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Recordings appear to capture electoral official discussing altered tally sheets.
On Thursday, Honduran Public Ministry spokesperson Yuri Mora presented three new audio recordings that reveal irregularities during the Nov. 30 elections.
RELATED:
Honduran Leftist Candidate Calls for Protests, Rejects Election Results
In the recordings, which will be closely examined by the Electoral Crimes Unit, a female voice — apparently that of Cossette Lopez, a member of the National Electoral Council (CNE) — is heard expressing concern about the leak of the calls and the complaints filed by human rights organizations.
In one portion of the audio, the woman reacts in fear when the door to the room where she is located suddenly opens. “You know the instruction: one yes, one no, one yes, one no,” the female voice says, referring to the way electoral tally sheets were being handled. She then adds that there are some tally sheets “that they sent to ‘smudge.’ Those are the ones that matter to us.”
In the last of the released audio clips, she is heard giving instructions about what appears to be a cover story related to the credentials, asking the other person what they will say when questioned about them. “If they find out, we’re fried,” the woman concludes.
📍⚠️🔴#ELECCIONES2025~ Miroslava Cerpas, comisionada presidenta del Sistema Nacional de Emergencias 911, explicó a https://t.co/2aombOjlZd el patrón criminal con el que se habría intimidado a la población para condicionar el voto y favorecer al Partido Nacional, un comportamiento… pic.twitter.com/U4Iz6ziAhp
— Criterio.hn (@criteriohn) December 11, 2025
The text reads, “Miroslava Cerpas, president commissioner of the National 911 Emergency System, explained to Criterio the criminal pattern with which the population was intimidated to condition the vote and favor the National Party, a behavior that, she said, coincided with the pardon of former president Juan Orlando Hernandez. Cerpas presented to the Public Ministry 892 records with alleged evidence that would constitute electoral crimes, among them, preventing the exercise of suffrage, sabotaging the count, withholding identities and expelling polling station members to transmit records under the control of criminal groups. She warned that the Prosecutor’s Office should not investigate these events in isolation but as part of a coordinated plan in which organized crime operated at the national level and with possible intellectual authorship.“
In response to the revelations, Attorney General Johel Zelaya said the Public Ministry will continue supporting the work of the Electoral Crimes Unit. “The Public Ministry would never participate in planting fake audio… The truth reveals itself,” he stated.
The CNE has not yet issued the results of the general elections carried out on Nov. 30. Since then, Honduran electoral authorities have failed to dispel allegations of fraud that would benefit the right-wing presidential candidate backed by U.S. President Donald Trump.
On Wednesday, Luis Redondo, president of the Permanent Commission of the Honduran National Congress, condemned U.S. interference in the 2025 electoral process, which has also been accompanied by pressure from organized crime.
CNE co-director Lino Tomas Mendoza announced that the institution will begin a special review on Saturday of 2,773 tally sheets showing inconsistencies. This review could tip the balance in determining the president-elect after an election in which the two conservative candidates unexpectedly appeared at the top of the results.
#FromTheSouth News Bits | Honduras: The National Emergency System delivered conclusive evidence to the Public Prosecutor’s Office denouncing an intimidation campaign against free voting with the involvement of organized crime. pic.twitter.com/tiwyeU8OyZ
— teleSUR English (@telesurenglish) December 12, 2025
teleSUR/ JF
Sources: Criterio – EFE
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This article by Sergio Ocampo originally appeared in the December 12, 2025 edition of La Jornada, Mexico’s premier left wing daily newspaper.
Chilpancingo, Guerrero. Members of the Agrarian Council of the Ejido of Carrizalillo, in the municipality of Eduardo Neri, reported that the assembly decided to “completely close” the Los Filos mine, owned by the Canadian company Equinox Gold, after eight months of remaining in a camp outside the facilities due to not reaching agreements for the continuation of the operation of the deposit, which is located on their lands.
The decision, they said, also involves suspending “the irrigation system of the acidified solution that we have been responsibly managing” to avoid the environmental damage that an acid spill into the Balsas River would cause.
In a letter addressed to the head of the Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources (Semarnat), Alicia Bárcena; the agrarian attorney Víctor Suárez; the attorney for Environmental Protection, Mariana Boy Tamborrell; and the head of the Coordination Unit for Extractive Activities of the Ministry of Economy, Fernando Aboitiz, they pointed out that they are still waiting for a response in favor of their rights from the federal government and asked to be received by the authorities.
“It is a fact that for the past eight months the company has managed the conflict by making us believe that it is in a negotiation process, which, we have pointed out, offends us because of the deceitful stance with which it treats us. We insist that there are several flagrant and illegal acts of the company’s conduct that we do not understand why they have not been sufficient to bring it to order,” they stated.
They also considered that since there is no action related to the continuity of the project, the firm is obliged to begin the process of rehabilitating its lands, which they assume are activities attached to the mine closure and, they assure, should have begun at the end of March.
“These issues are in the hands of the Ministry of Economy and Semarnat, and we think it is appropriate to ask them if we will agree to this act of justice or not.”
Ejido members from Carrizalillo are still waiting for a favorable response from the federal government
Referring to the closure carried out last October by the Federal Attorney for Environmental Protection (PROFEPA) on five areas of said mine – dedicated to the extraction of gold – for having ignored corrective measures imposed since May, the ejido members considered that this decision means that the company “has committed environmental crimes”.
However, they indicated, “the company justifies its failure to address the issues raised by Profepa by citing impediments on our part to its entry, which makes no sense because it can resolve at least three of the issues without entering the ejido and has not done so.”
Regarding the areas “of attention related to entry into our ejido, we have delivered the proposal to both you and the company, which has not been considered by the firm even for discussion.”
They added that the company presented them with an option “where it is clearly observed that, having no legal requirements or consequences from the government for the illegal acts it commits, it has the luxury of offering us handouts… it is a rent of 50 pesos per day per hectare and limits it to a duration of only one month.
“That is to say, it does not even make a proposal to address the remediation according to the schedule of activities for this and the maintenance authorized by PROFEPA, activities that of course cannot be addressed in one month of work.”
The members of the agricultural committee said they did not understand “why the company is allowed to continue committing the environmental offenses for which it was partially shut down and is not sanctioned and permanently closed.”
“We also do not understand why they are not being forced to implement the closure and post-closure program once we have requested it, given the company’s refusal to discuss an agreement for continuity.”
On April 1st, Equinox Gold reported that it indefinitely suspended operations at its Los Filos mine, after the land access agreement it had with the community expired on March 31st.
The transnational company announced in a statement that the long-term agreements with the towns of Carrizalillo, Mezacala and Xochipala were “essential to provide the necessary economic and investment conditions to continue.”
The members of the Agrarian Council of the Carrizalillo ejido announced at the time that they remained open to dialogue to avoid any type of conflict; however, they indicated that the minutes for renewing the lease contracts for their lands used by the mine included a reduction in payments, with which they did not agree.
Carrizalillo Ejido’s Letter to the Mexican Government
Good afternoon, greetings from the Carrizalillo ejido’s agrarian council. We begin by informing you that we have just completed eight months of being camped out due to the lack of agreements regarding the continuation of mining operations at the Los Filos project, operated by Equinox Gold. Since then, we have been awaiting a response from the Mexican government, responsible for regulating this activity, that supports our rights.
It is a fact that for the past eight months the company has managed the conflict by leading us to believe that it is in a negotiation process, which we have pointed out to the company is offensive due to the deceitful stance with which it treats us. We insist that there are several blatant and illegal acts by the company, and we do not understand why these have not been sufficient to bring it to order.
Since there has been no action taken regarding the continuation of the project, the company is obligated to begin the process of rehabilitating our lands. We assume these activities are part of the mine closure and post-closure process, which should have been announced and initiated more than eight months ago. These matters are in the hands of the Ministry of Economy and the Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources (Semarnat), and we believe it is appropriate to ask them whether we will comply with this legal action.
The closure of the company signifies that it has committed environmental offenses related to environmental impacts. However, the company’s failure to address the issues identified by Profepa is “justified” by citing obstacles to our access, which makes no sense because at least three of the issues can be resolved without entering the ejido (communal land), and it hasn’t done so. As for the remaining issues, it is the company itself that is preventing us from reaching a solution to the sanction imposed by Profepa.
Regarding the issues related to access to our ejido, we have submitted a proposal to both you and the company, which the company has not even considered for discussion. For its part, the company presented us with a proposal—already shared with you—which clearly demonstrates that, lacking any legal recourse or consequences from the government for its illegal activities, it feels entitled to offer us handouts. The company’s proposal is a rental fee of 50 pesos per day per hectare, limited to a one-month rental period. In other words, it doesn’t even address the remediation work according to the schedule of activities authorized by Profepa (Federal Attorney for Environmental Protection), activities which, of course, cannot be completed in a single month.
We do not understand why the company is allowed to continue committing the environmental violations for which it was partially shut down, instead of being sanctioned and permanently closed. Nor do we understand why it is not being compelled to implement the closure and post-closure program, given our request and the company’s refusal to discuss an agreement for continued operations. In fact, considering the company’s legal non-compliance, we do not know what is preventing the execution of the guarantee (in the amount of money) related to the mine closure and post-closure plan and program, nor why administrative detentions have not been carried out and a contentious administrative lawsuit initiated before the Federal Court of Administrative Justice, now that more than 30 business days have passed since the closure began.
We are informing you that, as of today, our assembly has decided to completely shut down the mine’s operations. This entails closing the acidified solution irrigation system, which we have been responsibly managing to prevent environmental damage. However, if the company is allowed to continue freely violating environmental regulations, we, despite our deep concern for the environment, want to make it clear that it can never supersede our right to life—a right that no agency has forcefully prioritized or recognized as a constitutional obligation.
Given this situation, we feel we cannot continue to stand idly by, passively waiting to see if anything will happen to the impunity with which the company operates. If the company has permission to trample on our human and environmental rights, we believe it is necessary for you to tell us directly so that we can take the appropriate measures. We respectfully request that you make some time this week to meet with us at your offices.
Sincerely,
Mesa Agraria del Ejido de Carrizalillo
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Ejido Members “completely shut down” Canadian Mine in Guerrero
December 12, 2025December 12, 2025
Carrizalillo community members don’t understand why the Mexican government allows the Canadian corporation to continue committing environmental offenses for which Los Filos mine was previously shut down.
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The Return of Large Scale Mining in Mexico
December 2, 2025
Secretary of Economy Ebrard’s announcement at an Acapulco mining convention was welcome news for Canadian mining companies, who see in the Second Floor of the Fourth Transformation a possibility to return to the rapacious plunder of Mexican minerals of the neoliberal period.
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REMA Rejects Canadian Mining Corporations’ “Sustainable Mining” Standards as Sham
November 5, 2025
The organization stated the new standard promoted by the Canadian Chamber of Commerce in Mexico is a self-assessment mechanism covering up socio-environmental violations & favouring impunity for Canadian corporations.
The post Ejido Members “completely shut down” Canadian Mine in Guerrero appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
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Currently, Sushila Karki is at the head of the interim government.
On Friday, an investigation committee from the Nepali government estimated that the Gen Z protests in September, which left 77 dead and more than 2,400 injured, caused US$586 million of material damage.
RELATED:
Nepal’s Youth Movement Denounces Government’s Deepening Ties With Israel
The losses affected 2,168 public and government infrastructure projects, with 2,671 buildings damaged at US$273 million. In addition, 12,659 vehicles were destroyed, and the private sector suffered losses of US$233 million.
The report detailed that 20 people died on Sep. 8th, 37 citizens on the 9th, and 20 people in the following days. Among the 2,400 injured, 17 people were under 13 years old, and over 1,400 of them were under 28, which showcases the impact on Nepalese youth.
Of the total government damages, 68% occurred at the federal level, while provincial governments accounted for 10%. The investigation committee proposed a reconstruction plan with an estimated cost of US$252 million.
🚨LEAKED DOCS: 🇺🇲US gov's NED (via IRI) spent $100Ks training dozens of 🇳🇵Nepali youth in "protest & demonstration strategies" months before Sept 2025 violent coup that toppled Nepal's gov (The Grayzone)
Grayzone reported similar efforts by the IRI in 🇧🇩Bangladesh in Aug 2024 https://t.co/xiQjmunVhX pic.twitter.com/TDGotp2G3k
— Lisa Singh (@YakushinaLisa) December 12, 2025
On Nov. 21, youth from Nepal met with authorities after clashes with supporters of the previous government, which led to a two-day curfew. The meeting took place after the youth threatened to resume protests if supporters of the Communist Party of Nepal were not arrested.
Previously, a curfew had been reimposed in Simara, where protesters defied the order and clashed with police. Four protesters and six officers were injured, while security forces fired six rounds of tear gas and two warning shots in response to stone-throwing.
Nepal is currently governed by an interim administration headed by Sushila Karki, the first woman to hold the office of prime minister. She was appointed with the support of Generation Z to lead the country toward elections scheduled for March 2026.
#FromTheSouth News Bits | Nepal: The government lifted the national curfew imposed due to social unrest, after appointing Sushila Karki as the country's interim Prime Minister. pic.twitter.com/wCyA6I8H4S
— teleSUR English (@telesurenglish) September 16, 2025
teleSUR: JP
Source: EFE
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This editorial by José Romero Tellaeche originally appeared in the December 11, 2025 edition of Revista Contralínea. The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those ofMexico Solidarity Media*, or theMexico Solidarity Project.*
The transformation of CIDE (Center for Economic Research and Teaching) did not originate in a bureaucratic office or in the imagination of some isolated reformer. It was born in the National Palace, when President Andrés Manuel López Obrador —with his characteristic historical clarity—stated that this institution should cease being an enclave of neoliberal thought and reclaim its public vocation . It was the then-president who directly entrusted me with this task, convinced that CIDE should once again align itself, as it had in its origins, with the strategic interests of the Mexican State.
Even before the 2021 conflict, the President had clearly stated his diagnosis: CIDE had strayed from its public mission. In several morning press conferences, he pointed out that the institution had shifted to the right, that it was operating as a “second version of ITAM,” and that the State could no longer fund a center that—in practice—reproduced the interests of the private sector or trained personnel subservient to international financial institutions. He also reiterated that CIDE was founded to train public servants committed to the nation, not to legitimize IMF prescriptions or to subordinate its academic life to the criteria and hierarchies of Anglo-Saxon academia. This presidential diagnosis, formulated publicly, explicitly, and repeatedly, was not merely an opinion: it was the precise identification of an institutional deviation that the State had an obligation to correct. From this arose, precisely, the mandate that guides the transformation today: to reclaim CIDE for Mexico, for its intellectual sovereignty, and for a national development project.
That mandate entailed dismantling deeply entrenched inertia: closed structures, academic elites accustomed to perpetuating themselves, seminars transformed into personal fiefdoms, and an academic colonialism that subjected research, hiring, and incentives to the criteria of U.S. universities. Transforming that model without a single new position, without an extraordinary budget, and under the constant siege of groups that never accepted that Mexico had entered a new era was not—and is not—an easy task.
Administration: A Structural Battle
The President was emphatic: “CIDE must once again serve Mexico.” Not factional interests, not Anglo-Saxon academia, not those who sought to transform the institution into a republic independent of the state. The Presidential instruction was clear: reclaim CIDE for the nation, restore its vocation as a public center serving national development, and put an end to the model that had subordinated it to external agendas and academic circuits that had nothing to do with the country’s strategic needs.
From that mandate onward, a transformation began that unsettled those who had turned the center into their personal fiefdom. Without new positions or parallel structures, we had to do what reformers of the Mexican state have historically done: use the available tools intelligently. That is why we resorted to both competitions and invitations—both perfectly legal mechanisms—to bring in individuals capable of advancing the Presidential mission. The invitations were not arbitrary exceptions; they were strategic instruments for attracting researchers aligned with a national project.
Research is not an exercise in abstract neutrality, but a tool to strengthen the State, guide its actions, and expand its autonomy in the face of external pressures.
Those who criticize this mechanism today ignore an obvious truth: for decades, invitations served to place friends, perpetuate internal cliques, and maintain a closed circle . No one protested then. The difference is that now the invitations serve a purpose intolerable to these elites: to break their monopoly and open CIDE to researchers who don’t seek to please foreign departments, but rather to consider national development from a sovereign perspective.
The transformation hasn’t required new positions; it has required conviction and responsibility for the transformation. And that conviction translated into action: the creation of the Division of Development Studies (DED) and the profound reorganization of the Division of Multidisciplinary Studies (DEM). Within the DED, efforts were made to foster collaboration with Mexican productive sectors, strengthen national innovation, incorporate lines of research that for years had been marginalized due to ideological bias, and the study of Asian economic experiences aims to identify what can be adopted and adapted to Mexico’s needs. The DED (Development Studies Division) was created to study development from and for Mexico; while the new DEM (Development Studies Division) has moved beyond the neoliberal model and now operates from the perspectives of political economy, economic history, and structural analysis, as well as from Latin American critical thought.
It is false that CIDE was doomed to irrelevance. What was doomed was the model that placed the institution at the service of external agendas. The Presidential mandate demanded correcting that course, and so it has been done. Every act of resistance, every media campaign, every attack disguised as a defense of “autonomy ,” does not express democratic convictions: it expresses the fear of those who know that the country is changing and that they no longer dictate the agenda.
In 2024, CIDE terminated an agreement the institution had since 2014 with Tel Aviv University, condemning the zionist genocide of Palestinians.
The President’s intervention was not only legitimate; it was indispensable. Public institutions belong to the State and, therefore, to the people. They cannot be captured by private interests or by academic bureaucracies that appoint themselves guardians of knowledge. When the head of state identifies that an institution has strayed from its mission, he has an obligation to correct it. That is what Andrés Manuel López Obrador did: he restored CIDE as an instrument of the nation, not as a club disconnected from Mexican reality.
Not the sort of programming that endears one to the neoliberal handlers of the Hewlett Foundation.
The battle is not over, but the course has been set. The Presidential mandate is fulfilled through decisions, not speeches: reorganizing, opening up, inviting, building bridges when possible, and resisting when necessary. Transforming without new positions was not an obstacle: it was a test of character. And CIDE— despite the noise, the pressures, and the campaigns—is being reborn as a public institution in the deepest sense of the term.
Because what’s at stake isn’t just a research center: it’s Mexico’s right to think for itself and to build, based on its own historical experience, the analytical frameworks that will guide its development. CIDE can no longer be an automatic reproducer of foreign paradigms; it must become a genuine think tank for the Mexican state, capable of rigorously and strategically informing national decisions; a space where knowledge is generated from a nationalist perspective, committed to the public interest, and not from the comfort of imported agendas or intellectual dependencies that for decades limited our ability to imagine our own future.
We need a center that considers the country in its true terms: its productive structures, its industrial potential, its territorial challenges, its economic history, and its possibilities for sovereign integration into a world that is being reshaped. A center that trains and brings together thinkers committed to Mexico, who understand that research is not an exercise in abstract neutrality, but a tool to strengthen the State, guide its actions, and expand its autonomy in the face of external pressures.
That is precisely what inspires this transformation: the defense of Mexico’s right to produce its own ideas, to generate its own strategic knowledge, and to have public institutions that answer to the nation and not to factional interests or external academic circles. That has been, from day one, the spirit of the presidential mandate that guides and directs this task: to restore CIDE to its original function as an intellectual instrument of the Mexican State and a driving force of national thought for development.
José Romero is Director General of the Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas (CIDE), appointed by former President Andrés Manuel López Obrador. CIDE is a publicly-financed social sciences research center aiming to impact Mexico’s social, economic and political development.
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The Presidential Mandate & The Battle to Transform CIDE
December 12, 2025December 12, 2025
Despite entrenched, hostile forces, President AMLO’s push to transform the public institution CIDE from a bastion of neoliberalism to one which can consider national development from a sovereign perspective carries on.
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The 4T Speeds Up
December 12, 2025December 12, 2025
Today, President Sheinbaum has a much wider margin of action than her predecessor. It appears that the transformation will accelerate in the coming years.
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China Calls on Mexico to Reconsider Tariffs on its Products
December 11, 2025December 11, 2025
Under Article 32.10 of the USMCA, Mexico can only pursue a free trade agreement with a non-market economy like the People’s Republic of China if the US government approves.
The post The Presidential Mandate & The Battle to Transform CIDE appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
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Venezuela Condemns US Theft of Oil Tanker as Act of Piracy (+International Reactions)
(orinocotribune.com)
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British and Israeli Companies Are Getting Ready to Exploit Oil in the Malvinas
(www.telesurenglish.net)
Rockhopper and Navitas approve US$1.8 billion ‘Sea Lion’ project.
On Dec. 10, Rockhopper Exploration Plc and Navitas Petroleum Development and Production Limited announced their final investment decision to develop the “Sea Lion” oil field, located in the North Malvinas Basin, 218 kilometers north of the Malvinas archipelago.
RELATED:
The British Embassy Secretly Summoned Senior Argentine Military Officials
Controlled by British and Israeli capital, these companies also signed a charter contract for a Floating Production, Storage and Offloading (FPSO) unit.
The oil project in the Malvinas would require an initial investment of US$1.8 billion to reach first oil in 2028. Total investment is estimated at US$2.1 billion for an initial 35-year phase. In June 2025, the consulting firm Netherland, Sewell & Associates estimated reserves in the area at 917 million barrels.
On Thursday, Argentina’s Foreign Affairs Ministry formally rejected and labeled the decision “unilateral and illegitimate.” It stated that the oil project is being carried out “without the authorization of the competent Argentine authority” and noted that exploration and exploitation activities in disputed areas contravene United Nations General Assembly resolutions 2065 (XX) and 31/49.
These resolutions recognize the existence of a sovereignty dispute between Argentina and the United Kingdom and urge both parties to resume negotiations for a peaceful solution — something London has systematically refused to do.
“🔴Israel steals Argentine oil in the #Malvinas Islands
🔺The Zionist entity is part of the plundering structure in the South Atlantic, along with its British partners, through the Navitas company.
🎤 @SebaSalgadoOk, Tierra del Fuego” GT https://t.co/ysSBJWthgx
— Christian Nyumbayire (𖣂, 🇦🇶, 🏴☠️, 🏴, ♇) (@Chritchen) October 8, 2025
Previousley the Argentine Energy Secretariat had sanctioned Rockhopper and Navitas. The British company was barred from operating for 20 years under a 2013 resolution, while Navitas received a similar sanction in 2022.
Argentina warned that all individuals or legal entities participating in the project will be exposed to “administrative, legal and judicial measures, including sanctions, operational restrictions, disqualifications and actions in national and international jurisdictions.”
Meanwhile, the government of the Province of Tierra del Fuego, Antarctica and South Atlantic Islands expressed its support for the Argentine national government’s position.
“From Tierra del Fuego, we reiterate the need for the Argentine Foreign Ministry to adopt all diplomatic, political and legal measures necessary to stop this illegal action,” said Andres Dachary, the province’s Secretary of International Affairs.
“These measures will have the unanimous support of the Argentine people,” he said and reaffirmed the “historic and unwavering commitment to the defense of Argentine sovereignty.”
Argentina considers the British administration of the Malvinas to be an illegal occupation of its territory and has received broad international backing. This has been reflected in subsequent General Assembly resolutions and by the Special Committee on Decolonization, the most recent of which was adopted on June 18, 2024.
Argentina’s Foreign Affairs Ministry said that the oil development constitutes “a new unilateral act with potentially irreversible future effects, given that these are nonrenewable natural resources.”
“Argentina will deepen its action plan in order to adopt all additional measures, in accordance with international law, that it deems necessary to safeguard its sovereign rights and interests.”
#FromTheSouth News Bits | In Argentina, social and political organizations paid tribute to the veterans and martyrs of the Malvinas island war and urged to strengthen the struggle to recover that territory. pic.twitter.com/d7pyu1g40y
— teleSUR English (@telesurenglish) April 3, 2024
teleSUR/ JF
Source: EFE
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This editorial by Pedro Miguel originally appeared in the December 13, 2025 edition of La Jornada. The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of Mexico Solidarity Media*, or the* Mexico Solidarity Project*.*
A peaceful and democratic revolution has the immeasurable virtue of avoiding loss of life and material destruction, but it also carries the challenge of developing and progressing within a legal and bureaucratic framework created by the regime it overthrew: a suffocating set of rules and institutions designed to preserve the old order and staffed by personnel trained in its mindset. No political project comes to power with enough personnel to govern a country or with the capacity to maintain even minimal stability if it dispenses with the inherited administrative teams.
In this situation, there is a real danger that the state apparatus will ultimately neutralize the transformative attempt, assimilating it and reducing it to a mere collection of harmless good intentions. Conversely, the eagerness to force the renewal of public administration and governance practices can lead to a rupture and disarray that results in paralysis, a clash of powers, and an institutional crisis that sooner rather than later will become economic and social.
As President, Andrés Manuel López Obrador acted with a profound understanding of this dilemma and implemented all the fundamental changes he could, recognizing that a deep transformation of the judicial and law enforcement agencies was not feasible, and that the legislative majorities aligned with the Fourth Transformation were insufficient—because they lacked the two-thirds majority required—to undertake constitutional reforms. They had to limit themselves to amending laws, with the risk that these reforms would end up being overturned, as happened many times, by a Supreme Court beholden to oligarchic interests, or even by simply corrupt judges. Furthermore, there was an electoral body compromised by the mafia-like designs of the old political class and a swarm of autonomous agencies endowed with constitutional powers to obstruct and sabotage decisions of the federal executive branch. All this, without taking into account that the vast majority of governorships were in the hands of the opposition, that the de facto powers of business corporations were reluctant to change, and that the media conglomerates used all their virulence, sensationalism, and ability to poison public opinion to try to induce a majority animosity from society towards the government.
This explains the initial need to choose the lesser of two evils; for example, abandoning the idea of prosecuting former presidents (an impractical undertaking without the cooperation of the judiciary and a willing public prosecutor’s office) and adopting a policy of alliances that would break the unity of the reactionary forces, along with a strategy of negotiation and dialogue with traditional economic and labor powers that would allow for decisive steps in social and labor policy, such as social programs and wage strengthening policies. During the previous six-year term, these choices proved to be democratic virtues in a governmental practice guided by the logic of persuasion rather than coercion, and they allowed for the maintenance of a stable economy (despite the pandemic) oriented toward redistribution rather than the dogma of growth.
Pedro Haces with President Claudia Sheinbaum.
In the June 2024 election, the Fourth Transformation put forward two fundamental proposals: to continue implementing its national project from the federal government, with Claudia Sheinbaum as its standard-bearer, and to achieve full power to enact constitutional reforms through a qualified legislative majority, with a primary focus on judicial reform. Society gave broad support to these proposals, resulting in the formation of much stronger and more robust Executive and Legislative branches than those of the first transformative period. The alliances, so criticized by some impatient and purist elements of the movement, have made possible the complete democratic transformation of the Supreme Court and other judicial bodies, the elimination of autonomous agencies that were bastions of neoliberalism, and, through the Senate, the beginning of a renewal and modernization of the Attorney General’s Office.
Out of frustration and bitterness, a supposed subordination of legislative and judicial bodies to Morena is invented and spread, which is false; it is, instead, an alignment of public powers in a national project and in the social pact under construction, something perfectly valid and legitimate.
Today, President Sheinbaum has a much wider margin of action than her predecessor and better conditions to, among other things, combat corruption, confront criminal violence, and cleanse public offices of entrenched vices. It appears that the transformation will accelerate in the coming years.
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Strengthening the Foundations of Morena & The Fourth Transformation
November 14, 2025
Eight urgent demands from militants and founders loyal to the original and principles of the Fourth Transformation.
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“Morena’s main enemy is within Morena”
September 8, 2025September 8, 2025
Morena founder Eduardo Cervantes Díaz spoke at a press conference advocating for grassroots committees for Morena militants and against corruption, and then was removed from his position.
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For The Good Of All, Sever Relations with israel
September 4, 2025October 9, 2025
What does “Mexican Humanism” mean when our country’s representatives cling to something they insist on euphemistically calling a “peaceful solution” to mediate between “conflicting parties”?
The post The 4T Speeds Up appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
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Beijing condemns ‘long-arm jurisdiction’ after U.S. seizure of oil tanker sparks accusations of ‘State Piracy.’
On Friday, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Guo Jiakun rejected the unilateral sanctions imposed by U.S. President Donald Trump on six oil tankers, including several flying the Hong Kong flag.
RELATED:
Iran Condemns U.S. Seizure of Venezuelan Oil Tanker as ‘State Piracy’
Jiakun stressed that such unilateral restrictive measures lack any basis in international law and are not authorized by the U.N. Security Council, the only body with the legal authority to impose sanctions.
He also condemned the practice of “long-arm jurisdiction,” saying it violates the basic principles of the global legal order. China reiterated its stance against the abusive use of sanctions as a tool of political or economic pressure.
The Trump administration’s decision comes after U.S. armed forces seized a Venezuelan oil tanker near that country’s waters.
Breaking: Russia and China defy US sanctions. A Russian liquefied natural gas (LNG) tanker, the "Valera," which is subject to US sanctions, docked in Beihai, China, earlier today, carrying a cargo from Russia's newly built Portovaya LNG plant on the Baltic Sea. This is the first… pic.twitter.com/If2GSu4OTq
— The FinanceX (@thefinancexnews) December 10, 2025
On multiple previous occasions, Beijing has rejected external interference in Venezuela’s internal affairs. This stance in international policy is consistent with the China-Venezuela “All-Weather, All-Proof Strategic Partnership.” Beijing has also expressed its support for Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro’s efforts to protect Venezuela’s sovereignty, security and dignity.
On Thursday, the Bolivarian leader said the recent U.S. confiscation of a ship transporting Venezuelan oil has inaugurated a new era of criminal naval piracy in the Caribbean — a claim he said was verified by Trump’s public admission of the assault on the tanker.
The Venezuelan Foreign Affaris Ministry said the admission confirms a plan to strip the Bolivarian nation of its energy resources, arguing that Trump’s true objective was “to take Venezuelan oil without paying anything in return,” rather than addressing drug trafficking or the public health problems caused by uncontrolled consumption in the world’s largest market for such substances.
The anti-war movement and calls for peace get louder in the United States. Plus, a dance battle between Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro and U.S. President Donald Trump. pic.twitter.com/GTkfHTW7l6
— teleSUR English (@telesurenglish) December 8, 2025
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Source: China Daily – teleSUR
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His move marks a victory for OpenAI and Google, which have been advocating against strict regulatory requirements.
On Thursday, U.S. President Donald Trump signed an executive order to issue a national regulatory framework for AI, curbing the power of states.
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“To win, United States AI companies must be free to innovate without cumbersome regulation. But excessive State regulation thwarts this imperative,” the order read.
The order argued that state-by-state regulation by definition creates a patchwork of 50 different regulatory regimes that makes compliance more challenging, particularly for start-ups, and state laws are increasingly responsible for requiring entities to embed “ideological bias” within models.
“My Administration must act with the Congress to ensure that there is a minimally burdensome national standard– not 50 discordant State ones,” the order said, calling for Attorney General Pam Bondi to establish an AI Litigation Task Force, “whose sole responsibility shall be to challenge State AI laws.”
BREAKING: 🚨 TRUMP SELLS OUT THE WEST TO BIG AI
Trump just signed an executive order, federally PROTECTING AI companies from state law violations.
This places the AI robber-barons ABOVE the state. Essentially creating a new nobility class.
Agenda 2030pic.twitter.com/rrBuDKf4YV
— ADAM (@AdameMedia) December 12, 2025
States that do not comply could face funding penalties, including the loss of support from the Broadband Equity Access and Deployment Program, which aims to expand high-speed internet access.
The move marks a victory for companies such as OpenAI and Google, which have been advocating against what they see as overly strict regulatory requirements. In May, OpenAI CEO Sam Altman told Congress that U.S. AI development should not be slowed by regulation, warning that a state-by-state approach would create heavy burdens and significantly weaken companies’ capabilities.
CNN noted that in the absence of federal legislation, some states have already passed laws to address potential AI-related risks and harms. “Critics worry the deregulation push could allow AI companies to evade accountability should their tools harm consumers,” the report said.
The anti-war movement and calls for peace get louder in the United States. Plus, a dance battle between Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro and U.S. President Donald Trump. pic.twitter.com/GTkfHTW7l6
— teleSUR English (@telesurenglish) December 8, 2025
teleSUR/ JF
Source: Xinhua
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