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By Ben Norton – Feb 12, 2026

US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent boasted Trump’s illegal “maximum pressure” sanctions seek to “collapse” Iran’s economy by cutting off oil exports, fueling inflation: “Making Iran broke again”.

Donald Trump has openly called for “regime change” in Iran. He has surrounded the country with what he calls a “massive armada”, and has suggested that he wants to kill Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

While Trump threatens to bomb Iran again, after attacking it in 2025, the US government has been dropping devastating economic bombs on the nation.

Top US government officials boast that they are trying to “collapse” Iran’s economy.

The Trump administration is waging what it calls a “maximum pressure” campaign against Tehran, which the White House says is “aimed at driving Iran’s oil exports to zero”.

Washington’s strategy is to starve Iran of export revenue by sabotaging its oil industry. By denying Tehran access to hard currency, the US aims to cause high rates of inflation and destroy the value of Iran’s currency, the rial.

This US economic warfare does great harm not only the Iranian government, but to all of the 93 million Iranians who live in the country. Civilians are bearing the brunt of the pain.

US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent on “making Iran broke again”
Washington’s strategy for scorched-earth economic warfare was clearly spelled out by Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, a billionaire hedge-fund manager from Wall Street.

In an interview with Fox News in January, anchor Maria Bartiromo asked Bessent about the impact of the sanctions that the US government has imposed on Iran.

Bessent bragged that these unilateral coercive measures, which flagrantly violate international law, have caused Iran to run out of dollars, which means Iran cannot pay for imports or stabilize its currency, leading to significant inflation.

“Their economy collapsed”, Bessent gloated. The top US official then took credit for the violent protests and riots in Iran.

These were Bessent’s full remarks (all emphasis added):

MARIA BARTIROMO: What do you want to say about sanctions? Something else you’ve been working on, of course. What are you planning there in terms of Iran, and the impact there? Do sanctions actually work?

And the same question with regard to 500% secondary sanctions or tariffs on countries who purchase energy products from Russia.

SCOTT BESSENT: OK, so two things here. There are Treasury sanctions. And if you look at a speech that I gave at the Economic Club of New York last March [2025], I said that I believe the Iranian currency was on the verge of collapse, that if I were an Iranian citizen, I would take my money out.

President Trump ordered Treasury and OFAC division, Office of Foreign Asset Control, to put “maximum pressure” on Iran.

And it’s worked. Because, in December, their economy collapsed.

We saw a major bank go under. The central bank has started to print money. There is a dollar shortage. They are not able to get imports.

And this is why the people took to the street.

So this is economic statecraft. No shots fired.

In the Fox News interview, Bessent cited a speech that he delivered at the Economic Club of New York in March 2025.

In those remarks, the US Treasury secretary admitted that the Trump administration’s “maximum pressure” campaign on Iran was “designed to collapse its already buckling economy”.

This is what Bessent said:

Last month, the White House announced its “maximum pressure” campaign on Iran, designed to collapse its already buckling the economy.

The Iranian economy is in disarray: 35% official inflation — official inflation — a currency that has depreciated 60% in the last 12 months, and an ongoing energy crisis.

I know a few things about currency devaluations. And if I were an Iranian, I would get all of my money out of the rial, now.

In the same address at the Economic Club of New York, Bessent vowed: “We will close off Iran’s access to the international financial system, by targeting regional parties that facilitate the transfer of its revenues”.

“Our maximum pressure campaign [is] designed to collapse Iranian oil exports”, he said.

“We are going to shut down Iran’s oil sector”, he declared.

Bessent then quipped, “Making Iran broke again will mark the beginning of our updated sanctions policy”.

“If economic security is national security, the regime in Tehran will have neither”, he added.

When Bessent gave this speech at the Economic Club of New York, he was surrounded by Wall Street executives. They applauded with glee as he vowed to “collapse” Iran’s economy.

Sitting directly behind Bessent on stage was the billionaire oligarch Stephen Schwarzman, who is CEO of Blackstone, the largest alternative asset manager on earth, which is known for its massive private-equity arm.

Blackstone is the largest landlord in the United States. The Wall Street firm owns more than 300,000 rental housing units in the US.

Schwarzman also happened to be one of the main funders of Trump’s presidential campaign.

After Trump won the 2024 election, Bloomberg noted that the billionaire oligarch’s “bet pays off”, and that the Wall Street executive would be “well-positioned to influence business, tax policies”.

Billion oligarch Stephen Schwarzman, CEO of Blackstone, sitting behind US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent during his speech on “collapsing” Iran’s economy

Close correlation between US sanctions and inflation
The US Treasury secretary’s admission that Washington is intentionally trying to cause hyperinflation in Iran is extremely revealing.

Western media outlets and pundits often blame the high rates of inflation in sanctioned countries like Iran on corruption and mismanagement.

However, it is not a coincidence that many of the countries with the highest rates of inflation on Earth have been sanctioned by the United States and the West more broadly, including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Sudan, and Iran.

The US government has waged brutal economic warfare against these countries, seeking to deny them access to the dollar-dominated international financial system and collapse their local currencies.

Corruption and mismanagement are not irrelevant (and they exist in every country), but they distract from the most important factor: sanctions.

In the case of Iran, a look at World Bank data shows that there is a very close correlation between US sanctions and inflation.

It should be emphasized that the US economic war against Iran is bipartisan, and it did not start under Donald Trump.

When the George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations imposed illegal unilateral coercive measures on Iran, they also contributed to high levels of inflation.

In the 2000s, before the US massively escalated its sanctions on Iran, the country’s inflation rate was relatively low, bottoming at 10% in 2006.

That year, in October, the Bush administration imposed heavy sanctions on Iran and threatened to sanction non-US oil and gas companies that invested in the country.

This scared off foreign investors and trading partners, while significantly increasing transaction and insurance costs for Iranian firms. Inflation promptly shot up to 17.3% in 2007 and 25.4% in 2008.

The US Keeps Openly Admitting It Deliberately Caused The Iran Protests

Iran managed to get inflation under control by 2010, when it fell to 10.1%.

However, in July of that year, the Obama administration hit Iran with heavy sanctions, while also threatening sanctions on foreign financial institutions and companies that worked with the country.

Unsurprisingly, inflation skyrocketed over the next three years, rising to 26.3% in 2011 and 27.3% in 2012, before peaking at 36.6% in 2013.

In 2012, the Obama White House published a sadistic press release boasting of how its illegal sanctions were “grinding the Iranian economy to a halt” and “crippling” it.

Obama stated:

Because of our efforts, Iran is under greater pressure than ever before… Few thought that sanctions could have an immediate bite on the Iranian regime. They have, slowing the Iranian nuclear program and virtually grinding the Iranian economy to a halt in 2011. Many questioned whether we could hold our coalition together as we moved against Iran’s Central Bank and oil exports. But our friends in Europe and Asia and elsewhere are joining us. And in 2012, the Iranian government faces the prospect of even more crippling sanctions.

However, in 2014, inflation in Iran cooled off significantly. This was likely due in large part to the interim agreement that Iran signed with Western countries in November 2013, as part of the negotiations for the Iran nuclear deal.

Then, in 2015, Iran and the P5+1 countries (the five permanent members of the UN Security Council plus Germany and the European Union) signed the final version of the nuclear deal, known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).

The JCPOA was written into international law with UN Security Council resolution 2231.

This agreement lifted sanctions on Iran — and, immediately after, inflation fell, reaching the lowest point in decades in 2016, at just 7.2%.

The signatories of the Iran nuclear deal (JCPOA) in 2015

However, Trump came into office for his first term as US president in 2017, and in May 2018, he unilaterally withdrew from the JCPOA, sabotaging the agreement, and reimposed sanctions on Iran, in clear violation of international law.

Inflation in Iran then shot up to 39.9% in 2019.

The Covid-19 pandemic hit in 2020, and Iran has struggled with high rates of inflation (around 40%) ever since, as US sanctions have ripped through the economy.

The correlation is very clear. And US officials have not even tried to hide the fact that their unlawful sanctions have caused inflation in Iran. Treasury Secretary Bessent is proud of it.

US Under Secretary of State Jacob S. Helberg, a hardline neoconservative hawk, bragged on Twitter that “President Trump’s strategy of MAXIMUM PRESSURE has brought the regime to its knees [sic]”.

Helberg did not mention the tens of millions of Iranian civilians who are suffering from this brutal US economic warfare, which has intentionally wrecked their currency and has thus eliminated their purchasing power, while causing shortages of crucial goods.

UN experts: US sanctions are illegal and violate human rights
Independent experts on international law have said for many years that US sanctions on Iran are illegal, and violate human rights.

The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) has published many reports denouncing US sanctions.

A 2019 press release stated that the “imposition of unilateral coercive measures on Cuba, Venezuela and Iran by the United States” and “the use of economic sanctions for political purposes violates human rights and the norms of international behaviour”.

“Such action may precipitate man-made humanitarian catastrophes of unprecedented proportions”, the OHCHR warned.

Prominent American economists calculated that illegal US sanctions on Venezuela caused at least 40,000 deaths from 2017 to 2018, in a conservative estimate.

The top UN expert on unilateral coercive measures, Special Rapporteur Idriss Jazairy, stressed, “Regime change through economic measures likely to lead to the denial of basic human rights and indeed possibly to starvation has never been an accepted practice of international relations”.

In another publication in 2022, a group of UN experts said that US sanctions were violating the human rights of all Iranians.

“It is time for sanctions that impede Iran’s ability to improve the environment and reduce the ill effects on health and life, to be eased or lifted completely so that Iranians can access their right to a clean environment, the right to health and to life, and other rights”, the UN experts wrote.

Western politicians, such as Andrew Yang, insist that “the US should help the people of Iran”.

If they truly wanted to help the Iranian people, the most effective — and easiest — thing they could do would be to lift the illegal sanctions that they have imposed on Iran, which have intentionally devastated the economy and caused extreme suffering to tens of millions of civilians.

(Geopolitical Economy)

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From Orinoco Tribune – News and opinion pieces about Venezuela and beyond via This RSS Feed.

International coalition launches Our America Flotilla to deliver food and medicine to Cuba amid U.S. blockade.

An international coalition of social movements, trade unions, and humanitarian organizations on February, 12 announced a maritime mission set to deliver essential food, medicine, and supplies to Cuban communities facing severe shortages exacerbated by intensified U.S. blockade and recent sanctions.

The “Our America Flotilla” (“Nuestra América Flotilla”, in Spanish), named after Cuban National Hero Jose Marti’s 1891 essay, will set sail next month with a group of volunteers in a direct response to the U.S. blockade, which has disrupted fuel imports, grounded flights, and forced emergency conservation measures across Cuba.

The initiative aims to alleviate the impact of a rapidly deteriorating situation on the Caribbean island, which is directly related with the humanitarian consequences of the aggressive U.S. foreign policy .

ANNOUNCING 🇨🇺 The Nuestra América Flotilla.

We are sailing to Cuba, bringing critical humanitarian aid for its people.

Together, we can break the siege, save lives, and stand up for the cause of Cuban self-determination.

Join us: https://t.co/MZCQqtWqqD pic.twitter.com/LaMwvZ1wgO

— Progressive International (@ProgIntl) February 12, 2026

“When governments impose collective punishment, ordinary people have a responsibility to act”, declared David Adler, a member of the Progressive International collective and one of the Flotilla organizers.

“We prepare to sail to Cuba for the same reason we traveled in the Global Sumud Flotilla to Gaza: to break the siege, bring food and medicine, and demonstrate that solidarity can cross any border or sea”, he strongly affirmed.

Thiago Avila, a driving force behind the Global Sumud Flotilla to Gaza, emphasized that the mission to Cuba extends beyond delivering material assistance. It also seeks to “transmit the message that the Cuban people are not alone”, highliting the power of solidarity between the people.

For the Cuban People, Surrender Is Not an Option

The coalition has launched a website to gather support and will hold its first assembly this Sunday to advance logistical planning, coordinate volunteers, and manage the acquisition of humanitarian supplies.

Organizers warn that tighter U.S. sanctions have led to widespread power outages and limited access to gasoline, impacting homes, medical centers, and essential infrastructure.

(teleSUR)

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From Orinoco Tribune – News and opinion pieces about Venezuela and beyond via This RSS Feed.

By Alan MacLeod – Feb 9, 2026

There is an epidemic of child sex crimes in and around Fort Bragg, North Carolina. Since 2021, and the American withdrawal from Afghanistan, dozens of elite soldiers stationed at the military base have been convicted of raping children, distributing child pornography, and other similar offenses.

Many of these soldiers served in Afghanistan, where it is now acknowledged that the U.S. military aided their local allies in “bacha bazi” (boy play): the practice of kidnapping and keeping boys as sex slaves, large numbers of whom were enslaved on U.S. military compounds.

MintPress News explores this dark and deeply disturbing topic.

Unspeakable Crimes
In August 2023, Joshua Glardon – a first sergeant in the 4th Psychological Operations Group (Airborne) at Fort Bragg – was sentenced to 76 years in prison, followed by lifetime supervised released, for the distribution of child pornography across the internet. An unnamed woman – his accomplice – was sentenced to 30 years in prison after she “confessed to allowing him to rape” her child.

Just two weeks later, Major Vincent Ramos was arrested at North Carolina’s Raleigh-Durham International Airport on one count of statutory rape of a child younger than 15, seven counts of statutory sex offense with a child younger than 15, and two counts of indecent liberties with a child. A logistics officer based at Fort Bragg, he was later charged with two more counts of indecent liberties with a child.

And one month after that, in October 2023, Chief Warrant Officer 2 Stuart P. Kelly of the 82nd Airborne Division was sentenced to 16 years in prison and a dishonorable discharge after pleading guilty to raping and abusing a child under the age of 12. Kelly had made the child touch him and perform oral sex on camera.

Meanwhile, Staff Sergeant Carlos Castro Callejas was handed a 55-year jail term, a dishonorable discharge, and a demotion to the rank of private, after facing 13 charges of rape of a child under 12 years old.

All four of these men were not only based at Fort Bragg, but have served lengthy tours in Afghanistan. But they are merely the tip of a shockingly large iceberg of dozens of individuals from Fort Bragg who have been arrested on crimes related to abusing and trafficking minors.

According to investigative journalist Seth Harp, who uncovered a massive narcotics smuggling and distribution network run by elite military operators at the base in his book, “The Fort Bragg Cartel: Drug Trafficking and Murder in the Special Forces,” there has been a tenfold increase in such cases since 2021 and the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan. But even more chilling is the choice of victims for these sexual predators; “I have not heard in years about one case of these special forces guys raping a woman. In the same time, I’ve heard about 15 cases of them raping children,” he told Abby Martin and Mike Prysner on the Empire Files podcast.

All this raises a plethora of serious questions about what is going on at the base, and what sort of dark and chilling secrets are being kept there.

“Laughing Off” Child Sexual Assault

A sprawling, city-sized base on the outskirts of Fayetteville, North Carolina, Fort Bragg is home to some 50,000 military personnel, making it one of the largest military installations anywhere in the world. It is home to many of the U.S.’ most elite organizations, including JSOC, Delta Force, the 3rd Special Forces Group, and the 82nd Airborne Division.

It also lies minutes away from I-95, the primary north-south interstate route on the American Eastern Seaboard. I-95 stretches from Miami in the south to the Canada/Maine border in the north, making it a crucial transport highway. Fayetteville is near its halfway mark. “It is a natural point, almost like a city that grew up upon the Silk Road in ancient times,” Anthony Aguilar told MintPress News, “It is a matter of fact that throughout this part of North Carolina, along the 95 corridor, there are vast amounts of sex trafficking and human trafficking in these areas. It is because of the accessible route from border to border that these things are trafficked or smuggled.” Anthony Aguilar is a former United States Army Lieutenant Colonel, Special Forces Green Beret, and a former Battalion Commander at Fort Bragg. In 2025, he became a whistleblower, revealing serious misconduct about U.S.- and Israeli-backed operations in Gaza.

He alleged that other commanders at Fort Bragg are well aware of the epidemic of child sex crimes, but “laugh about it or brush it off,” stating:

“Military leadership at the highest ranks are aware of what is happening, and they choose to cover it up. Not ignore it; they don’t ignore it. They acknowledge it. They choose to cover it up, because nobody wants to look like their unit is a bad and undisciplined unit. Nobody wants to look like troublemakers.”

Aguilar shared with MintPress an example of this from was when he was a commander of the 18th Airborne Corps at Fort Bragg. A warrant officer was accused multiple times of sexually assaulting and abusing his stepdaughter – a minor – and producing pornography of these events. His chain of command decided not to do anything about it, but simply transfer him to Aguilar’s unit.

“He came to ours, and he did it again. My position on it was: court-martial, grand jury hearing, criminal case, criminal prosecution before a military judge,” he said. However, he was unable to carry this out as, “a three-star general circumvented my authority to charge him, and took that court-martial case up to his level, and then recanted those charges, and simply offered him a deal: ‘get out the Army and we won’t charge you criminally.’” The warrant officer took the deal, was discharged, and faced no criminal charges. Clearly disturbed by the event, Aguilar noted:

“That is why this continues to happen. That is why this is part of the culture. That is why these things continue to grow. It is because commanders at the highest level continue to hide it. They lie about it. And they do not hold those who do it accountable, in fear that it makes them look bad as a commander.”

“Women Are For Children, Boys Are For Pleasure”
Many American soldiers and operators encountered a similarly widespread practice of child sexual assault in Afghanistan – and found a correspondingly permissive attitude from U.S. officials and military top brass.

The practice is called bacha bazi, a process by which men exploit and enslave adolescent boys, coercing them into cross-dressing, wearing makeup, dancing suggestively, and acting as sex slaves. The bachas (boys) are generally aged between nine and fifteen years old, and inordinately come from impoverished or vulnerable backgrounds. Many grew up in orphanages, are street children, or have been sold into slavery by relatives facing starvation. Others are simply abducted. Bacha Bazes (boy players) are typically older, wealthier men who consider the ownership of one or more young boys to be a status symbol, often giving them money and expensive clothing. In Afghanistan’s strictly gender segregated society, a common saying is that “women are for having children, boys are for pleasure.”

The United Nations has condemned bacha bazi. “It is time to openly confront this practice and to put an end to it,” Radhika Coomaraswamy, then Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations, Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict, told the U.N. General Assembly in 2009. “Laws should be passed, campaigns must be waged and perpetrators should be held accountable and punished,” she added.

Although it had been known for centuries, occurrences in Afghanistan exploded in the 1980s with the ascendancy of the U.S.-backed Mujahideen government. It was briefly quashed under the Taliban (1996-2001), but returned again in the 21st century under the U.S.-protected Afghan government, made up of many of the same elements who were in power two decades previously.

How Washington Participated In Mass Child Sexual Slavery

A U.S. soldier takes position in Mush Kahel village, Ghazni province, Afghanistan, July 23, 2012. Andrew Baker | DoD

The United States government actively tried to ignore the practice – an open secret in military and diplomatic circles. However, as it was withdrawing from the country, the State Department belatedly released a report admitting that, for nearly 20 years of occupation, there existed, “a government pattern of sexual slavery on government compounds.” U.S.-trained and funded authorities, it noted, “continued to arrest, detain, penalize, and abuse many trafficking victims, including punishing sex trafficking victims for ‘moral crimes’ and sexually assaulting victims who attempted to report trafficking crimes to law enforcement officials.” NGOs who helped the children, the report noted, advised them not to go to the police, as they were often the ones responsible for enslaving them in the first place.

Bacha bazi was primarily practiced by high-status individuals put in power by U.S. occupation forces – police, military, teachers, and government officials. Many of these people lived with their boys on U.S. compounds. This meant that, in practice, the U.S. taxpayer was subsidizing the widespread rape of children, one of the many reasons that American personnel were so unpopular with the local population, and why the U.S.-installed government fell within days of the 2021 military pullout. As Harp stated:

“The whole time that the U.S. was in Afghanistan, they were working with, protecting, funding, and arming guys who were systematically raping little boys, keeping them in chains on U.S. military bases – chained children on U.S. bases who were raped on a nightly basis! What can we even make of this? I struggle to wrap my mind around not only the evil of it, but how little anybody ever said about it.”

One example of the levels of depravity of the U.S.’ allies comes from Jordan Terrell, a former Fort Bragg paratrooper with the 82nd Airborne. At Forward Operating Base Shank in Logar Province in 2014, Terrell recalls seeing a group of young bachas running around the base. One, he noticed, “had something hanging out of his butt.” At first confused by the site, he later realized that what he saw was the child’s prolapsed anus from being repeatedly sodomized. “Dudes were exposed to that stuff so much,” he said, “The Afghan National Army, Afghan police… The contractors who cooked our food. Those guys raped children.”

Officially, Washington saw nothing. On 5,753 occasions between 2010 and 2016, the U.S. military was asked to review Afghan units to see if there were any gross human rights abuses noted. American law requires military aid to be cut off from any offending unit. On zero occasions did they report any abuses.

Yet bacha bazi was so widespread that virtually all U.S. personnel had heard about it. Aguilar stated that soldiers were relieved to make it to Friday every week, joking that: “It’s man-boy love Friday, so we are not going to get attacked very much today, because they are all having sex with their young boy concubines.”

The practice was as open as it was widespread. In 2016, an Afghan police commander invited a Washington Post journalist to his office for tea, where he gleefully showed off what he called his “beautiful boy slave.” The Afghan police were just one of a myriad of organizations the U.S. government sponsored during its 20-year, $2 trillion occupation of the country.

“I heard of it a number of times from both U.S. military and State Department officers throughout Afghanistan and in D.C., usually off-hand, with an exasperated what are you going to do type affect to their comments,” Matthew Hoh, a former U.S. Marine Corps Captain and State Department official told MintPress News, adding:

“It was clear that such crimes were not to be intruded upon. I doubt there was official paperwork to that effect, but it was clearly understood that we were to accept the rape of children as part of the bargain in our relationship with the Afghans we had put and kept in power.”

In 2009, after growing increasingly disillusioned with the U.S. mission in Afghanistan, Hoh resigned from his position at the State Department in Zabul Province.

Other Americans who tried to blow the whistle on the disturbing practice (and American complicity in it) ended up dead. One was Lance Corporal Gregory Buckley Jr., who was kept up at night by the shrieks of children being raped by Afghan police in rooms beside him at Forward Operating Base Delhi in Helmand Province.

Via a phone call, Buckley told his father that, from his bunk, “we can hear them screaming, but we’re not allowed to do anything about it.” His officers told him to “look the other way” because “it’s their culture.” It would be the last time his father heard Buckley’s voice, as he was murdered on the base days later by the very locals he was trying to train and protect.

Others who have taken matters into their own hands have had their careers destroyed by the military. Green Berets Captain Dan Quinn and Sergeant First Class Charles Martland found out that a local police commander in Kunduz Province had kidnapped a boy and was keeping him chained to the bed as a sex slave. After learning that she had turned to the Americans for help, the commander also beat up the boy’s mother. Quinn and Martland confronted him, but he laughed it off, telling them “it was only a boy,” after all. Incensed, the pair threw him to the floor, punched and kicked him.

Quinn was relieved of his command and sent back to the United States, where he left the military. Martland was originally going to be expelled from the Army, but, after a public backlash, he was quietly reinstated.

Israel’s Culture of Rape and Child Abuse

Drug Abuse, Child Abuse
The prevalence of Bacha bazi closely mirrors that of U.S. involvement in Afghanistan. The practice was far less common in the 1970s and 1980s, under the U.S.S.R.-backed, secular, Communist government. In an effort to overthrow the regime and bleed the Soviets dry, Washington spent $2 billion funding, training, and arming local Mujahideen militias (including Osama bin Laden). The Mujahideen seized control of Afghanistan in 1992, not long after the demise of the Soviet Union.

Presented as brave and gallant freedom fighters, the Mujahideen were lauded in the West. But, as in Venezuela, Iran, Cuba, and much of the rest of the world, the U.S. so often allies itself with deeply unsavory movements in order to achieve its ends.

Not only were the Mujahideen religious reactionaries, but they displayed a conspicuous penchant for kidnapping and molesting children, and the practice exploded once they attained power.

Although bacha bazi was widely adopted by the Mujahideen, it was never accepted by much of the public, who saw it as barbaric and monstrous. Therefore, despite their depiction as the Afghan equivalent of the Founding Fathers in the Western press, many in Afghanistan saw their new rulers as little more than a gang of U.S.-imposed pedophile warlords.

The Mujahideen would be supplanted in only four years by the Taliban, who rose to power in no small part due to the nationwide revulsion and outrage over bacha bazi. Indeed, Mullah Omar, the leader of the Taliban until his death in 2013, shot to fame due to his prominent opposition to the practice. In 1994, he led a group of armed men on a series of raids to rescue kidnapped and enslaved boys and girls.

The stunt made him a national hero, and greatly increased the Taliban’s strength and prestige. From a force of just 30 fighters, his militia grew to 12,000 by the year’s end, as thousands joined his cause, paving the way for their march on Kabul in 1996. Upon seizing power, the Taliban outlawed bacha bazi, making it punishable by death. Thus, while the Taliban are hardly known for their human rights policies, they were at least able to gain some public support through their actions to stamp out child rape.

This period, however, proved to be short-lived, as just five years later, in 2001, the United States would invade Afghanistan in order to topple the Taliban, putting in place many of the deposed Mujahideen figures from the previous regime. The return of the U.S.-backed government saw the reemergence of bacha bazi, with many top government, police and military officials flaunting their child concubines. This included even family members of President Hamid Karzai.

Likewise, drug production in Afghanistan directly correlates with U.S. involvement in the country. In the 1970s, heroin production was minimal, and largely for domestic consumption. But as the Western-backed regime change war dragged on, Washington looked for other ways to support the insurgency. They found their answer in opium, and soon, refineries processing locally-grown poppy seeds sprang up on the Afghanistan-Pakistan border. Trucks loaded with U.S. taxpayer-funded weapons entered Afghanistan from their ally, Pakistan, and returned filled to the brim with opium.

As Professor Alfred McCoy, author of “The Politics of Heroin: CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade,” told MintPress,

“What the resistance fighters did was they turned to opium. Afghanistan had about 100 tons of opium produced every year in the 1970s. By 1989-1990, at the end of that 10-year CIA operation, that minimal amount of opium — 100 tons per annum — had turned into a major amount, 2,000 tons a year, and was already about 75% of the world’s illicit opium trade.”

The operation caused a worldwide boom in opium consumption, with heroin addiction more than doubling in the United States alone. The drug became a cultural touchstone, as illustrated in popular movies such as Trainspottingand Requiem for a Dream. By 1999, annual production hadrisen to 4,600 tons.

Once again, the deeply religious Taliban stepped in to suppress the practice. A 2000 ban on opium cultivation led to a precipitous drop in production, with just 185 tons harvested the following year. Although the prohibition hit local farmers hard, it did begin to combat Afghanistan’s terrible opioid crisis, again gaining the Taliban some legitimacy with the local population.

Like with bacha bazi, though, the U.S. occupation reversed this trend. Under American supervision, opium production skyrocketed, reaching a high of 9,000 tons in 2017. Afghanistan became the world’s first true narco-state, with McCoy noting that by 2008, opium was responsible for well over half of the country’s gross domestic product. By comparison, even in Colombia’s darkest days, cocaine only accounted for around 3% of its GDP. More land in Afghanistan was under cultivation for opium than was used for coca across all of Latin America.

Many of those making fortunes from the business were the U.S.’ closest allies. This again included the Karzai family; the president’s brother, Ahmed Wali, was among the biggest and most notorious drugs kingpins in the region.

Shortly after coming back to power, the Taliban again banned the production of opium, sending teams of men across the country to eradicate poppy fields. In what even Western corporate media called “the most successful counter-narcotics effort in human history,” production fell by over 80% almost overnight, and has only continued to decrease since then. The speed and success of the operation raised serious questions about the United States’ true relationship with the global drug trade.

An Incredibly Lucrative Business
Soldiers at Fort Bragg were closer than anyone else to the unseemly underbelly of the Afghanistan occupation. Units such as JSOC, Delta Force, the 3rd Special Forces Group and the 82nd Airborne Division worked closely with Afghan security forces, and had a front row seat to their activities.

“The Fort Bragg Cartel” uncovers a giant gun and drug trafficking network centered around the base, revealing how soldiers used military planes to sneak arms and narcotics into America, distributing them across the continent. Criminals in the U.S. military, Aguilar notes, have learned a great deal about trafficking and smuggling contraband, stating that:

“When you deploy as a military and you have all of your 90 cubic inch containers that get locked up will all your stuff in it. Those don’t get inspected when they fly back over on a military aircraft and land at Fort Bragg…[They learn] How easy it would be to transport and traffic weapons, drugs, and yes, even humans, back and forth, from country to country. It is all very doable. And it is all very lucrative.”

Military bases are the perfect smuggling operation centers. There is little oversight or inspection, and soldiers can move around the country from base to base, and are less likely to be stopped and searched by the police. A disproportionate amount of those soldiers convicted came from backgrounds in logistics, where they were trusted with transporting large shipments of goods to and from the U.S., all with minimal input or scrutiny from higher ups.

Selling guns and drugs is one thing. But trafficking and raping children is quite another. How could anyone consider engaging in such sickening behavior? And why has the practice exploded around Fort Bragg? For some, the answer was psychological: American troops, taught to dehumanize their enemies and exposed to child abuse on a daily basis come to see it as normal behavior. As Terrell suggested, “In some sick way…when they came back, maybe they just internalized it, and turned it into a sexual proclivity.”

There is, however, a simpler explanation: money. Some Fort Bragg soldiers stationed in Afghanistan and exposed to bacha bazi came back to the United States and see an opportunity to make huge amounts of money trafficking humans, and creating and selling child pornography.

“It is less of a matter of soldiers coming home from Iraq or Afghanistan and having this learned behavior of sexual deviance, child pornography, or abusing children, it is a learned behavior that child pornography and sex trafficking minors is very very profitable,” Aguilar said; “They see that, and they think, ‘This is really lucrative.’”

The Taliban have once again made bacha bazi a capital offense. It is unclear if the new law has suppressed the practice, or merely driven it underground. After all, Afghanistan’s sanction-hit economy means that the economic incentives for destitute families to sell their sons to rich officials are as pressing as ever. Moreover, there are reports that some Taliban commanders allegedly hold bachas themselves.

What is clear, however, is that the tactics and practices used by the United States military abroad are increasingly being used against the domestic population. From surveillance and militarized policing to increasing intolerance of dissent, civil liberties are being eroded by forces using techniques honed on subjects in Western Asia. In November, an Afghan commando and former member of a CIA-trained death squad, carried out a mass shooting in Washington, D.C.

While it is clear that the U.S. invasion destroyed Afghanistan, it also took its tole on America itself. The occupation directly contributed to the opioid crisis at home. And it appears that it is also connected to the epidemic of child sexual abuse documented here, as soldiers abuse children for profit. What has been happening at Fort Bragg, then, is part of the wider psychological degradation of American society, one that is controlled a by a government that has sacrificed everything sacred to protect and advance its imperial ambitions.

(MintPress News)

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By Guillermo R. Barreto – Feb 11, 2026

The Bolivarian Revolution has called on the sectors opposed to the government to follow paths framed by democracy, coexistence, and the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.

On May 20, 2017, during a violent protest planned by sectors of the Venezuelan opposition, 21-year-old Orlando Figuera was attacked by a mob that accused him of being a Chavista. After being stabbed, he was doused with gasoline and set on fire in front of everyone present. Young Orlando was admitted to a hospital with multiple wounds and burns covering 80% of his body and died 15 days later, on June 4.

The violence of this crime is an expression of what has characterized the Venezuelan right wing, led by people such as María Corina Machado, among others. Hatred, racism, and intolerance. Violent actions have accompanied the Venezuelan opposition since the beginning of Hugo Chávez’s government. It is worth remembering the events of April 2002 when the business sector, private media, and minority sectors of the Armed Forces, supported by the governments of the United States and Spain, conspired to overthrow the government. On that occasion, they deployed snipers who fired from various points at both opposition and pro-government individuals to create the narrative that the government had ordered the shooting of unarmed demonstrators. The coup lasted only a couple of days, but the way it was carried out revealed the fascist nature of an opposition whose visible faces have not changed since then.

Chávez returned to power and not only called for peace and coexistence, but in 2007 he signed an amnesty decree that allowed for the release of many of those involved in those events. The decree granted amnesty to those who were prosecuted and convicted of committing any of 13 crimes, including the violent takeover of state and municipal governments, the unlawful deprivation of liberty of a minister, incitement to military rebellion, and a series of events that led to the death of people. We are referring to crimes that are clearly defined in Venezuelan law. These crimes are also defined in the laws of every other country in the world, including the United States. When President Chávez granted amnesty to these individuals, he was not nullifying the crime. He was extending a hand and calling for politics to be conducted within the framework of the law, peace, and coexistence.

Recently, the Acting President of Venezuela, Delcy Rodríguez, announced an amnesty and asked the National Assembly to draft and discuss an Amnesty Bill. This law would formalize a process of case review and release from prison that had already begun under President Nicolás Maduro Moros and that excludes those convicted of murder, drug trafficking, corruption, or human rights violations. The corporate media is already talking about the release of political prisoners, but it is important to be precise and understand what we are talking about. Political prisoners or politicians in prison?

According to Amnesty International, a political prisoner or prisoner of conscience is a person:

“imprisoned (or subjected to other forms of deprivation of liberty) solely because of who they are (their ethnic origin, sex, color, language, national or social origin, socioeconomic status, birth, sexual orientation, gender identity or expression, or other status) or for believing what they believe (their political, religious, or other deeply held convictions), who has not used violence or advocated violence or hatred in the circumstances leading to their arrest.”

The Parliamentary Assembly of the European Union also establishes that a person is a political prisoner when their detention has been imposed for purely political reasons unrelated to any crime.

Who, then, are the prisoners whom the mainstream media calls political prisoners? We are referring to people who promoted, instigated, and/or participated in violent actions explicitly characterized as crimes under Venezuelan law.

What Does Venezuela’s Amnesty for Democratic Coexistence Bill Propose?

Let us recall those events. In 2013, after the official results were announced declaring then-candidate Nicolás Maduro Moros the winner of the elections, the losing candidate, Henrique Capriles Radonsky, rejected the results and called on his supporters to publicly express their rejection through the use of violence, which led to the murder of nine people, including children and adolescents. In 2014, opposition leaders, including Leopoldo López, María Corina Machado, and Antonio Ledezma, called for people to join a plan they called “La Salida” (The Way Out), which led to attacks on people identified with the government and attacks and set fires on public health, education, transportation, and electricity infrastructure, subsidized food storage and distribution networks, libraries, and even a preschool that was housing 89 children under the age of 6 at the time of the attack. In total, 43 people were killed and 878 injured during these events. Among the dead were nine security officials and a public prosecutor who was doing his job.

A similar situation occurred in 2017. The same actors, the same faces, but with even greater violence. A report by the human rights organization SURES refers to acts of violence that left 74 people dead, of whom only six were attributable to the security forces. Twenty-eight people were killed by gunfire, some from homemade weapons. Some people were killed while participating in activities in support of the government by shots fired from nearby buildings, and there was the terrible case of Orlando Figuera, with which we began this article. Most of the demonstrations, which also included road closures and the obstruction, under threat, of free movement, took place in municipalities whose authorities were from the opposition, some of whom even participated directly in the actions.

In 2024, after the July 28 elections, the opposition once again refused to recognize the results and called (once again) for violence. We can list, by way of example, that 12 universities, 7 preschools, 21 schools, 34 high schools, 6 Comprehensive Diagnostic Centers, 11 metro stations, 38 buses, 10 National Electoral Council headquarters, ministry headquarters, courts, police stations, etc., were attacked with blunt objects, incendiary bombs, and firearms. People (mostly women) who led community processes were murdered. Soldiers were killed. Several officers of the Bolivarian National Armed Forces, professional troops, and 120 police officers were wounded.

There is no space to continue listing the actions of an opposition that, since the beginning of the Bolivarian Revolution, has not stopped in its attempt to overthrow the government and uses violence as a tool for that action. An opposition that has saturated its supporters with speeches of hatred and intolerance. We are not talking about political prisoners. We are talking about people who have committed crimes, have been charged and convicted for those crimes. People who have left deep wounds in the Venezuelan people. An amnesty at this time, however, is not a sign of weakness. It is not oblivion. It is a demonstration, as Chávez did in 2007, that Venezuela is committed to peace and a call (once again) to the sectors opposed to the government to follow paths framed by democracy, coexistence, and the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.

Guillermo R. Barreto**is Venezuelan and holds a PhD in Science (Oxford University). He is a retired professor at the Simón Bolívar University (Venezuela). He was Deputy Minister of Science and Technology, president of the National Science and Technology Fund, and Minister of Ecosocialism and Water (Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela). He is currently a researcher at theTricontinental Institute for Social Researchand a visiting collaborator at the Center for the Study of Social Transformations-IVIC.

(Peoples Dispatch)

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Caracas (OrinocoTribune.com)—Acting President of Venezuela Delcy Rodríguez has conducted a visit to the Petro Independencia joint venture near Morichal, Monagas state, alongside the secretary of energy for the US regime, Chris Wright. Petro Independencia, a joint operation between Chevron and the Venezuelan publicly-owned PDVSA that began in 2010, is located in the heart of the Orinoco Oil Belt, a strategic region containing 87% of Venezuela’s oil reserves.

The visit this Thursday, February 12, marks the first time a US energy secretary has traveled to Venezuela in several decades. It follows the atrocious January 3 military strikes launched by the US empire, which resulted in the murders of approximately 120 people and the kidnapping of President Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Deputy Cilia Flores. Analysts point out that the failure of US imperialism to achieve its regime-change goal has forced Washington to accept negotiations with Chavista authorities and ease several illegal sanctions.

Secretary Wright, who arrived in Venezuela on Wednesday and met with Acting President Rodríguez at Miraflores Palace, acknowledged the strategic value of Venezuelan infrastructure for the stability of the US market. Analysts explain that the recent US colonial aggression is the result of a desperate need for stable oil sources, as domestic fracking becomes increasingly less economically viable.

The Orinoco Oil Belt covers 55,314 square kilometers across the states of Guárico, Anzoátegui, Monagas, and Delta Amacuro. Known as the largest crude oil reserve in the world, the belt possesses the capacity to meet global energy demand for three centuries. At Petro Independencia, officials observed the extraction and upgrading of extra-heavy crude oil and discussed operational expansion under the new national legal framework. While the venture currently produces 40,000 barrels per day, Chevron executives expect that figure to rise to 300,000 in the coming years.

Venezuela’s Acting President Rodríguez Meets With US Energy Secretary; US Chief Diplomat to Caracas Pushes Diplomatic Clash

Technical inspection and production goals
The technical inspection consisted of the following, as reported by YVKE Mundial:

• Asset Assessment: The delegation inspected production clusters and crude oil transportation systems, evaluating investment needs to recover wells currently out of service.
• Safety and Technology: Wright expressed interest in enhanced oil recovery (EOR) technologies and the basic service infrastructure supporting operations in southern Venezuela.
• Environmental Commitment: Officials reviewed environmental management protocols and gas flaring reduction to ensure alignment with international sustainability standards.
• Production Projection: Authorities discussed plans to increase production in this strategic block, contributing to the national goal of exceeding 1.5 million barrels per day by the end of 2026.

Acting President Rodríguez emphasized that the visit symbolizes a “renewed dynamism” in the sector, where economic growth is being bolstered through productive alliances and technological exchange with global players and an emphasis on multipolarity.

The US entity’s delegation is scheduled to continue its tour this Friday in Anzoátegui state to inspect the Petropiar upgrader, another critical joint venture involving PDVSA and Chevron.

Special for Orinoco Tribune by staff

OT/JRE/AU

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In his social network account X, the Cuban president conveyed congratulations on behalf of the Cuban Government and people, after being aware of the electoral victory of the leader of the Barbados Labor Party.

The Cuban head of state took the opportunity to reiterate to Mia Mottley, “our willingness to continue strengthening the historic ties of friendship, solidarity and cooperation that unite our peoples.”

Mottley will secure a third consecutive term in office by winning yesterday’s elections.

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A press release from the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Press Office states that the provision signed by the President of the United States on January 29, 2026, “imposing a fuel blockade on Cuba constitutes a serious violation of international law and represents a serious threat to a democratic and equitable international order,” the experts noted.

“This is an extreme form of unilateral economic coercion with extraterritorial effects, whereby the US seeks to exert coercion over the sovereign state of Cuba and compel third sovereign states to modify their lawful trade relations, under the threat of punitive trade measures,” they said.

Likewise, they noted that the claim that Cuba is an “unusual and extraordinary threat” to US national security and supports “transnational terrorist groups” lacks credibility.

The communiqué sets out the experts’ stance, “in the absence of authorization from the UN Security Council, the executive order has no basis in collective security and constitutes a unilateral act contrary to the international law.”

“There is no power under international law that allows to impose economic sanctions on third states for engaging in lawful trade with another sovereign country,” they added.

The experts warned that the US executive order directly violates the principles of sovereign equality, non-intervention and self-determination, essential pillars of a democratic and equitable international order as set out in Article 2(1) of the United Nations Charter.

The executive order also circumvents multilateral frameworks governing international trade and security, including the World Trade Organization, they argued.

“A democratic international order has nothing to do with practices whereby one state arrogates authority to dictate the domestic policies and economic relations of others, using threats and coercion,” experts said.

At the same time, they expressed deep concern about the foreseeable humanitarian consequences of restricting fuel supplies to Cuba.

“Obstructing fuel imports could trigger a serious humanitarian crisis, with indirect effects on essential services,” raising serious concerns under international human rights law, they added.

They also urged the US government to immediately revoke the executive order and end the use of extraterritorial economic measures.

The executive order aggravates the effects of the already existing and illegal designation of Cuba as a “sponsor state of terrorism” by the US.

The UN experts called on all states not to recognize or validate these actions of the United States government against Cuba, said the statement.

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According to sources quoted in the media, an Israeli unit entered the Al-Nouriya neighborhood at dawn, in the center of Kfarkela, where it detonated a residential building after placing explosives inside.

Another force advanced towards the village of Adaysseh and proceeded to install explosive charges in two houses located on the outskirts, which were later demolished.

These events occur against a background of rising tension on the southern border of Lebanon and amid continued Israeli violations of the ceasefire agreement reached with the Lebanese Hezbollah Resistance Movement in November 2014, which caused casualties, according to official reports.

Since October 2023, Israel has conducted military operations against Lebanon that, according to official cedars’ sources, left more than four thousand dead and about 17 thousand wounded, before escalating into a full-scale war in September 2024.

Beirut calls for the cessation of Israeli military actions and respect for Lebanese sovereignty, as well as an end to the occupation of five hills and other areas that have remained under Israeli control since previous conflicts.

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The high-ranking Venezuelan diplomat informed him after concluding a telephone conversation with his counterpart from that Asian country, Sugiono, in which they addressed “the excellent state of our bilateral relations and the current situation” in the Bolivarian Republic.

We reaffirm the importance of the alliance between our peoples in the commercial, energy and productive spheres, and agree to continue building mutually beneficial cooperation mechanisms, said Gil in his Telegram account.

He stated that they expressed the appreciation of the Bolivarian Government for the firm position of Indonesia in support of the United Nations Charter and the principles of sovereignty and independence of Venezuela.

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Benin, Gabon, Lesotho, Morocco, Somalia, and South Africa are the newly appointed members, and the Ivory Coast, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Sierra Leone, and Uganda upheld their positions on the Council.

Final approval will take place at the 39AU Assembly on February 14-15.

The Peace and Security Council is the continental organization’s leading decision-making body for preventing, managing, and resolving conflicts. It oversees peace support operations, imposes sanctions when necessary, and coordinates collective responses to crises across the continent.

Upon opening of the regular session of the Executive Council, African Union Commission (AUC) Chairperson Mahmoud Ali Youssouf acknowledged setbacks in justice, security, and political stability on the continent, as well as progress in other areas.

The AUC chief showed concern about the security crises and conflicts on the continent.

He underscored, “There have been setbacks, and progress is minimal. Mediation and good offices are slow to yield results.”

Youssouf stated that the AU Peace and Security Council is receptive to the situation and is actively working to resolve it.

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According to sources, US troops abandoned the facility located in the border triangle between Syria, Iraq and Jordan.

Local sources indicated that the withdrawal was complete and that the base was handed over to the Syrian Ministry of Defense.

They added that the 54th Division began to deploy in and around the enclave, where it established checkpoints and imposed strict security measures.

So far, no official statement has been issued confirming or disproving the withdrawal of Coalition Forces International, nor details on the administration of the base or the mechanism envisaged for the next phase.

The Al-Tanf facility occupies a strategic position in the border region and has served as one of the International Coalition’s main operational hubs since its establishment.

The base was established in 2014 as the coalition’s operational center, and on 3 March 2016 it was officially announced that it would be located in Homs province, considered to be the largest US military facility on Syrian territory.

According to previous reports, the base’s objective was to train factions of the so-called Free Syrian Army to fight both the then government of Bashar al-Assad and al-Daesh, and to reinforce control of the al-Walid border crossing on the Iraqi side.

This action coincides with the withdrawal of US forces deployed in northeastern Syria, according to reliable sources recently cited by Syria TV.

According to sources, US troops at the Al-Shaddadi base, located in Al-Hasakeh province in the northeast of the country, are getting ready for a complete withdrawal departure within no more than 24 hours, coinciding with the start of the withdrawal of troops from the Washington-led international coalition from the Kharab al-Jir base.

In late January, US officials admitted that a full withdrawal of troops from Syria was under consideration, while President Ahmed Al-Shara is pushing for efforts to restore state control over northeastern territory.

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During a ceremony last night commemorating the 47th anniversary of the Iranian Revolution, Ortega highlighted the shared principles of both emancipatory processes, underscoring that they are sister revolutions united in the pursuit of a fairer and more multipolar world.

The Sandinista leader also highlighted the cooperation programs and projects established between Managua and Tehran, aimed at boosting development in both nations based on solidarity and mutual benefit.

He stated, “Our message is always solidarity and friendship, at all times and in all circumstances. Long live the Iranian Revolution, long live the Nicaraguan Revolution.”

Iranian Ambassador to Nicaragua, Ramin Banat-Kuqe, highlighted his country’s progress in several sectors, despite external sanctions and the complex global economic conditions.

Banat-Kuqe affirmed that the Iranian foreign policy supports friendship, dialogue among civilizations, and the conviction that peace can be built on justice and respect for the self-determination of peoples.

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The NGO explained in a release that the current number is higher, although the number of women from the Gaza Strip held in military camps is unknown.

It highlighted that, since the aggression against the coastal enclave started in October 2023, the Israeli Armed Forces have detained more than 680 women.

The Palestinian Prisoners Club (PPC) noted a few days ago that the Israel Prison Service holds approximately 9,300 Palestinians, including 230 minors, in its prison centers.

The Prisoners and Ex-Prisoners’ Affairs Commission denounced in late January the harsh living conditions of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails and the systematic violence against them.

The organization revealed in a statement that its legal team conducted a series of visits to prisons, where it witnessed the difficult conditions in which the prisoners live and heard testimonies confirming daily violations, including medical negligence.

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Directed by prima ballerina Viengsay Valdes, the prestigious company informed that tickets will be available at the theater’s box office as of February 17.

Principal dancers Viengsay Valdes and Dani Hernandez will perform the roles of Giselle and Albrecht, respectively, on February 21, while dancers Yunior Palma and Ana Pessino will do so as Hilarion and the Queen of the Wilis, respectively.

Rising dancer Alianed Moreno will debut on February 22 as Giselle, accompanied by dancer Yankiel Vazquez as Albrecht.

The BNC announced that new dancers Alejandro Alderete and Nadila Estrada will debut as Hilarion and the Queen of the Wilis, respectively.

Giselle, an emblematic piece of the Romantic Era and the BNC’s repertoire, is a choreography by prima ballerina assoluta Alicia Alonso, based on the original by Jules Perrot and Jean Coralli, with music by Adolphe Adam and designs by Salvador Fernandez.

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These alleged offenses are linked to alleged contracts for the purchase of overpriced oil, prompting Lara to request Akly’s arrest to prevent him from obstructing the investigation.

The vice president told reporters that the complaint alleges the crimes of uneconomical conduct, contracts detrimental to the State, illicit enrichment, and unfulfillment of duty.

He insisted that the complaint is based on contracts signed between YPFB and the Trafigura company, in which irregularities and an overcharge of four million dollars per month were allegedly observed.

The vice president stated, “In these three months, the president of YPFB and his accomplices have stolen 12 million dollars from the country.”

Local television described this Wednesday Minister of Hydrocarbons and Energy, Mauricio Medinaceli, and Akly as “liars,” as they denied the existence of a signed contract with the Trafigura company.

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By Manolo de Los Santos – Feb 7, 2026

Claims by officials in Washington that “Cuba’s collapse is imminent” usually coincide with a tightening of the blockade. Yet, once again, Cubans have reaffirmed their commitment to the revolution and their creative resistance in the face of the latest US attacks.

The halls of power in Washington are echoing with a familiar, predatory chorus. Once again, the White House, various think-tank experts, and US politicians are predicting the “imminent collapse” of Cuba. This is a tune the world has heard for over sixty years, usually sung at its highest volume whenever the United States decides to tighten the economic noose around the island’s neck. However, in 2026, the rhetoric has shifted from sanctions to an overt campaign of total strangulation. Under a new executive order signed in late January, the second Trump administration has escalated the decades-long blockade into a proactive fuel blockade.

Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel laid bare the intended consequences in a press conference on February 5, 2026: “Not allowing a single drop of fuel to enter our country will affect transportation, food production, tourism, children’s education, and the healthcare system.” The objective is clear: to induce systemic failure, sow popular discontent, and create conditions for political destabilization. The White House rhetoric confirms this intent. Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt’s statement on the same day, that “the Cuban government is on its last leg and its country is about to collapse,” is not an analysis but public signaling, a psychological operation meant to reinforce the narrative of inevitable doom and pressure Cuban leadership into unilateral concessions.

This policy is not merely a “sanction” in the traditional sense; it is a calculated attempt to suffocate a nation by blocking every drop of fuel from reaching its shores. The administration has authorized aggressive tariffs and sanctions on any foreign country or company that dares to trade oil with the island, effectively treating Cuban territorial waters as a zone of exclusion. Since December, multiple oil tankers headed to Cuba have been seized by US naval forces in the Caribbean or forced to return to their ports of origin under threat of asset forfeiture. In direct response to this intensifying siege, Cuba has announced sweeping fuel rationing measures designed to protect essential services. The plan prioritizes fuel for healthcare, water, food production, education, public transportation, and defense, while strictly limiting sales to private drivers. To secure vital foreign currency, the tourism sector and key export industries, such as cigar production, will continue operating. Schools will maintain full in-person primary education, with hybrid systems implemented for higher levels. The leadership of the Cuban Revolution has affirmed that Cuba “will not collapse.”

To the planners in the White House, Cuba is a 67-year-old problem to be solved with starvation and darkness. But to the Cuban people, the current crisis is a continuation of a long-standing refusal to trade their sovereignty for Washington’s demands of submission.

The ghost of the “Special Period”
To understand why the Cuban people have not descended into the chaos Washington predicted, one must look to the historical precedent of the “Special Period in Time of Peace.” Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Cuba experienced an economic shock that would have toppled almost any other modern state. Overnight, the island lost 85% of its international trade and nearly all of its subsidized fuel imports. The resulting statistics were staggering: the Gross Domestic Product plummeted by 35%, and the daily caloric intake of the average citizen dropped from over 3,000 calories to roughly 1,800. During this era, the lights went out across the island for more than 16 hours a day, and the bicycle became the primary mode of transportation as the public transit system collapsed.

At the same time, Washington escalated its assault through the Torricelli Act (1992) and the Helms-Burton Law (1996), each tightening the noose around Cuba’s economy. However, instead of fracturing under the weight of this tightened blockade, Cubans developed “Option Zero”, a survival plan designed to keep hospitals running and children fed without any fuel, and the Cuban social fabric tightened. The government prioritized the distribution of remaining resources to the most vulnerable, ensuring that infant mortality rates remained lower than those in many parts of the United States despite the scarcity. This period proved that when a population is politically conscious of the external forces causing their suffering, they become extraordinarily resilient. The “Special Period” was not just a time of hunger; it was a period of forced innovation that gave rise to the world’s first national experiment in organic urban farming and mass-scale energy conservation.

The return of the energy crisis
The crisis of 2026 is, in many ways, a sequel to the 1990s, but with higher stakes and more advanced technological targets. The roots of the current energy shortage can be traced back to the first Trump administration’s decision in 2019 to target Cuban oil imports as a means of punishing the island for its solidarity with Venezuela. By designating Cuba as a “State Sponsor of Terrorism” and activating Title III of the Helms-Burton Act, the US successfully scared off international shipping lines and insurance companies. This was followed by a focused campaign against the PDVSA (Venezuela’s state oil company) and the shipping firms involved in the trade agreement between countries in the region known as ALBA-TCP.

By 2025, the impact on Cuba’s energy grid was catastrophic. The island’s thermal power plants, most of which were built with aging Soviet technology, were never designed to burn the heavy, sulfur-rich crude that Cuba produces domestically without constant maintenance and expensive imported additives. The lack of foreign exchange, caused by the tightening of the blockade, meant that spare parts were non-existent. By the time the 2026 fuel blockade began, the national grid was already operating at 25% below its required capacity. President Miguel Díaz-Canel has been transparent with the public, noting that without fuel, everything from the morning school bus to the refrigeration systems for the nation’s advanced biotech medicines is under constant threat, a reality that has now precipitated the stringent new rationing regime.

Cuba Warns Airlines It Has Less Than 24 Hours of Fuel

The threat of intervention: from Caracas to Havana
The current US stance toward Cuba cannot be viewed in isolation from its recent military interventions in the Middle East and Latin America. The “regime change” efforts in Cuba are being modeled after the maximum pressure campaigns used against Iran and the military incursions seen in Venezuela on January 3, 2026. The threat of a US military attack is no longer a rhetorical flourish used by Havana to drum up nationalism; it is a documented strategic option discussed in Washington.

The logic behind such an intervention is twofold. First, there is the ideological drive to eliminate the “contagion” of a country that questions the Monroe Doctrine and US domination in the region. Cuba’s existence serves as a reminder that sovereignty is possible even in the shadow of a superpower. Second, and more pragmatically, the US is motivated by a thirst for strategic minerals. Cuba sits on some of the world’s largest reserves of nickel and cobalt, essential components of lithium-ion batteries that power the global transition to electric vehicles and advanced weaponry. In a world where the US is scrambling to compete with China for control of the mineral and energy supply chain, a sovereign Cuba that controls its own mines is seen as an obstacle to American hegemony. If the US can force a collapse, these minerals would no longer belong to the Cuban people; they would be auctioned off to US corporations as it was before 1959.

The new resistance: extraordinary efforts in renewable energy
However, the Cuban response to this renewed strangulation is not a white flag of surrender. Recognizing that fossil fuel dependence is a vulnerability the US will always exploit, Cuba has, in recent years, launched an extraordinary national effort to transform its energy matrix. Building on this momentum, the country completed 49 new solar parks in 2025 alone. This massive undertaking added approximately 1,000 megawatts of power to the national grid, marking a 7% increase in total grid capacity and accounting for a remarkable 38% of the nation’s energy generation. By the end of March 2026, with support from China, the island is on track to add over 150 MW of renewable power to its grid through the rapid deployment of solar parks.

The strategy is clear: if the empire can shut off the oil, Cuba will harvest the sun. “The way the US energy blockade has been implemented reinforces our commitment to the renewable energy strategy,” President Miguel Díaz-Canel declared. The government has committed to a plan to generate 24% of the country’s electricity from renewable sources by 2030, with a long-term goal of achieving total energy independence. This involves not just large-scale solar farms but the decentralization of the grid through the installation of thousands of small-scale solar panels on homes and state buildings. This “energy sovereignty” movement is the 21st-century equivalent of the 1990s urban gardens. It is a way of overcoming the US blockade by removing the very commodity, oil, that Washington uses as a leash.

The narrative of Cuba’s “imminent collapse” has been written a thousand times by people who do not understand the depth of the island’s historical memory. The 2026 fuel blockade is a brutal crime against a civilian population, designed to create the very chaos that the US media then reports on as “proof” of government failure. It is the arsonist blaming the house for being flammable. The newly imposed fuel rationing is not a sign of surrender, but a tactical maneuver of national defense, a structured effort to outlast the assault while safeguarding the pillars of Cuban society that precisely make it an alternative to the US model.

Yet, Cuba’s message to the world remains consistent. They are willing to talk and trade, but not to be owned or become a neo-colony of the United States. The story of Cuba is not one of a failed state, but of a people who have decided that the most potent fuel for their future isn’t oil, it’s the will to remain independent. As the sun rises over the new solar arrays in the Cuban countryside, it serves as a silent, glowing testament to a nation that refuses to disappear.

(Peoples Dispatch)

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By Max Blumenthal – Feb 10, 2026

A US-funded opposition journalist revealed the Trump DOJ has crafted a secret indictment of Venezuela’s Acting President to “hold it over her head,” and will execute it if she “derails.”

The Trump administration is using a secret indictment to assert leverage over Venezuela’s Acting President Delcy Rodríguez, according to the editor-in-chief of the US government-funded outlet, Armando.info.

“One of the information we manage is that the US is holding an indictment against [Rodriguez] to make it public, just in case she derails,” Valentina Lares Martiz revealed during a February 6, 2026 webinar hosted by the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), an outlet also sponsored by the US government.

“Just to hold it over her head?” asked OCCRP deputy editor Julia Wallace.

“Yeah, so, I think she, she and her brother [Jorge Rodríguez], they are in this survival mode, and they will have the capacity to move the pieces, as long as the US backs her up,” Armando.info’s Lares Martiz affirmed.

A January 17, 2026 report by the Associated Press revealed that the Drug Enforcement Administration classified Acting president Rodríguez as a “priority target” almost as soon as she was appointed as Vice President in 2018.

David Smilde, an academic who crusades for regime change in Venezuela at the US government and ExxonMobil-funded Atlantic Council, described the DEA investigation of Rodríguez as “logical.” Smilde explained to the AP that the investigation “gives the U.S. government leverage over her. She may fear that if she does not do as the Trump administration demands, she could end up with an indictment like Maduro.”

During the OCCRP webinar, Steven Dudley of the State Department-funded Insight Crime outlet remarked that “this isn’t without precedent, in terms of [the US government] hanging an indictment over somebody to cajole them into doing their bidding.”

Dudley added, “They don’t need an indictment to cajole people. They have a giant military, and they’ve shown that they’re willing to use that military. That is the biggest stick.”

Confronting “a military aggression unprecedented in our history”
Delcy Rodríguez stepped in as Acting President following a deadly US military raid on Caracas this January 3 which left over 100 dead, including 32 Cuban military officers, and resulted in the kidnapping of President Nicolas Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores. In an interview with The Atlantic the following day, US President Donald Trump recognized Rodríguez as the new leader, but warned, “if she doesn’t do what’s right, she is going to pay a very big price, probably bigger than Maduro.”

Since then, Rodríguez has presided over the passage of an Organic Law on Hydrocarbons which rolled back the socialist reforms the late President Hugo Chavez made to the country’s state oil company, PDVSA. In a January 16 speech to Venezuela’s National Council of Economic Productivity, Rodríguez explained the impetus for the new law:

“Enough time has passed, and Venezuela has been subjected to an unprecedented economic blockade. Well, recently, there has been a military aggression unprecedented in our history, and Venezuela must move forward…without compromising historical principles or compromising Venezuelan dignity. And in that direction, we have made the decision, seeing the successful results of the business models contemplated in the organic anti-blockade law, to take the models that are there and incorporate them into the Organic Law on Hydrocarbons.”

While the law allows Venezuela to draw new revenue streams from an oil sector that has withstood years of punishing sanctions, the Trump administration has assumed custody of Venezuela’s oil revenue at the point of a gun, holding the profits in a private account in Qatar which is not accountable to Congress.

Rodríguez and her older brother, Jorge, have both served in influential roles under Maduro, with Delcy Rodriguez operating as Vice President while overseeing hydrocarbon policy. In 2018, she initiated a project to survive Trump’s “maximum pressure” policy, successfully guiding an Organic Anti-Blockade law through the Constituent Assembly which reformed PDVSA. Since Maduro’s abduction, the Rodríguez siblings have been under mounting pressure to accommodate onerous demands from Washington in order to prevent a destabilizing process of regime change. Looming behind every move is the memory of their father, Jorge Antonio Rodríguez, a leftist militant who was tortured to death in prison by CIA-trained interrogators under a pro-US government in 1976.

In the past, the US Department of Justice (DOJ) has used sealed indictments to deny targets of its global lawfare regime the chance to pre-empt investigations. As The Grayzone revealed, Trump’s DOJ secretly indicted Wikileaks co-founder Julian Assange on December 21, 2017, just one day after CIA spies learned that Assange was planning to leave the Ecuadorian embassy in London where he had been given sanctuary. On April 11, 2019, British police stormed the embassy on US orders and arrested Assange in a blatant violation of diplomatic sovereignty.

Colombian-born Venezuelan official Alex Saab was also the target of a secret US indictment that was only publicized after he was abducted from an airport in Cape Verde while on an official diplomatic mission in 2020.

During the OCCRP webinar, Armando.info’s Lares Martiz noted that the US slapped sanctions on Delcy Rodríguez in 2017, however, “she doesn’t have an open and formal investigation against her.”

But that could all change, she insisted, if the Acting President defies the Trump administration’s paternalistic instructions.

Jorge Rodríguez: Venezuela Exercises Full Control Over Its Sovereignty

Pro-transparency Armando.info: based at a Delaware mailbox, funded by Washington
Lares Martiz is in a prime position to know if the US is preparing a secret indictment of Rodriguez, as the publication she edits, Armando.info, functions at the center of a network of US government-funded journalistic outlets which exist to shop dirt on Latin American leaders targeted by Washington.

Though its staff operate from Bogota, Colombia, Armando.info is registered at a post office box in Newark, Delaware, where it is listed by Delaware’s Division of Corporations as “not in good standing.”

One of Armando.info’s top donors is the National Endowment for Democracy, a CIA spin-off which channels US money into opposition parties and media promoting regime change. The outlet is also listed as a member of the “global network” of OCCRP, which has received most of its budget from the US Agency for International Development (USAID).

A 2024-25 Frontline documentary series about Armando.info’s work in Venezuela, “A Dangerous Assignment,” made it clear the outlet’s staff were dedicated anti-Chavista operatives seemingly coordinating their work with the US government. The documentary chronicled the investigation by Lares Martiz and her colleague, Roberto Deniz, of the Colombian-born Venezuelan official Alex Saab, who had spearheaded a food importation program known as CLAP that aimed to prevent widespread hunger amid crushing American sanctions by providing food at below market value to the Venezuelan public. Published by the US government’s Public Broadcasting Service, “A Dangerous Assignment” received “investment support” from Luminate, an NGO founded by US intelligence-adjacent billionaire Pierre Omidyar.

In 2020, Saab was abducted under orders from US authorities following a series of Armando.info reports accusing him of using the CLAP program as an avenue for corruption. He was released from US federal prison through a December 2023 prisoner swap. By this point, Armando.info’s leadership had left Venezuela following lawsuits by Attorney General Tarek William Saab.

In the aftermath of Maduro’s abduction, the Armando.info team is homing in on Saab once again, and apparently working to whip up a dossier on the newly-inaugurated president.

But during the OCCRP webinar, Lares Martiz conceded that she lacks compromising information on Delcy Rodriguez and her brother, Jorge: “they are hardly [in any] cases of corruption that I have written [about], or in Armando.info, or even OCCRP has investigated.”

But she suggested that US intelligence is actively investigating Venezuela’s state oil company in search of dirt on Venezuela’s new president. “Everything is related to corruption in PDVSA,” she remarked. “I think it’s going to be looked up very carefully.”

On January 16, Rodriguez met in her office with CIA Director John Ratcliffe. Later that month, CNN reported that the CIA “is poised to help actively manage the Trump administration’s dealings with Venezuela’s new leadership.”

(The Grayzone)

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Against Venezuela between 2017 and 2020, Donald Trump’s first administration implemented the most aggressive sanctions regime in contemporary history on an oil-producing country. The design of this policy, far from responding to human rights concerns as officially alleged, attempted to paralyze the Venezuelan economy.

A study by Francisco Rodríguez on the subject documents that the fall in Venezuelan oil production accelerated from a 1% loss per month in January 2016–August 2017 to a loss of 3.1% per month for the following 16 months. Thus, if the financial sanctions of August 2017 had not existed, oil production would have remained stable. The sanctions resulted in an estimated loss of between 616,000 and 1.23 million barrels per day.

Trump 1.0: acceleration of Venezuelan oil decline

US Executive Order 13808 of August 2017 was the first direct impact against PDVSA’s financial circuit, restricting access to international financing and freezing assets under US jurisdiction. This measure specifically affected companies with access to external financing, which represented 46% of the loss of production attributable to sanctions.

The second blow came in January 2019 with the designation of PDVSA (Venezuela’s publicly owned petroleum company) as a sanctioned entity and the recognition of the parallel government of Juan Guaidó, which caused an additional contraction of 35.2% in production between January and March of that year.

The third phase, the secondary sanctions of February–March 2020 against Russian and Mexican companies in charge of international marketing, generated a fall of 55.7% between February and June 2020.

Impact of the sanctions imposed by Trump 1.0 on PDVSA’s value chain: graph made with public data. Photo: Misión Verdad.

The mechanism of destruction operated through multiple pathways. The confiscation of Citgo, valued at approximately US $8 billion, deprived Venezuela of US $900 million per month in dividends and the ability to acquire diluents necessary to process Venezuelan extra-heavy crude oil.

The price differential between Venezuelan Merey crude oil and Brent reached discounts of up to 40% in 2018, with sales prices of US $18 per barrel in 2020 compared to US $41 for the international benchmark.

Estimated differential between crude oil markers due to sanctions until 2021: graph made with public data. Photo: Misión Verdad.

President Nicolás Maduro revealed in September 2020 that Venezuela lost 99% of its oil revenues between 2014 and 2019, a fall that some analysts compared to that of an economy under conventional military conflict.

Stages of the United States attack on PDVSA until 2023: graph made with public data. Photo: Misión Verdad.

PDVSA’s value chain suffered an impact of 70.83% on its operational effectiveness. Sequential sanctions affected exploration, production, refining, and trade, restricting access to technology, spare parts, and specialized services. The withdrawal of service providers such as Halliburton, Schlumberger and Baker Hughes—limited to mere asset preservation operations—left the industry without preventive maintenance capacity. The number of operational oil platforms fell into direct correlation with production, showing that the collapse did not correspond to external management factors but to the material impossibility of operating under extreme financial and commercial restrictions.

Oil platforms and crude oil production in Venezuela: graph made with public data. Photo: Misión Verdad.

The progressive recovery of VenezuelaThe Venezuelan response to the US siege configured a process of energy geopolitical reconfiguration with global implications. In 2020, the Venezuelan government, led by President Maduro, implemented the Comprehensive Productive Recovery Plan (PRIP), structured in four phases: containment of the fall, stabilization of production, sustained recovery, and growth.

Recovery of oil production in Venezuela: graph made with public data. Photo: Misión Verdad.

The vice president at that time, Delcy Rodríguez, emphasized in 2025 that “Venezuela’s oil and gas production is maintained, and in the process of recovery, with its own efforts, which is the path that should guide us, there is no other way.” In addition, she has defended the Venezuelan right to cooperation with friendly countries, particularly China, Russia, and Iran.

Official data from the Central Bank of Venezuela indicate that oil production grew by 18.23% in the first quarter of 2025, reaching levels above 800,000 barrels per day according to direct communications from PDVSA to OPEC. This recovery was developed through the activation of the Productive Councils of Oil Workers (CPTP), the rehabilitation of critical infrastructure, and the replacement of pipes in Lake Maracaibo. The Anti-Blockade Law of October 2020 created the legal framework for commercial operations under exceptional conditions, allowing the diversification of export routes to Asian markets.

Strategic cooperation with Iran was particularly crucial. The exchange of Venezuelan crude oil for Iranian gasoline, publicly documented since 2020, allowed the internal supply of fuels to stabilize while rebuilding national refining capacity. China, through the National Oil Corporation (CNP), and Russia, via Rosneft, maintained operations in joint ventures that became “islands of productivity” within the sector. These strategic partnerships made it possible to reduce dependence on Western markets and establish alternative marketing mechanisms, although with financial costs exceeding 30% as a result of secondary sanctions.

The operational recovery produced in measurable macroeconomic results. Venezuela’s GDP grew by 9.32% in the first quarter of 2025, marking 16 consecutive quarters of expansion and closing 2024 with an annual growth of 8.54%.

According to the Preliminary Overview of the Economies of Latin America and the Caribbean 2025, presented by the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), Venezuela was one of the countries with the highest growth in the region in 2024 (8.5%) and 2025 (6.5%), far exceeding the regional average (2.3-2.4%). This trajectory, developed in parallel with the relative containment of inflation (at 130% in 2018) to double-digit levels today, shows that the Venezuelan economy managed to adapt operationally to the sanctions regime through the reconstruction of alternative marketing chains and the strengthening of South–South cooperation.

The strategy of de-dollarization of oil sales has been a direct response to evade the financial architecture of the OFAC, linking national production to an emerging power bloc that challenges the hegemony of the petrodollar.

Venezuelan oil: a vital part of a systemic competitionLast January, the National Assembly approved the Partial Reform Law of the Hydrocarbons Organic Law, an instrument that redefines the framework for participation in the Venezuelan oil sector. The reform maintains the public domain of the deposits while introducing mechanisms of contractual flexibility: it allows the participation of private companies domiciled in Venezuela in primary activities, establishes royalties of up to 30% and integrated taxes of up to 15%, and incorporates international arbitration clauses for dispute resolution. The maximum duration of joint ventures is set at 25 years, extendable for an additional 15, with the return of assets to the state at the end of the contracts.

This legislative reform acquires particular relevance in the face of the plans announced by the Trump administration after the US military attack on Venezuela of January 3, 2026, that resulted in the abduction of President Maduro and the first lady, Cilia Flores. Although the legislative reform seeks to attract investment, it establishes state control frameworks and fiscal conditions that prioritize sovereignty and the recovery of national operational capacity not delivery of assets.

The criminal episode created a conjuncture of uncertainty but did not alter some structural difficulties. Trump’s plans, classified as “a break with precedents to take control,” depend on a political and legal strategy and on the will of corporations that today look more suspiciously at geopolitical risks.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio detailed a three-phase plan—stabilization, recovery and transition—that would include the US obtaining and selling Venezuelan oil and controlling the income in order to allegedly “benefit the Venezuelan people.” However, the viability of this scheme faces significant structural obstacles:

1. Years of sanctions have left the petroleum industry with a prolonged lack of access to capital and regular maintenance, so the need for massive investments in rehabilitation deters corporations, which evaluate legal risks—sanctions could be reinstated given Trump’s ambiguity—and huge operations.
2. Operating joint ventures maintain existing contracts with counterparts from China, Russia, and Iran, and the unilateral termination of these contracts would involve considerable legal and commercial costs.
3. The reform of the Hydrocarbons Law of 2026 establishes that the ownership of the deposits remains inalienable, limiting the scope of any transaction that aims to transfer strategic control of the resource.
4. The experience of sanctions has shown that Venezuelan oil marketing can operate with relative autonomy from Western financial circuits, reducing the effectiveness of coercion as a foreign policy instrument.

US sanctions, far from consolidating Washington’s energy hegemony, accelerated the diversification of Venezuela’s partners towards powers that compete directly with the United States globally.

Trump’s attempt to force PDVSA to act according to Washington’s interests collides with reality: Venezuelan oil infrastructure no longer depends exclusively on US technology. The presence of strategic partners in the Orinoco Belt and the current debts with non-Western creditors act as a natural brake. In addition, the sanctions that Trump himself imposed in his first term destroyed the logistical bridges that their corporations would now need to operate efficiently.

Beyond Trump’s statements, the international context adds an additional variable of complexity. China’s advances in technological and energy sectors has resulted in Beijing taking the lead in 57 of 64 critical technologies between 2019 and 2023, including renewable energy, semiconductor manufacturing, and quantum computing. This reality transforms the dispute over Venezuelan oil into a component of a broader systemic competition, where the control of conventional energy resources is strategic for global energy dynamics.

The final paradox lies in the fact that the “maximum pressure” exerted by Trump in his first administration generated the conditions for a reconfiguration of the Venezuelan oil sector that could hinder the objectives of his second administration. The diversification of strategic partners and the updating of the legal framework create a scenario that is made more complicated by a transformed operational reality.

Venezuelan oil, far from constituting an accessible booty for the US, has become an indicator of the emerging energy multipolarity, where unilateral coercion loses effectiveness when faced with a diversification of alliances.

It is a battle that has ceased to be a bilateral issue to become a significant chapter in the reconfiguration of global power.

From Blockade to Asphyxiation: the US War on Cuba Enters Its Most Brutal Phase

(Misión Verdad)

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/CB/SL

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All airlines that operate flights from Colombia and Mexico are maintaining their flights to Cuba, reported Cuban embassies in both nations.

Air travel from Colombia and Mexico to Cuba remains regular, the Cuban ambassador to Mexico and the embassy of that country in Colombia reported through public statements.

Airlines have also disseminated information in this regard.

On Sunday, Cuba announced that it would not be able to supply fuel to flights that landed at its airports. Several airlines, especially from Europe, began to make stopovers on their flights, reduce their frequencies, or cancel them.

Wingo and Copa Airlines announced that they will maintain their flights from Bogotá, while Aeromexico, Viva, and Volaris will continue to fly from Mexico City, Monterrey, Mérida, and Cancun.

The Spanish airlines Air Europa and Iberia, with daily routes to Havana, reported that from now on their flights will include a technical stop to refuel in the Dominican Republic.

Air Canada, Canada’s main airline, announced the immediate suspension of its services to Cuba.

From Blockade to Asphyxiation: the US War on Cuba Enters Its Most Brutal Phase

(Misión Verdad)

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/CB/SL

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Caracas (OrinocoTribune.com)—Venezuelan Acting President Delcy Rodríguez has received the secretary of energy for the US empire, Christopher Wright, to review a mutually beneficial energy agenda. The meeting, broadcast by Venezolana de Televisión (VTV), focused on strategic cooperation within the framework of Venezuela’s energy sovereignty and the historical bilateral relationship between the two nations.

The high-level meeting held in Miraflores Palace this Wednesday, February 11, included Héctor Obregón Pérez, president of PDVSA, and Félix Plasencia, Venezuela’s appointed ambassador to the US. On the US side, Secretary Wright was accompanied by the US chief diplomat in Caracas, Laura Dogu.

Wright was received at the Simón Bolívar International Airport by Deputy Minister for Petroleum Paula Henao and Deputy Foreign Minister for Europe and North America Andrea Corao Farías. Analysts noted that the low-level reception protocol contrasts sharply with recent White House and mainstream media claims that the US has gained control over the Chavista government following the failed January 3 regime change operation led by the empire.

Aggression and shift in energy policy
The visit comes only 39 days after US troops bombed populated areas in Caracas, Miranda, La Guaira, and Aragua on January 3, killing more than 120 people. While US imperial forces kidnapped President Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Deputy Cilia Flores, they failed to achieve their objective of toppling the Chavista government.

Since those military attacks, Washington has been forced to acknowledge the tight grip of Chavismo and its massive popular support. In recent weeks, many of the illegal US sanctions and the blockade have been lifted. Experts suggest this shift reveals the true motivation behind the US aggression: a pursuit of control over Venezuela’s vast oil reserves rather than a so-called “war on drugs.”

While Wright participated in formal talks, Laura Dogu sparked diplomatic friction by posting a message on social media that pushed the “transition” narrative favored by Marco Rubio. Dogu claimed the visit was intended to advance a “three-phase plan” involving stabilization and “transition”—a clear and outright attempt at interference in Venezuela’s sovereign internal affairs that experts believe will trigger a forceful response from the Venezuelan Foreign Ministry.

A century of energy relations
Following the Miraflores Palace meeting, Rodríguez emphasized that the US and Venezuela have shared an energy relationship for nearly 150 years, dating back to asphalt extraction. She expressed hope for an agenda that is “beneficial and complementary” for both peoples, moving forward without setbacks despite historical divergences and the colonial policies of the US entity.

Rodríguez also reported discussing projects in oil, gas, mining, and electricity with Wright to establish a long-term productive partnership.

Secretary Wright claimed he brought a message from US President Donald Trump regarding a commitment to “transform” the relationship. He spoke of a broader agenda to “make the Americas great again” through trade and prosperity, seemingly ignoring the bloody military assault launched by the US just weeks prior.

Wright also addressed the easing of illegal sanctions, noting that the continuous issuance of strategic licenses is allowing Venezuelan companies to acquire inputs and boost production. He omitted, however, that these restrictions were the direct result of the US-led illegal blockade.

There Will Be No Presidential Elections in Venezuela Until 2031

Friction with the US cabinet
The dialogue with Wright follows a recent clash between Rodríguez and US Treasury Secretary Bessent. On January 26, Rodríguez condemned Bessent’s “irrelevant and offensive” comments claiming the US empire would “order” elections in Venezuela. She reaffirmed that the Venezuelan people do not accept orders from external factors and that the sovereign government obeys only its citizens.

Secretary Wright, a millionaire and founder of Liberty Energy, is a leading figure in the controversial fracking sector. Confirmed to his position by the US Senate on February 3, 2025, Wright has previously denied that Washington’s interest in Venezuelan oil motivated the January 3 bombings—a claim that contradicts public statements made by Donald Trump, Marco Rubio, and Pete Hegseth. Wright is expected to visit Chevron facilities at the Petroindependencia and Petropiar joint ventures in Anzoátegui on Thursday.

Special for Orinoco Tribune by staff

OT/JRE/AU

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During a diplomatic ceremony in Caracas for the 47th anniversary of the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, Venezuela’s Foreign Minister Yván Gil delivered a message of solidarity and support to the West Asian nation.

“The destiny of our people will not be determined by bombs or missiles, it will not be determined by aircraft carriers,” he stated this Tuesday, February 10. “Our destiny is defined and guaranteed by our morality, by our ethics, and by our values, which are superior to any weapon of war.”

En nombre del Gobierno Bolivariano, nos complace haber sido parte de la celebración del 47 aniversario de la Revolución Islámica de Irán, que el de febrero de 1979 puso fin al régimen monárquico. Agradecemos al embajador de Irán, Ali Chegini, por una velada que enalteció los… pic.twitter.com/3DOG61yIjy

— Yvan Gil (@yvangil) February 11, 2026

During the event, Gil emphasized that the future of Tehran and Caracas “is peace with social justice; peace with solidarity; peace with growth.” He also highlighted that the relations between the two countries remain open and are aimed at achieving the collective well-being of their peoples.

“It is always said that friends are there for you in good times and bad,” Gil explained. “Iran has always been with us, in good times and bad.”

The Iranian ambassador accredited to Venezuela, Ali Chegini, reiterated his nation’s opposition to the dominant intentions of the West, and recalled that the “Islamic Revolution defeated a dictatorial regime that worked in favor of the interests of imperialism.”

Venezuela’s Ernesto Villegas Urges Empathy for Prisoners and Their Families

Following the bombing carried out by US imperial troops against populated areas of Caracas, Miranda, La Guaira, and Aragua, on January 3, which left more than 120 dead and ended with the kidnapping of President Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Deputy Cilia Flores, US colonialism has intensified aggressions and threats against various nations, including Iran and Cuba, among others.

On January 26, Iranian Defense Ministry spokesman Reza Talai Nik warned that Iran’s defensive capabilities had developed significantly and that “in the event of any aggression against the country, whether by the US or the Zionist regime, the response will be more forceful and painful than in the past.” His remarks came amid threats of US military intervention against Iran.

(Diario Vea) by Yonaski Moreno

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/JRE/AU

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With astonishing speed amid so many postponed emergencies, the reform of the Organic Law on Hydrocarbons, enacted in 2006 by President Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías, has been approved. Amending the work of such a towering figure requires prudence and restraint. Let us examine the result.

First of all, what stands out is the unconstitutional attempt to repeal Article 151 of the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic through Article 8 of a simple law, which proposes:

Article 8. Any doubts or disputes of any nature that may arise in connection with the activities covered by this Law and that cannot be resolved amicably by the parties may be decided by the competent courts of the Republic or through alternative dispute resolution mechanisms, including mediation and independent arbitration.

This article directly contradicts Article 151 of the Venezuelan Constitution:

Article 151. In the public interest contracts, unless inapplicable by reason of the nature of such contracts, a clause shall be deemed included even if not expressed, whereby any doubts and controversies which may raise concerning such contracts and which cannot be resolved amicably by the contracting parties, shall be decided by the competent courts of the Republic, in accordance with its laws and shall not on any grounds or for any reason give rise to foreign claims.

There is no doubt that the Constitution of the Republic is the Supreme Law of the Nation and therefore cannot be repealed by a lesser legal norm. Contracts on hydrocarbons are in the public interest, as Article 12 of our Constitution considers them to be “public domain assets”:

Article 12. Mineral and hydrocarbon deposits of any nature that exist within the territory of the nation, beneath the territorial sea bed, within the exclusive economic zone and on the continental sheaf, are the property of the Republic, are of public domain, and therefore inalienable and not transferable. The seacoasts are public domain property.

Articles 103, 126, paragraph 12, and 136, paragraphs 8 and 10, as well as Article 156, paragraphs 12 and 16 of the Constitution assign the same classification of public interest and public domain to mines and hydrocarbons.

This is a harmonious development of what Article 1 of our Constitution considers “Fundamental Principles”: immunity, the sovereign power not to be subject to foreign courts or jurisdictional bodies to decide disputes of internal public interest: “The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela is irrevocably free and independent, basing its moral property and values of freedom, equality, justice and international peace on the doctrine of Simón Bolívar, the Liberator. Independence, liberty, sovereignty, immunity, territorial integrity and national self-determination are unrenounceable rights of the Nation.”

These are not mere abstract principles. Sovereignty is the absolute and perpetual power of a political body to make its own laws, enforce them, and resolve for itself any disputes that may arise from their application. A state that loses any of these powers ceases to be sovereign and independent. This is what happens when we agree to resolve disputes over internal public interest issues not through our courts and laws, but “through alternative dispute resolution mechanisms, including mediation and independent arbitration.” Precisely because we handed over the resolution of the dispute concerning our sovereignty over Guayana Esequiba to “independent arbitration” [in 1899], that territory was taken from us.

Venezuela has systematically lost almost all disputes on matters of public interest brought before foreign bodies, which is why we withdrew from the infamous ICSID (International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes, part of the World Bank) and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR, part of the OAS).

In short, if we allow external courts to decide on matters of public interest, how can we oppose foreign courts also judging our legitimate President Nicolás Maduro Moros and his wife, Congresswoman Cilia Flores, according to foreign laws?

The law we are examining includes numerous other objectionable proposals. Among them, Article 34 establishes that the creation of joint ventures and their operating conditions require only the mere “notification” of the National Assembly, which has no decision-making powers in matters so fundamental to the interests of the nation.

Articles 35, 36, 37, 38, and 40 [of the reform] progressively grant joint ventures and minority partners authority for the extraction, management, and commercialization of hydrocarbons, which Article 302 of our Constitution reserves for the Republic:

Article 302. The State reserves to itself, through the pertinent organic law, and for reasons of national expediency, the petroleum industry and other industries, operations and goods and services which are in the public interest and of a strategic nature. The State shall promote the domestic manufacture of raw materials deriving from the exploitation of nonrenewable natural resources, with a view to assimilating, creating and inventing technologies, generating employment and economic growth and creating wealth and wellbeing for the people.

Article 41 of the aforementioned law authorizes private companies to carry out the “integrated management” of exploitation, receiving crude oil as payment, which displaces PDVSA and the State from their decisive functions in the industry, as set forth in the aforementioned Article 302 of our Constitution.

Article 52 of the recently approved reform empowers the executive branch to reduce the amount of royalties at will when it is demonstrated “to its satisfaction” that the project’s economic needs justify it. It should be noted that the previous [2006] law allowed the nation to receive between 60% and 65% in royalties and taxes, while the provisions of the recently amended law allow multinationals to reduce this contribution to below 15%, depending on the category of assets and activity. This represents a significant reduction in public revenue from this source of up to 50% in favor of private operators, almost all of which are foreign.

Article 56 of the recently amended law defines a 15% “integrated hydrocarbon tax” but the executive is also allowed to reduce it at its discretion. Ultimately the national fiscal share can go down from 65% to 25%.

On the sensitive issue of royalties, Andrés Giuseppe noted in a study dated January 28, 2026 (Poli-data.com):

This report thoroughly analyzes the premise that royalties, as compensation for the depletion of a non-renewable asset, should be inalienable and non-negotiable, and argues that any incentives for the industry should be limited to the scope of taxes on profits and not to the owner’s gross share. (…) The transition from the current legal framework to the 2026 proposal represents a significant change in the protection of oil revenues. While the [2006] law strictly limits the conditions under which payments to the State can be reduced, the reform expands the discretion of the National Executive. The 2026 reform introduces greater flexibility that, in practice, weakens the concept of royalties as a “floor” for state participation. Under the 2006 law, the reduction to 20% was restricted to specific fields with proven geological difficulties; in contrast, the new Article 52 allows the National Executive to reduce the royalty at its discretion for any project, provided that the lack of economic viability is demonstrated “to its satisfaction” (,,,) The oil royalty, historically linked to jus regale, represents the compensation that the exploiter of a non-renewable natural resource owes to the State for the right to extract and appropriate an asset that belongs to the public domain. In Venezuelan doctrine, this concept is based on Article 12 of the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, which establishes that hydrocarbon deposits are public property, inalienable, and imprescriptible.

The royalty, therefore, is non-negotiable and cannot be diverted from its spirit, purpose, and rationale to satisfy other legal obligations arising from different causes and motivations. Furthermore, the Organic Law on National Public Finance establishes: “Article 5. Under no circumstances is compensation against the Treasury admissible, regardless of the origin and nature of the credits to be compensated.”

Compensation is an institution of private law whereby an individual can extinguish a debt with another individual by offsetting it against a debt that he or she has with that individual. As we can see, the Organic Law on National Public Finance itself, which has specific jurisdiction in tax matters, categorically prohibits it, which means that a citizen cannot cancel the payment of royalties on the grounds that he or she used that debt to satisfy another obligation.

In summary, numerous provisions of the recently reformed Organic Law on Hydrocarbons tend to diminish the Republic’s exclusive jurisdiction over hydrocarbon exploitation, enabling a gradual privatization of the industry. Other provisions make significant reductions in public revenue dependent on the discretion of officials, which do not take into account the real value of the hydrocarbons extracted but rather the alleged economic situation of the private company involved in the project. The overal result will be to significantly reduce the revenue generated by these resources, jeopardizing the financial management of state oil company PDVSA and that of the Republic itself.

Translated and with minor edits by Venezuelanalysis.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Venezuelanalysis editorial staff.

Source: Luis Britto García

The post The Venezuelan Organic Law on Hydrocarbons appeared first on Venezuelanalysis.

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The Secretary General of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), Diosdado Cabello, announced that preparations for the National Popular Consultation on March 8, 2026 are progressing with resounding success.

During a press conference held by the ruling party on Monday, Cabello reported that over 90% of the community projects have been uploaded to the official platform, totaling more than 32,000 proposals originating directly from the grassroots.

He also highlighted that this process follows the instructions of the acting president, Delcy Rodríguez, who maintains an active territorial supervision agenda to ensure compliance with the goals of communal self-government set for this first quarter of the year.

The People’s Power mobilized in assemblies
Furthermore, he emphasized that the number of projects is the result of a massive nationwide effort, where the people have held assemblies to define their priorities. This exercise in participatory democracy aims to allow communities to choose, through direct voting, the projects that will be financed by the State.

Acting President Promotes Communal Economy at National Meeting in Caracas

According to Cabello, the popular organization has once again demonstrated its management capacity by meeting the technical deadlines for submitting solutions in the areas of public services, health, and education within their respective territories.

“The people have done what they always do: carrying out the projects, holding the assemblies… there are already more than 32,000 heading towards the Popular Consultation,” he emphasized.

(Venezuela News)

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/JB/SH

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Ernesto Villegas, Minister of Culture and coordinator of the Program for Coexistence and Peace, called on the different sectors of the country, including the opposition and Chavismo, to listen to each other and understand each other’s experiences within the framework of the polarization and conflict that have been experienced in recent years, in the context of the meetings for the proposed Amnesty Law.

On the program “A Pulso” on Venezolana de Televisión (VTV), hosted by journalist Julio Riobó, Villegas stated: “So many years of polarization have generated entropy,” which he compared to “bubbles, in which one part of the country has been relating only to its own, nurturing a narrative that does not consider the narrative of another bubble.”

“In recounting what we have experienced in recent years, we have perhaps not been broad enough to incorporate the perspective of others, and we have constructed narratives that have been completely antagonistic. Going forward, we must try to make an effort to broaden our perspective and ensure that our narratives include what has happened to others,” Villegas explained.

For example, he commented on how, in a recent meeting that included people from opposing groups, such as Giseth Cabrera (a journalist from VTV) and the former president of Fedecámaras, Ricardo Cussano, the latter was moved by Giseth Cabrera’s account of how she and her son experienced the bombing in Ciudad Tiuna on January 3rd, because he really did not know the harsh experiences of the inhabitants of the sector.

“That account didn’t fit into the narrative Cussano had heard,” Villegas explained. “He told me, ‘What I’m thinking is, how am I going to tell this to my family?’ Opposition groups don’t consider the other side’s perspective, and we must also be self-critical and acknowledge that we haven’t considered the plight of those deprived of their freedom either.”

The minister proposed a “peace regularization treaty” among Venezuelans. “Our country deserves it.”

Being open to the pain of those who have been deprived of liberty
Villegas called for an end to expressions that disregard the stories of our fellow human beings, “because this implies, in some way, insensitivity to the pain of others.”

“We must open ourselves to the pain of our fellow citizens who have also had to go through these experiences, and I’m not just referring to those who have been deprived of their freedom, but also to their families. We must open our hearts to all these tragic stories and keep them in mind, because we have lived them and continue to live them.”

He indicated that fellow Chavistas have been imprisoned and have suffered, and continue to suffer, from these circumstances, to which we must be sensitive. “Personally, and I know that the acting President shares a similar sentiment: We are not friends of prison. Deprivation of liberty is a terrible thing… freedom is also sacred.”

They followed political leaders in inappropriate behavior
Journalist Riobó asked if there was any possibility of granting benefits to those who committed violent acts, such as the murder of Orlando Figuera, who was burned alive during the guarimbas, or violent protests, of 2017. Villegas responded that the individual responsible for Figuera’s death is wanted by Venezuela and is currently under protection in Spain, and that his extradition to Venezuela is being requested so he can be tried and held accountable. He emphasized that the Amnesty Law will not benefit anyone who has committed intentional homicide.

“I’m referring to other men and women who, lacking that kind of responsibility, often followed their leaders in attitudes and behaviors that unfortunately led them to where they are, but they don’t have that level of responsibility. They aren’t even the bosses.”

He indicated that some people are arrested without significant responsibility for violent acts and “end up paying the price for others. They deserve consideration. Of course, there has to be remorse and repentance. You’re not going to be lenient with someone who goes out with a grenade or a knife to kill you. There has to be a balance. It’s like a dance: there has to be a harmony between those who benefit from such a measure and those who grant it.”

“It’s not just about making demands. There are factors that are presented in a demanding tone with a lot of requirements, but one is left waiting for some word of correction.”

“We cannot say that we have nothing to rectify,” the minister emphasized. “I believe that no one in this country can say they are exempt from making corrections in this regard. Let’s see where we can rectify things. I would say: rectify everything that needs rectifying, in order to achieve a climate of peace and democratic coexistence in Venezuela, which does not mean impunity” for serious crimes such as intentional homicide, drug trafficking, or corruption.

Mistakes have been made
When asked if mistakes had been made in the arrest of people, Villegas replied: “Of course, brother. How can anyone believe that no mistakes were made when arresting someone?”

Journalist Julio Riobó pressed Villegas on whether people were being held who shouldn’t be, to which Villegas replied: “Absolutely. I assure you. Statistically speaking. If neurosurgeons make mistakes, wouldn’t a justice system composed of countless people also make them? Whether by mistake or not, it’s also due to a political necessity to give Venezuela a chance to live in peace.” He noted that some people were detained because their arrest was related to illegal conduct, but today they are in a position to accept an amnesty that would entail redress for their actions.

“It’s not as some say, that everyone who is deprived of their liberty is absolutely innocent, because that’s not true. And it’s not a carte blanche for repeating illegal activities either.”

Don’t go out with ‘the hatchet of war’
He asked those who benefit from the Amnesty Law to commit to building a Venezuela of peace and coexistence, not to go out “with the hatchet of war, nor to dynamite the process from which they have benefited, nor to kill in the cradle the baby of this amnesty, which has not even been approved.”

He indicated that he has met with several non-governmental organizations (NGOs). “We greeted Provea at the Commission headed by Jorge Arreaza,” although he couldn’t stay because he had another meeting. He also met with Foro Cívico and Javier Tarazona, with relatives of detainees, and with people who had been released from prison. They are also seeking to meet with media outlets, journalists, and influencers.

What Does Venezuela’s Amnesty for Democratic Coexistence Bill Propose?

“We hope to continue doing so within a framework of respect.” He said that “there has been a lot of demand for the State to rectify the situation,” but asked that there also be a spirit of rectification among those participating in these meetings. He noted that these people should be listened to with respect, hoping that they, in turn, will express respect for their interlocutor.

Regarding the accusations that certain NGOs charge people or commit irregularities, he indicated that it will be up to the authorities to determine that, and that their role is different.

Amnesty is different from pardon
He also explained that amnesties are based on a list of facts, not names. Lawyers must go to the appropriate courts, and those convicted for participating in such acts are granted amnesty. This is different from pardons, which are personal, as was the case with the pardons granted by then-President Rafael Caldera to those involved in the events of February 4, 1992.

He indicated that they are working on a multidimensional approach to peace. They met with Fedecámaras, which currently has a constructive position, offering proposals and positions to contribute to political and economic peace.

(Alba Ciudad)

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/JB/SH

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By Daniel Ruiz Bracamonte – Feb 10, 2026

Washington deploys warships to consolidate the power of businessman Alix Didier Fils-Aimé after dissolving the council that attempted to remove him. The promised elections are now secondary to the military occupation scheme advancing across the Caribbean.

Three US warships anchored off Port-au-Prince marked the end of the last vestige of governmental autonomy in Haiti. On February 7, after weeks of diplomatic pressure and direct threats, the Transitional Presidential Council (TPC) was dissolved as demanded by Washington, consolidating the absolute power of Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils-Aimé, a controversial businessman who has never been elected.

The operation began on February 1, when the USS Stockdale—a guided-missile destroyer designed for multi-mission operations—arrived in the capital’s bay alongside the patrol boats USCGC Stone and USCGC Diligence. Southern Command justified the military presence as a “firm commitment to security,” while the embassy promised a “safer and more prosperous Haiti.”

On January 23, Secretary of State Marco Rubio directly conveyed to Fils-Aimé the order to dissolve the TPC “without interference caused by internal divisions.” The message came at a critical moment: five of the seven voting members of the Council had demanded the prime minister’s resignation just two weeks earlier, accusing him of failing in his role as the country prepared for its first elections in a decade.

“The Secretary added that the TPC must be dissolved before February 7, without corrupt actors seeking to interfere,” said State Department spokesman Tommy Pigott. The irony was not lost on anyone: Washington was talking about “corrupt actors” while defending an official accused of misappropriating public funds and surrendering national sovereignty.

Rubio reaffirmed that Fils-Aimé should remain prime minister to combat “terrorist” gangs and “stabilize” the country, ignoring the fact that the majority of Haitians do not recognize him as the legitimate authority. The US embassy described any attempt to alter the government’s composition as a “threat to regional stability,” warning that it would take “appropriate measures.” The military flotilla reinforced the ultimatum.

Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils-Aimé, a man who wields absolute power without popular legitimacy. Photo: EFE.

Fils-Aimé, a communications entrepreneur and Boston University graduate, never won an election. His only attempt failed in 2016 when he ran for a Senate seat. His first speech as the highest authority revealed his loyalties: he spoke in French for the first half, a language mastered only by the elite, while the vast majority speak Creole. “He was addressing foreigners and privileged sectors, not the people,” notes a publication by Brasil de Fato.

The popular radio station Radio Rezistans reported that the prime minister is diverting $35,000 a month from public funds to pay lobbyists at the State Department. He also signed a 10-year contract worth hundreds of millions of dollars with the private security firm of Eric Prince, former director of Blackwater.

This agreement hands over control of Haitian customs and borders to foreign mercenaries under the pretext of “modernization.” The documents are under review by the Superior Court of Accounts, while social organizations are demanding a halt to what they consider a systematic surrender of sovereignty.

Haitian journalist Reyneld Sanon asserts that the prime minister “doesn’t govern the country; he’s a servant of the US imperialist agenda.” According to Sanon, Fils-Aimé, along with Secretary of State Mario Andresol and Police Director Vladimir Paraison, maintain ties with criminal gangs and enjoy the support of foreign embassies.

The Caribbean under siege: the pattern of intervention
The Organization of American States (OAS) legitimized the institutional coup on February 10. “Considering that the mandate of the Presidential Transitional Council concluded on February 7, 2026, the General Secretariat recognizes that Prime Minister Didier Fils-Aimé and his cabinet will head the interim period,” the organization declared, echoing Washington’s rhetoric without questioning the legitimacy of the process consolidated through military pressure.

The three destroyers that forced the dissolution of Haiti’s transitional government are part of a pattern of militarization that Washington maintained across the Caribbean throughout 2025, under the Trump administration’s National Security Doctrine. The political and economic crisis that has plagued Haiti for decades worsened in 2021 with the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse, whose murder remains under investigation. Following the assassination, then-Prime Minister Ariel Henry assumed power, but his lack of legitimacy led to his replacement in 2024 by the TPC. The resulting power vacuum was exploited by criminal gangs that, in alliance with politicians and businesspeople, managed to control 90 percent of the capital. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) estimates that more than 1.4 million people were displaced by the violence in 2025.

Haiti has not held elections since 2016. Presidential and legislative elections are scheduled for August 30, with a potential runoff on December 6. But the promise of holding elections has been subordinated to the system of military domination. “Since US troops withdrew in 1934, there have only been free and democratic elections in 1990,” explains Sanon. “Imperialism controls the electoral processes and decides the results.”

In August 2025, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt confirmed the deployment of three ships with 4,000 troops to the region. The New York Times then revealed that Trump had secretly authorized the Pentagon to use military force against foreign drug cartels, laying the groundwork for direct military operations in foreign territories. The military activity escalated: warships, intimidating flyovers, the movement of military personnel, and weapons stockpiles at bases in Puerto Rico.

The culmination of this escalation occurred in the early hours of January 2, 2026, with Operation “Total Resolve,” which resulted in the capture of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores. It was the end of a long campaign of siege waged by Washington since Trump’s inauguration.

The new intervention force
On December 8, Fils-Aimé traveled to the United States to participate in a summit of countries that will contribute to the deployment of a Gang Suppression Force (GSF) in the Caribbean nation. The meeting brought together key partners: Canada’s ambassador to the UN, David Lametti, and US Deputy Secretary of State Chris Landau.

A contingent of Kenyan police officers in Haiti. The US embassy in the Haitian capital described any change in government as a “threat to regional stability.” Photo: EFE/Mentor David Lorens.

The GSF emerged in response to the ineffectiveness of the previous Kenya-led Multinational Security Support Mission (MSS) and seeks to accelerate more robust operations against criminal gangs. The Standing Partner Group, which oversees the GSF, includes the United States, Canada, Kenya, the Bahamas, Jamaica, Guatemala, and El Salvador. Rwanda has expressed interest in sending troops, while the European Union has provided initial resources.

Leadership rests with Jack Christofides, the UN Special Representative appointed on December 1, and Godfrey Otunge, a Kenyan officer serving as acting commander. The GSF is a mission not under UN control but supported by the organization, with a 12-month mandate focused on intelligence operations aimed at neutralizing, isolating, and deterring through the use of lethal force when necessary.

Echoes of the 19th century
Mexican intellectual Fernando Buen-Abad analyzes this doctrine from the perspective of critical semiotics: “This document cannot be read merely as a military or diplomatic plan; it is a Cognitive War or bourgeois Cultural Battle over the world economic and symbolic order; it is a new grammar of domination, a reordering of meanings about homeland, sovereignty, threat, identity, and power.”

Buen-Abad emphasizes that this is “an operation of symbolic hegemony: it redefines what is normal, desirable, legitimate; what is a threat, insecurity, decadence; what deserves protection, intervention, coercion. There is a commitment to the domestication of fear, to the militarization of the social imaginary, to the naturalization of xenophobia, to the reinterpretation of nationalism as a shield against chaos.”

Thus is established “a new semiotics of the police state, of the fortified border, of perpetual antagonism, of closed sovereignty, of homogeneous identity. It is an indispensable scenario for the dispute over meaning.”

Cuban thinker Raúl Capote draws historical parallels. The most severe naval blockade of the 19th century against Venezuela occurred in 1829-1830, after the dissolution of Gran Colombia. The Spanish government then equipped an expedition to reconquer territories in the Americas. The fleet, under the command of Admiral Ángel Laborde y Navarro, sailed from Cuba toward the Venezuelan coast.

Pan-African Activist Kémi Séba: Imperialist Nations, Not Haiti’s ‘Gangs,’ Are the Enemy

“The Spanish fleet intercepted and captured numerous merchant ships, both Venezuelan and from other nations, causing serious damage to trade. Spain, internationally isolated, did not dare to sustain a costly land invasion and finally gave in,” Capote explains.

There are also parallels with the blockade imposed by European powers between 1902 and 1903, which involved the confiscation of ships. “They bombarded fortifications, seized and sank ships of the Venezuelan navy. The British Empire, the German Empire, the Kingdom of Italy, and the United States were all involved,” he notes.

Haiti’s history thus records yet another chapter of foreign intervention: a failed transitional government is replaced by a man who concentrates absolute power without popular legitimacy, backed by missile destroyers and the endorsement of regional organizations that normalize imposition through armed pressure. The same fleet that anchored off Port-au-Prince in February is the same force that laid siege to La Guaira months earlier. The same ships, the same doctrine, the same imperial script that has haunted the Caribbean since the 19th century like a heavily armed phantom.

(Telesur)

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/JB/SH

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