venezuela decided to sell oil and other products in exchange for the various services that Cuban professionals could offer in the South American country.

However, the Trump administration seems determined to stifle the Cuban economy at all costs. According to reports, several of the Venezuelan oil tankers seized by US forces in the Caribbean Sea were bound for Cuba, sending a strong and clear message to the government of Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel.

“NO MORE OIL OR MONEY FOR CUBA — ZERO! I strongly suggest they come to an agreement BEFORE IT IS TOO LATE,” Trump said on Truth Social.

Now that Washington has forced the Venezuelan government to stop selling oil to Cuba, Havana has had to turn to other allies who have promised their help. Among them is China, which has pledged food and financial aid to the revolutionary government in Havana.

China’s aidBeijing’s aid includes the delivery of 60,000 tons of rice to Cuba, the first part of which arrived on the Caribbean island on January 20. Cuban Deputy Prime Minister Oscar Pérez-Oliva said: “We deeply appreciate and are grateful for this aid at a difficult time, when levels of aggression are rising, and the United States’ economic, commercial, and financial blockade against the Cuban people is intensifying in an unprecedented manner.”

For his part, Chinese Ambassador to Cuba Hua Xin said the aid “embodies the deep bonds of special friendship between the two nations.” He added: “We deeply understand that true friendship is revealed in times of greatest need… [China] has always been Cuba’s most steadfast partner… every grain of rice delivered today embodies the unwavering commitment of the Chinese people.”

In November last year, China sent six shipments of food by air. In 2025, Beijing sent essential supplies to the island, including solar lamps, roofing materials, and mattresses. In addition to aid, Chinese President Xi Jinping approved financial assistance amounting to USD 80 million.

Trump Admin Weighs Oil Blockade on Cuba for Regime Change: Politico

Russian diplomats visit Cuba
Russia has also maintained friendly ties with Cuba despite the collapse of the USSR. On January 21, Russian Interior Minister Vladimir Alexandrovich Kolokoltsev, accompanied by a delegation of Russian officials and military personnel, held talks with Díaz-Canel in Havana.

The Russian Interior Minister said that the meeting was held to exchange opinions and views on the complex global situation following the US attack on Venezuela.

This visit comes after Putin’s recent statement affirming that Russia “will continue to provide assistance to our Cuban friends, standing in solidarity with their determination to defend their sovereignty and independence by all means.”

As can be seen, Havana has made its moves to find a way to overcome the new obstacles that the Trump administration has placed in its path. Once again, the resilience and resistance of the Cuban people will be put to the test in the face of US power, which, since the beginning of the Cuban revolution, has done everything possible to destroy it.

(Peoples Dispatch)

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President Miguel Diaz-Canel says the drills are aimed at deterring potential aggression from the United States.

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Acting President Delcy Rodríguez led a Comprehensive Social Care Day in La Soublette sector of Catia La Mar, providing direct assistance to more than 5,500 families in the Catia La Mar 1 Communal Circuit, as part of the Venezuelan government’s efforts to recover from the damage caused by the US military aggression on January 3.

On Saturday, January 24, Rodríguez visited homes and spoke with families affected by the illegal US military attack of January 3, which left more than a hundred civilians and military personnel dead, damaged medical and scientific infrastructure and hundreds of homes, and resulted in the kidnapping of President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady and National Assembly Deputy Cilia Flores.

Surrounded by residents, the acting president emphasized that “there can be no economic peace without social peace” and underscored the government’s commitment to “bringing happiness to our people and guaranteeing the future of our children, guided by our Father Liberator Simón Bolívar.”

The Las Casitas sector of Catia La Mar, where Rodríguez made these statements, had been bombed by the US in the early hours of January 3, leaving homes completely destroyed and affecting 64 families.

La presidenta encargada de Venezuela, Delcy Rodríguez, visitó el urbanismo conocido como Las Casitas, en la avenida Soublette en La Guiara.
1/3 pic.twitter.com/eUvlQQpWU0

— Madelein Garcia (@madeleintlSUR) January 24, 2026

She pointed out that “these are civilian residential areas, inhabited by people who have no military status whatsoever and are not involved in security. It is a civilian population that was struck by missiles.”

After noting that “we have spent two weeks” working with the governor of La Guaira, José Alejandro Terán, and the national government “recovering homes,” she added that “we have instructed our teams to find housing immediately to ensure a roof over the heads of our children, which is the most important thing, and to heal the wound of anguish left by this attack.”

She added that this is important for the affected Venezuelan population, “who still feel the impact and anguish. I inform them that we are going to carry out social and health interventions to ensure the integrity of physical and mental health, because we know the people have been traumatized.”

At the same time, she reaffirmed that “we also know that the dignity of the Venezuelan people is our first line of defense in preserving our integrity as a people, our territorial integrity, and our national independence.”

She emphasized that “there is an urgent need for national unity to safeguard the peace and tranquility of our people. There can be no political or partisan differences when it comes to Venezuela’s peace. There can be no divisions. Venezuela must be a single national body.”

Referring to María Corina Machado thanking US President Donald Trump for the attack on Venezuela, Rodríguez said, “It is shameful to see a Venezuelan woman, who claims to be Venezuelan, go and thank people for the bombing and foreign military aggression against Venezuela. I do not think she is Venezuelan, because the Venezuelan people repudiate any form of aggression that causes suffering to our people.”

In conclusion, she declared, “From here, I call on all of Venezuela. I have said it since January 5, when I had to be sworn in because President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores had been kidnaped. I swore by the children of Venezuela, by the youth; I swore to care for the people, and we must all take care of one another. And the only way we can all take care of each other is by knowing how to preserve and guarantee democratic coexistence in diversity.”

“Diversity exists, plurality exists, differences exist, but there are some supreme values, and one of them is the peace that must unite us, and the independence and dignity of Venezuela, which must unite us,” she added. “And I have seen many sectors that are politically divergent but are united in this position.”

Venezuela: Minister Cabello Urges National Unity and Loyalty to Acting President Rodríguez During Chavista Demonstration

Restoration works in Catia La Mar 1
Among the targets of the US bombing was the port of La Guaira, on the central Venezuelan coast. In Caracas and other affected areas, initiatives to restore infrastructure, social life, and provide psychological support to those affected by the military attack are also underway.

Alongside Héctor Rodríguez, minister for Territorial Socialism, and Governor José Alejandro Terán, the acting president inspected the reconstruction works and other recovery efforts in buildings and neighborhoods of Catia La Mar, greeted residents, and met with specialists, including doctors from various specialties, who are involved in providing support to the population.

65 roofs that were damaged in the January 3 attack have already been replaced while apartments and façades in various blocks in the area have been fully restored.

In La Soublette, a Sovereign Field Fair is ensuring food security by distributing protein-rich foods and essential products through Mercal, Pdval, and Alimentos La Guaira, with institutions such as the National Institute of Nutrition and Lácteos Los Andes joining in to strengthen the local food system. Similarly, entrepreneurs and the Workers’ Digital Bank mobile units are driving economic and financial activity in the community.

The government is also providing clinics with medical services and free medication distribution, recreational spaces, cultural activities, and the attention of Misión Nevado, consolidating a comprehensive approach that addresses the needs of more than 5,500 families in the Catia La Mar 1 Communal Circuit.

With these actions, the Venezuelan government reaffirms its commitment to social stability and the well-being of La Guaira residents, prioritizing reconstruction and direct material support for families affected by the invasion.

The Venezuelan people are recovering by working peacefully in unity. In addition to demanding the immediate return of President Maduro and Cilia Flores through ongoing mobilization, they call for respect for their rights to sovereignty, self-determination, and peace.

(Telesur)

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/SC/DZ

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Left-wing Senator Iván Cepeda, who is close to Colombian President Gustavo Petro, remains in the lead in voting intention for the presidential elections on May 31, according to a poll released this weekend.

Cepeda, candidate of the Historic Pact, Petro’s coalition, has 30% of the electorate’s preferences, followed by lawyer Abelardo de la Espriella, of the far-right movement Defenders of the Homeland, with 22%, according to the survey by the Spanish firm GAD3 published by the Noticias RCN television channel.

📊 Nueva encuesta GAD3
Dos puntos a destacar:
1️⃣ Esta encuesta muestra un nivel alto de indecisos, superior al de mediciones previas.
2️⃣ La caída de Fajardo es el cambio más relevante del momento, una tendencia que también se observa en el mercado de apuestas.#Elecciones2026 pic.twitter.com/F69dzNETWH

— PoliData (@PoliticaConDato) January 19, 2026

The poll, which asked “if the presidential elections were tomorrow, who would you vote for?”, without suggesting names, shows Senator Paloma Valencia in third place with a distant 3%, from the Democratic Center party, founded by former president Álvaro Uribe (2002-2010), while the former mayor of Medellín, Sergio Fajardo, who appeared in third place in other polls as the standard-bearer of the center right, falls to seventh place, with only 1%.

A first survey, by the firm Invamer, showed Cepeda in first place on December 1, 2025 (31.9%), followed by De la Espriella (18.2%) and Fajardo (8.5%).

The second, from the Brazilian firm AtlasIntel, was released on January 10 and showed that the voting intention is led by De la Espriella (28%), followed by Cepeda (26.5%) and Fajardo (9.4%).

Iván Cepeda Wins Historic Pact Primary in Colombia to Become Presidential Candidate

All three polls agree that there will be a need for a second round on June 21, and in that case, today’s GAD3 poll points to a victory for Cepeda, although a large sector of the electorate remains undecided.

For a first ballot, Cepeda has 40% of the voting intention, compared to 32% for De la Espriella, while blank votes total 11%; those who would not vote, another 10%; and those who do not know or did not respond, 7%.

Cepeda, with 40%, would also win in the second round against Sergio Fajardo (25%), and if the rival were Paloma Valencia, he would beat her with 43% against the latter’s 20%, the poll adds.

GAD3 conducted the survey between January 13 and 15, and it has a margin of error of 2.83%.

(Telesur English)

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Caracas (OrinocoTribune.com)—This week Venezuela has received three new groups of repatriated nationals from the US under the Return to the Homeland Plan, signaling a sharp increase in returns following the resumption of migrant repatriation flights this year. The flights, which landed at Simón Bolívar International Airport in Maiquetía, La Guaira state, come as the nation continues to navigate the aftermath of the January 3 US military intervention.

Recent flight data and statistics
Since the start of 2026, four flights have arrived in Venezuela from the US, bringing 799 citizens back home. These arrivals, added to the 18,971 repatriations carried out by the end of 2025, bring the total figure to 19,770 repatriated migrants who have escaped wrongful detentions and racist persecution in the US.

The latest flights via the US-based airline Eastern were:

• Flight no. 100: Arrived on Monday, January 19. The flight brought 235 Venezuelans, including 16 women and 219 men.
• Flight no. 101: Arrived from Phoenix, Arizona, on Thursday, January 22, repatriating 183 citizens, of them 32 women and 151 men.
• Flight no. 102: Returned 182 Venezuelans from the US on Friday, January 23, including 23 women, 149 men, and 10 children.

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by Ministerio Relaciones Interiores, Justicia y Paz (@minjusticia_ve)

These arrivals follow Flight 99, which landed on January 16 with 199 Venezuelans, marking the first repatriation of the year. The resumption of these flights occurs in the wake of the January 3 attack perpetrated by the US regime against Venezuela, which included the kidnapping of President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores.

While a mutually agreed-upon program has been in place since early 2025, the Trump administration unilaterally suspended the agreement in mid-December 2025. The final flight of that year, Flight 98, arrived on December 10 with 218 passengers.

Origins of the migration crisis and Venezuelan repatriation efforts
The mass migration of Venezuelans began after they were impacted by the profound economic crisis between 2015 and 2020, resulting directly from illegal US sanctions. This was followed by a sustained smear campaign and outbreaks of xenophobic violence in the US, which often included false allegations of criminality against migrants. Subsequently, the US government initiated mass detentions and deportations, frequently involving individuals who had no criminal records and were awaiting the resolution of immigration cases.

Every Venezuelan migrant returning under the Return to the Homeland Plan is received with established protocols that include immediate medical care, psychological support, and legal and socioeconomic guidance to assist their reintegration into the Venezuelan society. Since its inception in 2018, the program has provided a safe and dignified return for Venezuelans who have faced exploitation and xenophobia while living abroad.

US resumes extrajudicial killings
Meanwhile, the US Southern Command reported Friday that it carried out a new extrajudicial execution against a small boat in the eastern Pacific, following orders from US War Secretary Pete Hegseth.

The operation resulted in the deaths of two unidentified civilians, whom the US regime immediately labeled “narco-terrorists.” No public evidence has been presented to support such a designation. A third occupant of the boat survived the bombing. According to the official statement, the Coast Guard was asked to activate search protocols, though various analysts question the veracity of these rescue efforts following the fate of recent survivors.

This incident marks the 36th extrajudicial execution in the region since September 2 of last year. To date, according to Orinoco Tribune statistics, 122 civilians have been assassinated: 48 in the Caribbean Sea and 74 in the eastern Pacific.

Venezuela Receives 199 Migrants on First Repatriation Flight Since Trump’s December Suspension

Analysts explain that despite the US use of the narco-terrorism narrative to justify its aggression against Venezuela, 61% of the killings occured in the Pacific Ocean, with which Venezuela has no geographical proximity. Meanwhile, the remaining 48 victims in the Caribbean may include nationals of Colombia, Trinidad and Tobago, Venezuela, and the Dominican Republic, thus diluting Venezuela’s alleged responsibility in international narco-trafficking networks.

Between December 31 and January 23, no US extrajudicial killings were reported. This temporary cessation of hostilities coincided with the international outcry generated in the aftermath of January 3, when US forces attacked Venezuela to kidnap President Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, in flagrant violation of national sovereignty and international law.

The international community is watching with growing concern as Washington uses the label of “confirmed intelligence” to act as judge and executioner on the high seas. US ruler Donald Trump has also threatened Mexico and Colombia with land strikes under this same narrative.

Special for Orinoco Tribune by staff

OT/JRE/SC

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Meanwhile, Laura Dogu was appointed as chargé d’affaires of the Venezuela Affairs Unit.

On Thursday, the U.S. House of Representatives narrowly rejected a Democratic-led resolution barring President Donald Trump from further using military force in Venezuela without explicit congressional authorization.

Two Republicans joined all 213 Democrats in voting for the resolution, resulting in a 215-215 tie, which is enough to defeat it.

Venezuela: Minister Cabello Urges National Unity and Loyalty to Acting President Rodríguez During Chavista Demonstration

“This is crazy. We can’t be asleep at the switch — no oversight, no hearing, no votes, just blind obedience to the executive. That’s not the way this place is supposed to run,” House Rules Committee ranking member Jim McGovern, who led the resolution, said on the House floor.

Republicans dismissed the measure as unnecessary, saying the U.S. is not at war with Venezuela. The Senate earlier this month rejected a comparable war powers measure after two Republican senators reversed course under pressure from the White House.

The U.S. military launched an attack on Venezuela and kidnapped President Nicolas Maduro and first lady Cilia Flores on Jan. 3. This illegal operation left at least 100 dead, among whom where 32 Cuban officers.

On Thursday, Trump administration appointed diplomat Laura Dogu as chargé d’affaires of the Venezuela Affairs Unit, which is based at the U.S. Embassy in Colombia. This unit is responsible for managing relations with Venezuela since the suspension of embassy operations in Caracas in 2019.

Laura Dogu, who is a foreign policy advisor to Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Dan Caine, has served as ambassador to Honduras and Nicaragua. She has also held diplomatic posts in Turkey, Egypt, and El Salvador.

(Telesur)

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By Al Mayadeen  –  Jan 24, 2026

The Trump administration is weighing a full oil blockade on Cuba to trigger political change, with backing from Secretary of State Marco Rubio, reports say.

The administration of US President Donald Trump is reportedly considering a full oil import blockade on Cuba as part of efforts to pressure for a change in government in the country, according to a report by Politico on Friday.

Citing three sources familiar with the matter, the report said that the proposal is being promoted by hardline critics of the Cuban government within the Trump administration and has the support of US Secretary of State Marco Rubio.

No final decision has been made, but the measure could be part of a range of options presented to President Donald Trump to pressure the Cuban government to step down, the sources added.

The move, if implemented, would mark a significant escalation in Washington’s pressure campaign against the country.

US escalates regime change efforts in Cuba after Maduro abduction: WSJ
Emboldened by its military operation in Venezuela, the Trump administration is now seeking to engineer regime change in Cuba by the end of 2026, targeting insiders within the Cuban government who may be willing to collaborate, according to a report by The Wall Street Journal.

Citing unnamed US officials, the WSJ report says that Washington believes Cuba’s economy is on the verge of collapse, due to long-standing shortages, power outages, and the loss of subsidized oil from Venezuela.

‘The Yankee Empire Is in Irreversible Decline’: Cubans Respond to Trump’s Threats

The kidnapping of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, which resulted in the deaths of dozens of Cuban citizens, has reportedly emboldened US policymakers to pursue a similar operation in Havana.

“I strongly suggest they make a deal. BEFORE IT IS TOO LATE,” Trump threatened in a January 11 post, announcing a halt to oil and financial support for Cuba.

Militarized strategy, economic pressure
Although no official military action has been announced, the US sees the Venezuela operation as a model, and Trump’s inner circle reportedly views the overthrow of Cuba’s government as a top priority.

Senior US officials are pressuring Cuba through sanctions, targeting its overseas medical missions, and threatening oil cut-offs, with intelligence assessments predicting that Cuba could run out of fuel within weeks. The goal is to paralyze the economy and trigger internal collapse or elite defection.

“Cuba’s rulers are incompetent Marxists… they have destroyed their country,” a White House official claimed, in a statement that echoes the long-standing US hostility toward Cuban sovereignty.

(Al Mayadeen – English)

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A pro-Palestine student activist, Momodou Taal, has alleged he was detained for six hours by UK police at Heathrow Airport under Schedule 7 of the Terrorism Act 2000, in what he described as an attempt to intimidate and silence dissent.

In a statement shared on X, formerly known as Twitter, Taal said three officers were waiting for him as soon as he disembarked, marking the fourth time he had returned to the UK since leaving the United States.

Vox Ummah Exclusive Interview: Political Prisoner Malik Muhammad on Palestine Action, Islam, and Anti-Imperialism

He said officers told him the detention was about “keeping the UK safe”, a justification he described as “absurd”.

During the six-hour detention, Taal said he was questioned about his childhood, religious background, mosque attendance, friendships and political views.

He added that his phone and laptop were confiscated, his DNA taken, and that he was informed detainees under Schedule 7 have no right to remain silent.

The activist linked the incident to what he described as months of targeted repression following his participation in pro-Palestine protests in the United States, including alleged harassment by immigration authorities and disciplinary action by Cornell University.

He also suggested possible intelligence-sharing between UK and US authorities, saying the episode formed part of a broader effort to suppress pro-Palestinian activism.

“This was not about safety. It was about silencing dissent. And it will not work,” he said.

Taal, 31, is a citizen of the United Kingdom and The Gambia.

UK authorities have not commented on the incident.

(Gambiana)

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China announced an $80 million emergency aid package and 60,000 tons of rice for Cuba, addressing the island’s economic and energy crisis exacerbated by the U.S. blockade.

Beijing approved a new round of assistance for Havana, including $80 million in emergency financial aid for electrical equipment and 60,000 tons of rice.

Chinese Ambassador Hua Xin announced the support on January, 20 during a meeting with Cuban President Miguel Diaz-Canel Bermudez, emphasizing the aid responds to Cuba’s economic and energy challenges exacerbated by the blockade imposed by the U.S.

Why Nicaragua Is Not Washington’s Next War – Yet

Ambassador Hua Xin conveyed that the decision stemmed from direct instructions from Chinese President Xi Jinping.

“This assistance responds to the economic situation and the state of the national electro-energetic system that Cuba faces today due to the blockade”, Hua Xin stated, detailing his recent discussions with high-ranking Cuban officials, including the ministers of Foreign Trade and Energy and Mines, to identify cooperation priorities.

X Post:

🇨🇺| Recibió el Presidente @DiazCanelB al embajador de #China, Hua Xin.

El diplomático informó sobre la entrega a la Isla de una asistencia financiera emergente valorada en 80 millones de dólares y un donativo de 60 000 toneladas de arroz.

📎| https://t.co/c6Ttc1xkVe pic.twitter.com/L7AV61kgte

— Presidencia Cuba 🇨🇺 (@PresidenciaCuba) January 20, 2026

Text reads:

Received by the President @DiazCanelB China’s ambassador, Hua Xin. The diplomat reported on the delivery to the island of an emerging financial assistance valued at 80 million dollars and a donation of 60,000 tons of rice.”

Energy Cooperation Adjustments
Beyond immediate aid, China disclosed modifications to previous energy cooperation projects. Adjustments were made to the 200 MW solar energy donation and the delivery of 5,000 photovoltaic solar panel modules intended for isolated homes.

The ambassador explained that “it has been determined, in agreement with the Ministry of Foreign Trade and Foreign Investment, to designate an executing company.”

President Diaz-Canel expressed gratitude for China’s solidarity, highlighting the advanced state of bilateral ties, particularly the ongoing development of the Fourth Phase of the digital transformation program with Chinese backing.

(Telesur) by Laura V. Mor

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Several weeks after the kidnapping of President Nicolás Maduro by US forces, Donald Trump announced plans to “market” Venezuelan crude oil through US oil corporations such as Vitol, Trafigura, and Chevron.

He promises the return of ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips to Venezuela, talks about “confiscating” 50 million barrels of Venezuelan oil in storage, and proposes a scheme in which the United States would control Venezuela’s oil exports. The question is inevitable: is this viable or simply another fantasy of Trumpian rhetoric?

To answer these questions, Diario Red spoke with Einstein Millán Arcia, a petroleum engineer who graduated from the Universidad de Oriente of Venezuela (1979), got a master’s degree in petroleum engineering from the University of Oklahoma (1990), and has served as manager and advisor to the Venezuelan state-owned oil company PDVSA, YPFB-Bolivia, Kuwait Oil Company (KOC), and PEMEX (Mexico), as well as other oil companies.

As a PDVSA employee, he was part of the team that brought the oil company back on its feet after the 2002 sabotage against the company, led by former executives at odds with Hugo Chávez, and later of the PDVSA Gas Anaco team. Thanks to this experience, he knows the ins and outs of the Venezuelan oil industry and the risks that PDVSA faces in this new political moment in the country.

In his opinion, the possibility of Venezuela handing over all its oil to the United States would be like the Venezuelan government itself “plunging a sword of Damocles into its own back.” Something that is unviable and unrealistic.

In your opinion, how does what happened on January 3—the kidnapping of Maduro and all the announcements now circulating about the US government or its trading companies marketing Venezuelan crude—affect Venezuelan oil?

There is talk of the return of some companies whose assets were nationalized, or of the 50 million barrels of oil that would be delivered to the United States, according to Trump.

You know what the prevailing rhetoric in the United States is like these days: mostly fantasy with just a small grain of truth. So much so that the US Attorney’s Office appointed by Trump himself declared that the story of the Cartel de los Soles is false, and the charge [of drug trafficking against President Maduro] was discredited.

The idea that the US will confiscate Venezuelan oil production and commercialization, do business, and then keep the money to convert it all into US products for export to Venezuela is also false.

The case is as follows: if Venezuela falls into a situation like that, it becomes insolvent. How does it pay salaries? How does it maintain the institutions? How does it sustain the nation’s internal system? Under what parameter will it survive as a country?

The official statements issued by the acting president [Delcy Rodríguez] and by Petróleos de Venezuela also contradict Trump’s rhetoric, as they assert that business with the United States will be conducted just as with any other entity, such as Chevron or any other multinational corporation. That is the official position that has been maintained so far.

Trump claims that the United States will be the sole marketer of Venezuelan oil. At the same time, Washington blocks and confiscates vessels of the “ghost fleet” that were transporting Venezuelan crude to China at steep discounts through intermediaries. In light of this scenario, several questions arise. Is it possible for two marketing mechanisms to coexist in the medium and long term? On the one hand, a portion of Venezuelan production operating under the scheme proposed by Trump, where sales are deposited into accounts from which Venezuela can purchase goods, and on the other, continued flows to China and Russia via shadow fleets. Or, instead, will the United States monopolize the marketing of Venezuelan oil?

That is what Trump aspires to, but it is unfeasible, since it would leave a country without funds, adrift, and unable to sustain itself socially, economically, or politically. It would not be sustainable. It would be like the government itself plunging a sword of Damocles into its own back.

That is unviable, unrealistic, even comical if you will—something that makes you laugh: that a government, even an acting government, would accept such terms. That is why the issue is not what Trump proposes; it is what suits Venezuela. That is the government’s firm position.

It is one thing for Venezuela to sell crude oil to US corporations, and another for it to deliver the crude to the US government. PDVSA and Venezuela must be open to negotiating with anyone on terms set by law and in Venezuela’s best interest.

In regard to foreign currencies, PDVSA relies on limited revenue sources, such as Chevron, for example, and some spot sales. However, most of the revenue comes from cryptocurrencies and other arrangements with countries such as China, which receives 85% of Venezuela’s oil exports.

Other inflows, through Turkey and other Middle Eastern countries, come in exchange for raw materials, which provide Venezuela with constant liquidity. That sustains and enables the Venezuelan state to prosper, especially when you consider that Venezuela’s oil production increased in 2025 to over one million barrels per day and will close 2026 at around 1.2 million barrels per day—perhaps even higher if you factor in the 60,000 to 70,000 barrels per day of condensate that are not reported to the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).

Sure, but what Trump is saying now—according to the Wall Street Journal and Reuters—is that he wants to put trading firms like Vitol, Trafigura, or Chevron in charge of selling Venezuelan crude around the world, a kind of indirect export control. Beyond political will, in operational terms, would that new format of oil viceroyalty proposed by Trump be viable?

It is not about what Trump proposes, I repeat. The important thing is whatever suits Venezuela. That is the [Venezuelan] government’s firm position.

Now, Venezuela has always traded some of its crude oil with Glencore and third parties, such as independent Swiss brokers, for example, as well as Malaysian and Abu Dhabi brokers. There is nothing new there. But handing over Venezuela’s entire oil resource exclusively to a foreign government is not viable. It makes the country unviable. That is what it is all about. It is like shooting yourself in the foot.

Now, regarding the possible lifting of sanctions: Trump is lifting the same measures he imposed in 2019 and 2020, including the ban on the sale of Venezuelan oil. He also met at the White House with oil companies such as Repsol, Eni, and Chevron, the very ones that received licenses during the Biden administration.

What impact could resuming that agenda of opening up and bringing back foreign companies have, given that PDVSA has ceded equity stakes in oil projects because sanctions have left it in a complicated financial situation?

These companies have always negotiated with Venezuela on good terms: Repsol, Eni, Maurel & Prom, Shell, Exxon itself, ConocoPhillips, Chevron, Total. That means the State could reserve the right to award assets whenever it is deemed expedient to achieve a rapid increase in production and deliver a greater return to our nation. That is the government’s position, and it is the position of Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA).

Now, it is the terms that you have to know how to negotiate. Because, for example, it is impossible for conditions like those prevailing in Guyana to exist, where companies like Exxon Mobil pay 2% royalties and have capital recovery of up to 75% of gross sales revenue.

The negotiations must respect the established law regarding royalties, taxes, and profits. Now, that does not mean it cannot be renegotiated.

What you need to understand is that there is a huge difference between a production cost of $30 per barrel for a company like Exxon on an asset with a limited production window, such as those in Guyana, which last less than 10 or 15 years, and assets like Venezuela, where production costs can be as low as $10 to 15 per barrel and last for more than 20 years, because these assets hold remaining reserves of medium, light, and condensate crude oil exceeding 30 billion barrels in Venezuela, not counting the 270 billion barrels of heavy and extra-heavy crude.

In addition, there are 200 trillion cubic feet of gas, which, converted into crude oil equivalent, represent a monumental productive capacity.

This magnitude of resources guarantees that, sooner or later, all these corporations will establish themselves in Venezuela, since there is no other country in the region, apart from Canada, with sufficient reserves to sustain operations over such a long time frame.

There is talk of the possibility that oil companies such as ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips, whose assets were nationalized in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez’s government, may return.

These companies had rejected the new terms of the Hydrocarbons Law, which stipulated that PDVSA must hold a majority stake, leading to nationalization and multimillion-dollar claims against the Venezuelan state.

Trump has even suggested that they first invest in the country, and then they will see how the money they are claiming for the nationalizations is “returned” to them.

First, for them to return, there needs to be stability in relations between the two governments. That is not ready yet. Now, with ExxonMobil, there is no debt, since that was declared in an international court. Yes, there is a misunderstanding, but no debt, since the International Center for Settlement of Investment Disputes did not rule in Exxon’s favor. That lawsuit reached a settlement in which Venezuela emerged as the winning party.

Now, the lawsuit by ConocoPhillips is still pending resolution. The lawsuit is still ongoing.

It is necessary to delve into a bit of history. Between 1914 and 1920, Shell and Exxon arrived in Venezuela through their predecessor companies. Shell was only just beginning its international expansion, while Exxon consolidated its global corporate structure precisely thanks to its Venezuelan operations.

In fact, the first mass exports of both companies came from Venezuela, which catapulted them into transnational corporations.

These companies obtained disproportionate profits by taking advantage of the rudimentary Venezuelan accounting system and the lack of international oversight.

In practice, they extracted discretionary volumes of oil and reported figures at their convenience, especially during the world wars when controls were virtually nonexistent.

In this context, the 1976 nationalization was the product of a transparent and legally impeccable process, accepted by both parties.

The companies received cash compensation of over $1.5 billion at the time, as well as favorable export agreements and service contracts that accounted for 1.7% of Venezuelan exports.

Therefore, they lack any legal basis to claim additional compensation for that nationalization, and their track record in the country is far from exemplary.

Venezuela National Assembly Approves Hydrocarbons Law Reform in First Discussion

And what about the price that PDVSA will ultimately receive for its sales? Because until now, due to the embargo and sanctions, anyone trading and buying Venezuelan oil received a discount of between 1o and 20 dollars.

Global oil markets are governed by three factors: quality differentials, discounts, and risk premiums. The differential is based on crude oil quality, while the risk premium determines the applicable discounts.

There is a fundamental distinction in our exports: Orinoco Belt crude oil in its unrefined state and Merey, which is refined crude oil. Merey has a lower sulfur content than Iraq’s Basra Light and Saudi Medium crude. Although there is talk of “Venezuelan acidic crude,” our Merey is less acidic than Saudi medium and Basra light. This is why it is priced the way it is.

It is important to clarify a key technical point: the crude oil from the Orinoco Belt is not bitumen; it is petroleum. It flows naturally from the wells under initial conditions. Its API gravity reaches as high as 17 degrees in some blocks of the Belt, although other blocks range from 6 to 7 degrees API, and most exceed 10 degrees API.

Before the sanctions and the 2008-2009 Oil Sovereignty Plan, Venezuela maintained a diversified crude oil portfolio. The Orinoco Belt produced between 300,000 and 400,000 barrels per day, while the rest came from light, medium, and condensate. This production of light, medium, and condensate crude oil covered the country’s diluent needs.

Imports were targeted for specific processes: just 17,000 to 18,000 barrels per day. Production costs before 2008 were less than $6 or $7 per barrel. Before 2006, they were below $4 per barrel. All of this is officially documented.

When the Orinoco Belt’s production was massively incorporated, and PDVSA reoriented its activity from traditional light, medium, and condensate crude fields toward heavy and extra-heavy crudes, the production of condensate, light, and medium crude slowed while that of heavy and extra-heavy crude accelerated.

This reduction in light, medium, and condensate crude eliminated the diluent available to upgrade the Orinoco Belt crude and convert it into Merey. PDVSA had to import diluents, which directly impacted production costs.

Moreover, this cost increase put our flagship crude at a disadvantage, and it began to be exported en masse compared to other grades. Previously, varieties such as Tía Juana Light and Mesa were exported. Later, exports were concentrated solely on Merey.

All of this affected profits, since thinner had to be imported. Imports reached 200,000 barrels per day in 2025. Currently, it stands at 180,000 barrels per day, ten times more than it was until 2007-2008. This factor drove production costs from $4-6 to $14-18, and finally to $36 per barrel. Now they have stabilized between $27 and $33.

At the same time, the country’s risk premium rose due to sanctions and political instability. Buyers, especially those in the spot market, demand discounts to assume the risk, which reduces profit margins for Venezuelan crude.

The result is a mix of decisions made during Rafael Ramírez’s tenure as president of PDVSA under the Chávez government, plus the sanctions imposed by the US in collaboration with Venezuelan opposition sectors.

It is a political conspiracy combined with a strategy from the North to facilitate unconventional situations, such as those in the Essequibo, Brazil’s pre-salt summit, and Argentina’s Vaca Muerta.

The numbers prove it. The United States exceeds $50-60 per barrel in production costs, Guyana is at $30, Argentina is $40-45, Brazil is $49-50, Colombia is $45-50, and Trinidad and Mexico have similar figures as Colombia.

No one could compete with Venezuela before 2007, when our costs were one-tenth of theirs. This entire situation was woven from the start to enable these major developments.

Now that the United States has reached its peak production, thanks to fracking, and is entering a decline, it has become a priority for it to secure its energy by appropriating resources from other countries without negotiating, as required under the global economic order.

[Author’s note: API gravity (American Petroleum Institute gravity) is a scale that measures the density of crude oil relative to water. It is the most widely used international standard for classifying oil quality. The higher the API gravity, the lighter and less dense the crude; the lower the API gravity, the heavier and denser the crude.]

(Diario Red) by Bruno Sgarzini

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

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By Misión Verdad  –  Jan 23, 2026

On Thursday, January 22, the National Assembly of Venezuela approved in its first discussion the Partial Reform Bill of the Organic Law of Hydrocarbons. The initiative stems from the explicit recognition that the current legal framework (enacted in 2006, but previously promulgated under an enabling law) reflects a new financial and geopolitical reality.

Deputy Orlando Camacho, president of the Standing Committee on Energy and Oil, who presented the bill, made it clear that the central focus of the reform is the formal incorporation of economic models developed under the Constitutional Anti-Blockade Law. The aim is to adapt the Venezuelan oil industry to global market operations under unilateral sanctions and financial restrictions.

In this way, Venezuela will reformulate its hydrocarbon administration law to reflect realities that did not exist 20 years ago, when the current law came into effect, such as the high costs of oil production and the energy transition process that generates competition between fossil fuels and emerging renewable energy sources.

Contractual schemes
One of the core elements of the reform is the incorporation of contractual schemes in which the operating company, whether Venezuelan or foreign, assumes full responsibility for managing the project at its own risk and cost.

Under this model, the State does not incur any direct debt or financial obligations, and the operators’ remuneration is determined through a percentage share of the audited volumes.

This approach makes it possible to develop projects in currently undeveloped or underexplored fields, commonly referred to as “green fields,” which require intensive capital and technology investments, without compromising Venezuela’s fiscal stability.

The president of the National Assembly, Jorge Rodríguez, pointed out that Productive Participation Contracts (PPCs) constitute the key to increasing oil production in a context of blockades and sanctions.

The agreement modality adapts to the current reality, as the 2006 law did not address the existence of threats and situations like the illegal coercive blockade of Venezuela’s hydrocarbons sector by the US.

In the period prior to the US sanctions regime, access to external or domestic financing was relatively straightforward. Today, reality demands mechanisms to attract investment to greenfield projects, whose development requires significantly larger sums, by mitigating risks to the Venezuelan State and PDVSA.

Acting President Delcy Rodríguez explained that oil has no economic value while it remains underground; it is only when it is extracted that it becomes a matter of public policy.

In this sense, PPCs seek to simultaneously ensure investment protection and capital profitability.

The reform bill reaffirms the Venezuelan State’s majority shareholding in joint ventures, as enshrined in the previous law. The proposal neither eliminates nor replaces the existing model, but instead expands and diversifies it.

It proposes a more flexible business architecture that allows for different types of relationships in primary activities. It maintains the Venezuelan State’s majority ownership while enabling operational schemes that facilitate crude oil marketing in the context of unilateral coercive measures, as has occurred in recent experiences with the US oil company Chevron.

The reform is, in essence, the same constitutional format of joint ventures, but adapted to the real constraints of the current geopolitical environment.

The reform thus creates a more robust contractual framework in which the private sector assumes the risk, financing, and operation, without financially compromising the State.

Maintaining legal guarantees
Another central pillar of the reform is strengthening legal guarantees for investment in the hydrocarbons sector. While legal certainty has historically been a principle guaranteed in the Venezuelan legal system, the impact of the sanctions regime and hostile diplomacy toward Venezuela severely limited the state oil company PDVSA’s ability to defend itself in international forums, affecting the effective execution of numerous transactions.

The reform aims to create a more robust legal framework that would allow projects to be implemented even under adverse external conditions.

A particularly relevant aspect is the express inclusion of alternative dispute resolution mechanisms, such as mediation and independent arbitration. Without automatically ceding jurisdiction to foreign bodies, the Venezuelan State recognizes the need for technical and expeditious means to resolve trade disputes. This reduces the perception of legal risk and improves project bankability, while preserving sovereignty by maintaining Venezuelan courts as the primary option.

That is, in the event of disputes between PDVSA and its partners that cannot be resolved amicably, they will still be resolved in Venezuelan courts, as provided for under current law.

This is important from a business perspective, as it strengthens dispute resolution mechanisms through negotiated settlements. Some foreign corporations would opt for these mechanisms rather than bringing disputes to Venezuelan courts, which would improve investor confidence.

Venezuela will remain owner of the deposits
According to the reform proposal, ownership of the deposits remains intact in the hands of Venezuela, and no compensation is paid for the reverted assets. From a petroleum business perspective, this scheme is highly attractive in fiscally constrained scenarios, while also constituting one of the most robust formulas for sovereign protection of the natural resource.

Similarly, the project more clearly organizes the oil sector’s operational ecosystem, as it involves direct execution by the State and by mixed-capital companies, reaffirming Venezuelan majority ownership in contracts signed with private companies domiciled in Venezuela.

This preserves Venezuela’s strategic control over primary activity, but significantly expands private participation mechanisms, granting greater operational flexibility without altering the constitutional principle of public control.

The current project does not seek to denaturalize the Venezuelan oil model, but rather to perfect it in response to extraordinary circumstances.

Venezuela’s Strategic Oil Reorientation: Defying the Blockade, Securing Sovereignty

Geopolitical perspective
This reform recognizes the obstacles to developing the oil sector amid the persistence of the sanctions regime, the need for substantial investment in fields that have not yet been developed, and the structural resizing of hydrocarbon production levels.

On the issue of illegal sanctions and their long-standing impact, the reform seeks to incorporate administrative models established in the Anti-Blockade Law, which will now be part of ordinary Venezuelan law. This incorporation will provide predictable rules to attract capital without diluting public ownership of hydrocarbons or the State’s guiding role in the value chain.

One of the main expected outcomes is an increase in the flow of oil investment into Venezuela, which will facilitate a substantial rise in crude oil production. The law also promotes the development of the country’s gas capabilities by creating the essential conditions for the development of liquefaction projects, thereby transforming natural gas reserves for commercialization.

According to the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), by 2050, the world will consume about 123 million barrels of oil per day. This figure is considerably higher than the current demand.

OPEC has projected that the investment required in oil activities to reach this crude oil supply level by 2050 will be $8.2 trillion.

At the same time, the International Energy Agency (IEA) has reported that 80% of the world’s existing oil fields have already reached their peak production and are in decline.

These data suggest that, given the size of its reserves, Venezuela is destined to receive large investments to develop its hydrocarbons sector.

The reform of the relevant law appears to fall within these objective conditions, adapting the national legal framework to attract new investments in line with the realities of the current context.

(Misión Verdad)

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

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Venezuelan Acting President Delcy Rodríguez reported that 626 people who had been in prison for their involvement in political violence have been released to date. She noted that far-right sectors have failed to grasp the moment and persist in manipulating the figures through lies.

On Friday, January 23, during the launch meeting of the Coexistence and Peace Program, Rodríguez announced that next Monday, she will hold a telephone call with United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Völker Turk, to request that his office verify the lists of released prisoners. “Enough of lies that have led us to extreme consequences, enough of lying to our people on social media, enough of these algorithms that try to spread fear, terrorism, and death,” she stated. “There must be accountability in the practice of politics. Therefore, yesterday, I called for the reinstitutionalization of the political process.”

She also urged members of the Coexistence and Peace Program to work to isolate the “anti-political right-wing sectors.” “We are fed up with these extremists and fascists who only seek to harm our people,” she said. “Our work must be very arduous through education and culture.”

She added that another key aspect of this program is to eradicate social, political, and economic expressions that incite hatred, as “actions and expressions filled with intolerance have compromised national independence and sovereignty by kneeling and offering our country and its riches.” Thus, she urged the promotion of peace and coexistence programs in all sectors of Venezuela.

Call for dialogue
Rodríguez called on the president of the National Assembly, Jorge Rodríguez, in his capacity as president of the Council of Sovereignty and Peace, to convene a meeting with all political sectors of the country, both supporters and opponents, and to call for a genuine political dialogue with concrete and immediate results. “It must be a Venezuelan dialogue in which external dictates will not be imposed. Not from Washington, Bogotá, or Madrid. No. It will be a national dialog for the common good of Venezuela,” she said.

Call for review of the justice system
The acting president also called for “opening the floodgates for reflection on Venezuela’s justice system.” She invited all sectors—academics and non-academics, communes and communal councils, justices of the peace, and the neighborhood movement—to consider a justice model that “does not penalize poverty. This is an urgent request.”

Venezuela Sets March 8 for First National Consultation of 2026 Amid 37% Revenue Growth

100-day plan
At the launch of the Coexistence and Peace Program, the acting president asked its members to develop a 100-day plan to consolidate social stability and harmony. To that end, they have to create a detailed document on political, economic, and social violence and hatred. “It is necessary to conduct a survey to determine where we are starting from and to identify where social justice stands,” she said.

She underscored that the country is facing an unprecedented aggression, with unilateral, illicit coercive measures that have inflicted significant social wounds on the country.

During the event, Rodríguez announced the composition of the groups constituting the Coexistence and Peace Program:

• Coordination: Ernesto Villegas (General Coordinator) and Ana María Sanjuán (Executive Secretary).
• Executive Cabinet: Nuramy Gutiérrez (Health), Ángel Prado (Communes), and Larry Devoe (Human Rights).
• Academic and Political Sector: Michael Penfold (IESA), Francisco Garcés (UCV), Génesis Garvett (National Assembly Deputy), and Indira Urbaneja (Analyst).
• Private and Social Sector: Ricardo Cusanno (Fedecámaras), Gerson Gómez (Ridery), Lanking González (Neighborhood Movement), Gustavo Canchica (Justice for Peace), and Miqueas Figueroa (Tiuna Fort).

(Últimas Noticias) by Odry Farnetano

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

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