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This article by Nancy Flores originally appeared in the March 7, 2026 edition of Revista Contralínea. The views expressed in this article are the authors’* own and do not necessarily reflect those ofMexico Solidarity Mediaor theMexico Solidarity Project.*

The first official round of review of the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) begins on March 16; prior to this, President Donald Trump requested the elimination of 54 non-tariff barriers , including issues related to energy, food, mining, pharmaceutical and technological sovereignty, as –in his opinion– these limit the capabilities of the trade relationship.

The requests from the US government – ​​made by Trump himself in July 2025, when he granted Mexico an extension on the 30 percent tariffs he sought to impose across the board – aim to overcome the “difficulties” faced by US companies in having profitable businesses or expanding them, especially in areas of exclusivity for the Mexican State or definitively prohibited.

According to the 2025 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers of the President of the United States on the Trade Agreements Program, the US Presidency considers the following as non-tariff barriers: restrictions on private investment in the energy sector; the ban on genetically modified corn; fracking and open-pit mining; the nationalization of lithium; the gradual denial of permits to import glyphosate and other pesticides; the reduction of permits for planting genetically modified cotton; restrictions on the import of fresh potatoes; and the dominance of the private company Telmex-Telcel in the telecommunications market, among other items.

When asked about this by Contralínea –in her press conference on February 3–, President Claudia Sheinbaum stated that there would be no concessions on sovereign issues, and added that most of the 54 non-tariff barriers had already been addressed.

“There are 54 [non-tariff barriers announced by the United States government] that have been under discussion for some time now, several months. Almost all of them have been resolved. And there are some where we can’t do exactly what they say. For example, regarding… they said: ‘barriers are being put up in the electricity sector.’ So we said: ‘well, no.’ [Because] there’s simply a new Constitution, there’s a new law that establishes a 54-46 ratio; there’s a 46 percent opportunity for private investment.”

The President confirmed to Contralínea that one of the barriers the Trump administration asked to be removed is related to the Calica mine case. “There is indeed the issue of Vulcan—it’s called that—which is the area where they had a limestone mine, which President López Obrador [canceled]. They exceeded the environmental impact limits; they overexploited the area. It was declared a Protected Natural Area. They have a dispute related to the Treaty, and they are looking for a mechanism, if there is a solution: that they could mine in another location that is not a protected area, with all the established environmental criteria, and that the area, which is ultimately their property, could be used for other purposes. A port they have there could have other uses. So, they are working on that; there is no agreement yet on that front.”

Sheinbaum Pardo added that among the 54 matters reviewed were “ some competition issues related to the new competition agencies , the National Antitrust Commission. And some other issues like that. […] The entire coordination is handled by the Ministry of Economy. But we never give in on anything that we consider to violate our sovereignty, our laws, or our project.”

“But wasn’t the majority going in that direction, that is, to put our sovereignty at risk?,” the president of the Republic was asked.

“No, no, not at all. And it had a lot to do with clarifications of issues that ‘were supposed to be violating the Treaty,’ and which were shown not to be violating the Treaty.”

Mexico’s “non-tariff barriers,” according to Trump

The 2025 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers reveals the areas in which the Donald Trump administration has pressured Mexico in the context of the upcoming review of the USMCA. Among these, the alleged barriers to investment in the energy sector stand out. These include prioritizing Pemex’s oil exploration , restricting private participation in the electricity sector to 46 percent (54 percent is reserved for the CFE), and definitively prohibiting fracking. In the mining sector, the US government criticizes the fact that only the state-owned company LitioMX is authorized to exploit this strategic metal.

These strategic areas, linked to issues of national sovereignty, were recovered following the arrival of the so-called Fourth Transformation (first, during Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s six-year term, and now with President Sheinbaum). Even the US report itself acknowledges this: “Since December 2018, Mexico has implemented an energy policy focused on restoring the primacy of its state-owned electricity company, the Federal Electricity Commission (CFE), and the state-owned oil and gas company, Petróleos Mexicanos (Pemex) .”

It adds that “private companies operating in Mexico are often unable to participate effectively, or even at all, in the Mexican energy sector due to frequent delays, unexplained or unjustified rejections, and inaction regarding applications for new permits or modifications to existing permits.” It criticizes the fact that, in June 2022, the Ministry of Energy announced a new policy requiring users of the gas transportation network to source their natural gas from Pemex or the CFE, which led “several” U.S. companies to withdraw from the Mexican energy market. And in July 2022, the United States requested consultations with Mexico under Chapter 31 of the USMCA regarding these measures.

However, the oil sector is not entirely closed to US investment: a report from the US Department of Commerce, dated February 12, 2016, indicates that private operators who secured blocks during the 2015-2018 bidding rounds continue exploration and development activities, including drilling campaigns, seismic surveys, and the construction of offshore platforms in the Gulf of Mexico. “ US companies are key players and are actively seeking technology, equipment, and service partners to help meet production timelines and improve efficiency in both deepwater and onshore operations.”

In addition, “Pemex’s 2025-2030 investment plan calls for the development of 18 new fields, the construction of 15 platforms, and drilling in existing shallow-water and onshore fields, which will maintain demand for platforms, derricks, subsea systems, and well services.” The Department of Commerce even indicates that these intermediate projects present opportunities for U.S. suppliers of equipment, engineering, and EPC services. As an example, it cites Mexico’s plans to install more than 14 pipelines (175 kilometers), build and expand storage terminals, and modernize its refining network, including six existing refineries and the near-complete construction of the Dos Bocas refinery in Tabasco.

“These projects require pumps, compressors, control systems, and construction services, and are subject to 25 percent local content requirements (increasing to 35 percent by 2025). U.S. companies with competitive technology and local partnerships are well-positioned to participate, particularly in projects to enhance desulfurization capacity and meet the growing demand for cleaner fuels in Mexico.”

Areas that the US seeks to free up for IP

However, the US Presidential report on non-tariff barriers complains that in October 2024 – already with President Claudia Sheinbaum – Mexico ratified a constitutional amendment to reclassify CFE and Pemex as public companies, instead of productive companies, “in order to undermine the participation of private companies, including US companies, in the Mexican energy market.”

He adds that in January 2025, President Sheinbaum “presented a package of reforms with six bills related to energy that, among other things, include as a principle guaranteeing the prevalence of the CFE and its maintenance of at least 54 percent of the average energy sent to the grid, requiring the participation of the CFE in at least 54 percent of any ‘mixed investment’ electricity generation project and establishing a preference for the CFE over private entities in the generation and marketing of electricity.”

It also expresses its rejection of the likely ban on fracking (extraction of liquid and gaseous hydrocarbons through hydraulic fracturing), considered not only as a highly polluting technique, but also as a waste of clean water.

The United States also complains about Mexico’s public policy on mining, which prohibits open-pit mining, and about the nationalization of lithium—both promoted by the current administration. According to the Trump administration, the legislative amendments stipulate that “the exploration, exploitation, and use of Mexican lithium [remains] under the exclusive control of a newly created state-owned company, LitioMx, and exclude private companies from obtaining concessions, licenses, contracts, permits, and authorizations to carry out these activities.”

The US Presidency also attributes restrictions to the USMCA due to barriers to investment in transportation infrastructure , arguing that this area is completely closed to foreign investment. Furthermore, it questions the 49 percent foreign ownership limit for express courier companies, land for agricultural, livestock, and forestry purposes, as well as for port management services.

Threat to Food Sovereignty

Another area in which the Trump administration has shown interest is related to Mexico’s food sovereignty. Identifying sanitary and phytosanitary barriers that supposedly limit the USMCA, the 2025 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers points to the US Presidency’s dissatisfaction with the ban on genetically modified corn and expresses opposition to Mexico’s Biosafety Law, which places limits on genetically modified products.

Furthermore, the USMCA panel on genetically modified corn, which ruled against Mexico in December 2024 in the dispute opened by the United States, after the government of President López Obrador published a decree to prohibit human consumption of that genetically modified grain, and thereby protect the main reservoir of that food, refers to the USMCA panel on genetically modified corn.

Constituted in accordance with Chapter 31 (Dispute Settlement) of the USMCA, the panel determined that some elements of the Decree on glyphosate and genetically modified corn – published in the Official Gazette of the Federation on February 13, 2023 – cannot be applied “as they are not based on an adequate risk assessment, scientific evidence and relevant international standards.”

Regarding this, the report from the U.S. President’s Office on non-tariff barriers states: “In June 2024, the United States participated in a hearing before the dispute settlement panel. In December 2024, the panel issued its final report, agreeing with the United States on all seven legal claims under the USMCA. On February 5, 2025, Mexico issued a measure declaring ineffective the measures that the U.S. Trade Representative successfully challenged in the USMCA dispute. The United States will continue to closely monitor Mexico’s compliance with its USMCA commitments to ensure that its agricultural biotechnology measures are science-based and provide U.S. corn producers with the market access that Mexico agreed to grant under the USMCA.”

In that same section, it rejects the gradual ban that our country seeks to implement on glyphosate and other highly toxic pesticides and agricultural chemicals. It also complains about the limitations on its exports of fresh potatoes and the restrictions on permits for U.S. companies to plant genetically modified cotton in Mexican territory.

The Other Alleged Barriers

As part of the alleged limitations to the USMCA, the U.S. government also identifies customs and trade facilitation barriers. In this regard, it notes that Mexico frequently notifies new customs or tax requirements only two weeks before they take effect, leaving U.S. exporters little time to adapt their systems and comply with the change.

It also calls for the elimination of restrictions applied at some ports to the entry of goods: “The USMCA prohibits arbitrary limits on the number of ports in which a customs broker may operate. However, Article 161 of Mexico’s Customs Law limits a broker’s operations to four ports if they are not part of a customs agency. The United States continues to urge Mexico to amend the law to allow brokers to operate at any port where they can perform their duties.”

Furthermore, it cites barriers to market access for medical devices, supplies, and pharmaceuticals. On this issue, it notes that COFEPRIS should expedite the permitting process.

Regarding intellectual property protection, the U.S. government is urging Mexico to expedite the registration of patents and trademarks, but also to curb the sale of counterfeit or pirated goods. As an example of these sales, it notes that “the El Santuario and San Juan de Dios markets (in Guadalajara), as well as Tepito (in Mexico City), are listed in the 2024 Notorious Markets Review (Notorious Markets List) for the sale of pirated and counterfeit products.”

Additionally, the Trump administration points out that barriers still exist to electronic payment, insurance, and telecommunications services. In the latter category, it complains about the dominance of a private company of Mexican origin: Telmex-Telcel (América Móvil), which it accuses of monopolizing the market.

In this regard, he points out: “despite the profound reforms of the telecommunications sector in 2013 and 2014, new market entrants still have to compete with the dominant traditional provider that has maintained a market share of almost 70 percent, and which was designated as a ‘preponderant economic agent’ by the IFT.”

Although it does not refer to Telmex-Telcel by name, it does point out that “the entrenched position of this dominant provider, particularly in the mobile services market, demonstrates the constant need for rigorous application of the regulations that the IFT adopted to address its status as a preponderant economic agent.”

Therefore, he criticizes the constitutional reform of December 2024 to eliminate autonomous bodies, since it replaces the IFT with a new antitrust competition agency, which could benefit Telmex-Telcel.

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This statement was released by the Inter-University and Popular Assembly for Palestine on March 7, 2026.

Yesterday, March 6, 2026, students from the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters and other faculties of the UNAM (National Autonomous University of Mexico) decided to boycott, cancel, prevent, and expel Diego Olstein from our facilities. We did so consciously and politically because of his public stance in favor of Zionism and against the pro-Palestinian university organization.

Diego Olstein is a historian trained at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, an Argentine citizen by birth and an Israeli by choice, who in 2024 published an open letter against the pro-Palestinian encampment at the University of Pittsburgh. In that text, he openly opposed the student movement that demanded an end to the genocide in Gaza. He demanded that the encampment condemn October 7 as if there were a parity of forces between the resistance of the people occupied for almost eight decades and a colonial, military, and genocidal state sustained by U.S. imperialism.

In that same letter, Olstein defended the idea that taking a stand against Zionism is tantamount to discriminating against Jews. In doing so, he reproduced a central lie of Israeli hasbara: the equation of Judaism with Zionism, used for decades to politically shield Israel, portray the Zionist state as a victim before the world, and delegitimize all solidarity with Palestine.

He also attacked the slogan “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free” and defended the so-called two-state solution, ignoring that as long as the State of Israel exists as a colonial, expansionist, racist, and supremacist enclave, there will be no real possibility of Palestinian liberation. The two-state policy has served for decades to administer apartheid and indefinitely postpone the freedom of the Palestinian people.

In the current context, giving space to an avowed Zionist and a public opponent of the pro-Palestinian university movement means normalizing colonialism, illegal settlements, and genocide under the guise of academic pluralism. The Palestinian call for Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) should be enough to prevent figures of this kind from receiving political or academic legitimacy in a public institution sustained by the Mexican working class.

Furthermore, this invitation comes after the authorities responded tepidly last year to student protests against the Faculty’s ties to Zionism, denying links and responsibilities, only to then open institutional space to a figure who has publicly spoken out against the pro-Palestinian university student organization.

From the Inter-University and Popular Assembly for Palestine, we demand that the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters and the College of History be held accountable for this

Invitation to the student community, workers, and professors of the faculty who have spoken out against Zionism countless times. We also demand that our spaces be free of apartheid, Zionism, and any other form of racial supremacism.

If the College of History wants to open serious historiographical debates on Palestine, colonialism, and memory, and wants to invite Israeli historians, then invite critical and anti-Zionist voices like Ilan Pappé, Shlomo Sand, or Palestinian historians and humanists like Walaa Alqaisiya, Nur Masalha, or Rashid Khalidi. Translate their works, discuss them in class, and foster critical thinking about discourses of racial supremacism, so far removed from a humanist education.

The public university cannot continue to function as a platform for Zionism.

We call for university and popular organization against Zionism, the imperialist advance, and the normalization of supremacist and fascist ideologies in our spaces.

Zionists out of UNAM
From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free.

Inter-University and People’s Assembly for Palestine


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This statement was released by the Partido Popular Socialista de México on February 15, 2026.

Editor’s note: Mario Delgado Carrillo is Mexico’s current Secretary of Public Education, who previously supported President Enrique Peña Nieto’s neoliberal education reforms when Delgado was a member of the Partido de la Revolución Democrática. Marx Arriaga is a Mexican civil servant who worked in the Secretariat of Public Education and was responsible for educational materials, including public school textbooks of the New Mexican School, which were heavily criticized by the Mexican right wing for their content and for being inspired by the pedagogy of Paulo Freire, as well as by the CNTE (class-conscious teachers union) and other elements of the left for being a top-down imposition, and not incorporating the knowledge of Mexican teachers. Marx Arriaga was appointed by President AMLO in 2021, and was removed by Mario Delgado in mid-February.

Mario Delgado Carrillo, enemy of the “New Mexican School,” must be relieved of his post.

Public education in our country has been contested by progressive and revolutionary forces and conservative and counter-revolutionary forces throughout our history. A reform by progressive and revolutionary forces is followed by a counter-reform by opposing forces, and vice versa.

In the contemporary period, beginning in 1982, changes began in the superstructure, in the legal order: Constitutional Articles 27, 28, 3, 123, and 130, fundamentally, underwent counter-reforms that modified the base, the economic structure on which the Mexican State rested, moving from state capitalism to a dependent market economy (neoliberal State); in the case of education, as the role of the State changed, its orientation also changed.

Why does this dispute occur? Because education can be a weapon for emancipation, for the liberation of our people, or it can serve for their domination, to subjugate them. For this reason, education has never been neutral; it has always responded to the interests of the sector of the social class that holds the government, that is at the head of the State.

Therefore, the fundamental problem of education in all historical stages and for all peoples has been the following: What kind of human being should be formed? Another problem that follows: Who educates? The State or private individuals?

In Mexico, starting in 1982, the nationalist sector of the ruling bourgeoisie was displaced by another sector with a neoliberal mentality dependent on the directives of the big bourgeoisie and the instruments of foreign domination: OECD, World Bank, IMF, IDB, World Bank, even USAID.

Thus, public education in our country changed its orientation; it ceased to be a weapon of emancipation and became an instrument of domination at the service of big capital, both national and foreign, so that Mexicans would only learn to read, count, and obey, in addition to promoting and strengthening private education; that is, they privatized and commodified it.

They turned education into a commodity, into a business; therefore, it ceased to be a social right and became a privilege.

Despite the constitutional reforms, imposed by neoliberal governments from 1982 until that of Enrique Peña Nieto, promulgated on February 25, 2013, five advanced theses remained in Article Three of our Constitution, against the will of reactionary sectors: one on the orientation of teaching; another on the concept of democracy; another on the doctrine of nationalism; another on human relations; and, finally, another on the educational function of the State.

If these theses are analyzed, it will be concluded that they all converge on a single purpose: to establish the qualities of the type of human being that should be formed, which also corresponds to the nation-building project that emerged from the Mexican Revolution. It also raises the objective of coverage, stating that all education provided by the State will be free. No developed or underdeveloped capitalist country has a statute on education like ours

Peña Nieto’s education reform can be considered the culmination of all neoliberal reforms in education, because its aim was to eliminate the teaching profession and transform its high function into a kind of occasional job that anyone could do and, therefore, work without labor rights.

With the arrival of Andrés Manuel López Obrador to the Presidency, he promised as a campaign promise to overturn Peña Nieto’s reform. He did so, but only partially. He made positive changes, but they were still limited. However, he charted the course for what he called the New Mexican School, progressively changing the orientation of the curricula at different educational levels and, logically, also introducing new content for the free textbooks

This unleashed the fury of conservative and counterrevolutionary forces, both internal and external, because not only were there these changes, but the New Mexican School no longer promoted private education and ended the lucrative business of the large publishing companies that printed billions of free textbooks and all kinds of educational materials, in addition to other profitable businesses involving public officials and national and foreign businesspeople.

However, a serious mistake made by the two progressive governments we have had, both that of López Obrador and that of Dr. Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo, is having placed at the head of the Secretariat of Public Education (SEP) two figures openly opposed to public education, two individuals with a neoliberal mentality who are not distinguished by their honor and honesty: Esteban Moctezuma Barragán, first, and now Mario Delgado Carrillo

The latter has been carrying out a subversive campaign, installing public officials from his own faction, establishing links with counterrevolutionary political forces and with representatives of large commercial enterprises. His purpose is to recover, by any means necessary, the spaces, businesses, and privileges they lost during the administration of President López Obrador.

Hence the viciousness with which Dr. Marx Arriaga Navarro was treated, who, as Director of Educational Materials at the SEP (Ministry of Public Education), spearheaded the reform of the educational content of free textbooks and who advised that their printing should once again be a task for the State

So it’s not just the dismissal of the official outside the bounds of legality, but what lies behind this decision: an attempt to reverse progress, undo the advances made by the previous administration, and try to privatize and commodify public education once again. In short, to turn public education back into a means to dominate and subjugate our people and, moreover, into a big business.

We hope that President Claudia Sheinbaum will not allow it.

Partido Popular Socialista de México

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The post Mexican Public Education at Risk Again appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.


From Mexico Solidarity Media via This RSS Feed.

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The acting president of Venezuela, Delcy Rodríguez, called for massive participation in the National Popular Consultation scehduled for March 8, in which members of the communes will select the projects that they prioritize for funding from the national government.

She made this call on Friday, March 6, during her extensive tour of the renowned El Maizal Socialist Commune in Lara state.

In front of a gathering of more than 13,000 commune members, she emphasized that citizen participation is fundamental for materializing projects that arise directly from the grassroots.

Estuve en la Comuna Socialista El Maizal, celebrando sus 17 años de construcción colectiva y de lucha por la justicia social. Son un modelo a seguir, forjado con sus propias manos en tierras recuperadas por el Cmdte. Chávez como un acto de transformación. pic.twitter.com/hiLZqcBEHT

— Delcy Rodríguez (@delcyrodriguezv) March 7, 2026

The consultation, scheduled for Sunday, March 8, will allow the members of each of the 5,300 communal circuits to prioritize their urgent needs in public services and production. Rodríguez highlighted that the exercise of communal voting is the most effective tool of self-government and popular empowerment to counteract the effects of the US-imposed economic blockade.

The electoral process will involve the active participation of more than 5,300 communal circuits distributed throughout the national territory, with plans for future expansion. The process reaffirms the commitment of the Venezuelan government to participatory democracy, placing popular power at the core of the economic transformation of Venezuela.

During her speech, the acting president said that on Sunday the people will fully exercise their sovereignty by deciding the fate of the resources for their territories. This massive mobilization aims to strengthen the structure of the communal councils, which serve as the first line of response to the social and productive demands of the country.

Acting President of Venezuela Discusses March 8 Popular Consultation With PSUV

The organization of this national electoral event requires significant logistical deployment to ensure that all popular sectors can express their will directly. The spokespeople of the communes present at the event reaffirmed their willingness to work together with the government to ensure that resources are allocated efficiently.

The Venezuelan government hopes that this consultation will serve as a governance model that can be replicated in other areas of public administration. The creation of 6,000 communal circuits is the established goal to strengthen the self-governance system and ensure that solutions reach those who need them directly in their communities.

(Telesur)

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/SC/DZ


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By Joe Emersberger  –  Mar 7, 2026

Since January 3, when the US bombed Caracas, killed over 100 people, and kidnapped President Nicolas Maduro and his wife, acting President Delcy Rodríguez has cordially hosted numerous US officials in Caracas, and now fully restored diplomatic relations with Washington.

At gunpoint, the US now decides who can receive Venezuelan oil and how much oil revenue Venezuela can receive. On Truth Social the other day, Trump essentially patted the acting president of Venezuela on the head telling her she was doing a fine job. Delcy (as everyone calls her) replied on X by thanking the genocidal monster, rapist and probable pedophile. It seems likely that Delcy will soon host Trump himself in the city where he very recently spilled Venezuelan and Cuban blood—perhaps without Trump even bothering to release Maduro and his wife from prison beforehand.

Delcy’s foreign minister, Yvan Gil, made a disgraceful statement after the US initiated a war of aggression against Iran on February 28. The statement—which was promptly deleted—failed to name the US and “Israel” as aggressors, but criticized Iran for how it defended itself. The statement was essentially rebuked by elements of the Chavista movement (named after former President Hugo Chavez) that was President Maduro’s, and now Delcy’s, support base.

Iran’s government has been a courageous ally of Venezuela’s for many years. It has played a significant role in helping Venezuela survive the murderous sanctions the US has imposed since 2017. In 2015, Obama imposed illegal economic sanctions that were damaging, but Trump made them truly lethal.

In spite of how stomach-turning and infuriating it has been to witness Delcy hand over so much of Venezuela’s sovereignty to the dictatorship in Washington, I don’t think she is a traitor, an idiot or a coward.

Examining Delcy’s options
I can’t say people are crazy for believing that Maduro was sold out by Delcy, or that she and others are simply saving their own skin. But I don’t think that is what happened. Trump threatened that Delcy would suffer a fate worse than Maduro’s if she didn’t follow his orders. But it isn’t merely Chavista leaders who are threatened more than ever in the post-Gaza genocide world: it’s all of Venezuela.

Delcy could have boldly refused to make any concessions. Trump would then have imposed a total Naziesque blockade on Venezuela like he has done to Cuba—except that in Venezuela’s case it would have been to prevent all oil from leaving Venezuela. Trump could also have continued to periodically bomb Venezuela—perhaps assassinating or kidnapping more Chavista leaders. Again, these would have been horrific outcomes for all of Venezuela, not just Delcy and her top people.

Trump’s spurning of his fellow fascist Maria Corina Machado, who would have relished the task of murdering millions of Chavistas with US support, suggests that Trump would not have risked entangling the US in a Vietnam-like quagmire in Venezuela. But even if full scale US invasion and direct occupation were off the table, that would not have spared Venezuela from other military attacks. Who was going to stop Trump from doing that? It’s a key question to which I’ll return.

Comparing Venezuela to Cuba
Despite being subjected to a savage oil blockade by Washington, Cuba’s response to the U.S. and Israeli attacks on Iran was very courageous. It gave full solidarity to Iran and condolences over the murder of Ayatollah Khamenei. Cuba’s government seems to calculate that it has only two options: fight and die, or surrender and die. So it appears that as of now Cuba is willing to go down fighting for its sovereignty.

But Cuba doesn’t have anything like Venezuela’s vast oil and mineral wealth with which to entice Trump into a deal that buys it time to wait for better conditions to develop. Egomaniac Trump, who is notoriously susceptible to flattery, will ignore that under Hugo Chavez the US was Venezuela’s largest customer for oil.

Historical analogies, past humiliations
In a very thoughtful piece Manolo de Los Santos compares the concessions Delcy has made to the humiliating Brest-Litovsk Treaty that the USSR signed with Germany in 1918. Another good historical analogy might be when former Haitian President Aristide agreed to absurd concessions in 1994 so that the US would order a military junta to step down. But the analogy that works best for me is the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact (known as the Nazi-Soviet pact).

Stalin had failed for several years to form a united front against the Nazis with the western imperial states, so he cut a side deal with Hitler that bought the USSR more time to prepare for an inevitable Nazi invasion. It also forced the European powers to shoulder some of the burden of fighting Germany.

Unlike Cuba in the 1960s and 1970s, Venezuela does not have a powerful ally willing to make US aggression against it a very dangerous red line for the US to cross. Of course, help from Russia and China was essential to Venezuela defeating US economic sanctions. But that kind of help simply isn’t enough after October 7, 2023 when the US/Israeli-led West discovered that it could carry out a live streamed genocide and get away with it.

The US and “Israel” (they’re interchangeable) are the Nazi menace of today. It must be defeated militarily and that burden has fallen disproportionately on the people of West Asia. Russia has taken on NATO in Ukraine but its effectiveness as an anti-imperial force is significantly weakened by its ties to “Israel.” China has not even cut commercial ties with the Israelis. And both Russia and China did not veto a UN Security Council resolution that put the perpetrators of genocide in Gaza in charge of their victims.

Oil-rich Russia has yet to try to break the oil blockade on Cuba. Other oil-rich states in the Americas: Brazil, Mexico and Canada haven’t either. Such a spectacle of cowardice (in Canada’s case complicity) reveals how lacking Venezuela is in the kind of allies it needs—and everyone needs—against the US today. We should not blame Stalin for failing to get other governments into a powerful military alliance against the Nazis. We should not blame Delcy for not having sufficiently powerful and committed allies against the US.

Acting President Delcy Rodríguez Welcomes Trump’s Recognition of Venezuela’s Constitutional Government (+Assets Abroad)

Dangers ahead
Venezuela has released a great many people who were arrested for being involved with US-backed subversion. Delcy’s government is also seeking a replacement for Attorney General Tarek William Saab, who since 2017 has been key to Venezuela defeating riots aimed at overthrowing the government. Will riots flare up again, and will Delcy deal with them effectively if they do?

Recall that Saab replaced the traitorous Luisa Ortega Diaz whose permissiveness might have led Maduro to be overthrown had she not been ousted.

Another danger is that Delcy’s concessions to the US lose her popular support and allow an allegedly “moderate” opposition candidate to be elected President. To be relaxed about so-called moderate anti-Chavistas in power would be extremely foolish. Some of the most vicious rightwing tyrants in Venezuelan and Latin American history took power after campaigning as moderates or even as leftists.

If a kidnapper places a gun to our head, if we believed we had any non-suicidal options, we would choose them. We’d choose to cooperate with the kidnapper and hope to find a chance to eventually escape his control. That’s what I think Delcy is trying to do.

(Unedited Anti-Imperialism)


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This column by Lídice Guerra originally appeared in the March 8, 2026 edition of El Sol de México.

Mexican working women have far more in common with working-class women around the world than with the oligarchic ladies of our respective countries. Despite geographical differences, the daily reality of working-class women worldwide is similar because capitalism shapes our living conditions.

Waitresses in Spain, farmworkers in India, migrant workers in the United States, unemployed women in Germany: we all struggle to make ends meet so that money is enough to feed the family, pay the rent or support a household: only 47 percent of women have a stable job, even though they are 75 percent of heads of household.

Being a mother puts us under greater economic, social, and psychological pressure: the burden of childcare and caregiving—the work that keeps society functioning—is an individual rather than a collective responsibility, because we do not have access to social security or the socialization of care, and we are forced into informal or part-time jobs and economic dependence on our partner—when we have one.

The superstructure of capitalist society perpetuates our conditions of oppression, discrimination, and violence: low-paying jobs, no right to retirement or pensions, and constant threat of sexual violence, human trafficking, and femicide. But in this particular era, monopolies are the executioners of the proletariat worldwide.

Agribusiness giants like Driscoll’s, Nestlé, and Monsanto exploit farmworkers, drive up the price of fertilizers and seeds, and suffocate farmers and small producers with ridiculously low purchase prices; supermarket chains hoard and speculate on the prices of basic products.

Extractive monopolies— mining, oil and gas pipelines—dispossess women in rural communities by devastating their territories and natural resources; they cut down forests and pollute rivers, destroying nature in their insatiable thirst for profit. For resisting this dispossession, more than 2,200 women defenders of the land and the environment have been murdered or disappeared worldwide since 2012.

Disputes over resources and trade routes erupt between monopolies and imperialist states, causing more than 61 armed conflicts worldwide and diverting public budgets toward exorbitant military spending—which reached a new global peak of $2.7 trillion in 2024—instead of allocating funds to social needs such as health, education, and pensions. Nearly 700 million women and girls live directly within the sphere of influence of these conflicts, where they suffer death, mutilation, rape, torture, and unspeakable suffering. This is the case of Israel’s war of extermination against Palestine, which, according to a study cited by UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese, has caused 680,000 deaths, 79.7 percent of whom are women, girls, and boys.

The superstructure of capitalist society perpetuates our conditions of oppression, discrimination, and violence: low-paying jobs, no right to retirement or pensions, and constant threat of sexual violence, human trafficking, and femicide.

Unemployment and poverty, environmental destruction and wars caused the migration and forced displacement of 60 million women and girls, with a high risk of suffering extreme violence and human trafficking, deaths, abuses at the hands of immigration police.

In stark contrast to the hardships and suffering endured by working women, every country boasts its list of the richest men and its list of the most powerful women, and the profits of the monopolies they head continue to grow obscenely, while our rights regress and our living conditions deteriorate. Equality is an illusion under these circumstances.

On March 8th, we, the working class, must respond decisively to the war declared against our rights and our lives by the IMF, the World Bank, NATO, the USMCA, by monopolies, and by governments that serve their interests, not ours. Let us unite against the root of inequality and the perpetuation of all forms of oppression and violence, both old and new— that is, against the capitalist system, which sacrifices the needs of the majority to sustain the enrichment of a few. Let us say no to exploitation, no to violence, no to war, no to barbarity; because it is either their profits or our lives.

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    Mexican Public Education at Risk Again

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The post The Illusion of Equality appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.


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The Kenyan state has allowed Booker Ngesa Omole, General Secretary of the Communist Party Marxist–Kenya (CPM-K), to leave remand on punitive bail while maintaining the fabricated charges against him and escalating repression against the party and its supporters.

On February 23, Omole was violently abducted in Isiolo town by plainclothes police officers who produced no warrant and offered no identification. He was beaten severely, tortured and brutalised—his tooth was broken and his finger was cut with a penknife.

He was transported for hours and dumped at Mlolongo Police Station, a facility notorious for extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances. Denied access to lawyers, family, or party members, Omole was later transferred to Kitengela Remand Prison with a bandaged hand, the court denying him both cash bail and urgent medical care.

The state assembled a case only after his detention. The absurd charges include attempting to kill police officers and connections to a Venezuelan “drug cartel”—fabricated because the CPM-K had organised protests in solidarity with the Bolivarian government against Washington’s imperialist intervention in January. These charges remain in force.

The demand for Omole’s release gained international backing. Tens of thousands of posts circulated on the social media platform X calling for his freedom. The campaign was amplified by users with tens of thousands, and in some cases hundreds of thousands, of followers, reflecting the broad outrage provoked by his abduction and concern over state repression in Kenya. The capitalist press has said nothing.

Under mounting public pressure, the Kenyan state allowed Omole to leave remand on bail, but it has imposed crushing bail terms. Omole and his co-accused were granted bail on a consolidated bond of KES 1.4 million ($10,800)—an amount deliberately set to bleed them. Omole himself was required to post KES 500,000 ($3,850), with others forced to post KES 300,000 ($2,300) and KES 100,000 ($770) each.

In 2024 the average wage in the formal sector was approximately KES 77,758 (about $600) per month. Average monthly salaries generally range from KES 30,000 (about $230) to KES 150,000 (about $1,150) for skilled professionals. For the millions of Kenyans in informal employment, survival on less than KES 20,000 per month (about $150) is the norm. Omole’s KES 500,000 bond (about $3,850) represents more than six months’ pay for the average formal sector worker and nearly two years’ income for many Kenyans.

Even as Omole was released on bail, the Ruto regime arrested three more CPM-K members. According to the CPM-K, Mulinge Muteti, Julius Kamau and Collins Otieno were arrested and detained at Central Police Station in Nairobi. They were arrested while submitting a petition against extrajudicial killings.

The abduction of Omole, the fabricated charges against him, the arrests of CPM-K members and of TikTok content creator Peter Maingi Kimani (known as Menelik Kimani) underscore the intensifying turn toward authoritarian methods by the “broad-based unity” government of President William Ruto—uniting the United Democratic Alliance (UDA) and the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) founded by the late political fixer Raila Odinga.

These measures are part of a broader effort by the Kenyan ruling class to suppress opposition amid mounting social tensions.

Immediately following Omole’s abduction, the International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI) denounced the attack and demanded his immediate and unconditional release, warning that the targeting of the leadership of the CPM-K signaled a broader assault on democratic rights in Kenya.

The ICFI has well-documented and irreconcilable political differences with this political tendency, which have been clearly presented in the WSWS. But it unequivocally opposed the brutal attack on Omole, demanded his immediate release, and called for an end to all state threats, abductions and repressive acts directed against the CPM-K.

The WSWS warned:

The defence of democratic rights cannot be entrusted to the courts, the opposition factions of the bourgeoisie, or the trade union bureaucracy. … Above all, the working class must build its own independent political movement, rooted in factories, neighbourhoods and schools, and guided by an international socialist perspective. This means breaking from all parties and trade union apparatuses tied to the capitalist ruling class and uniting with workers across Africa and internationally in the struggle against imperialist domination, austerity and state repression. Only through the conscious mobilisation of the working class for socialist transformation can democratic rights be secured and defended.

Subsequent events have confirmed this warning. Despite the international campaign demanding the release of Omole, the bourgeois opposition to Ruto said nothing, exposing its hostility to the defence of democratic rights. Figures presented as alternatives to the regime—including Kalonzo Musyoka, Martha Karua, Edwin Sifuna and Babu Owino—remained silent, while the trade union bureaucracy headed by Francis Atwoli, secretary general of the Central Organization of Trade Unions (COTU), has backed Ruto’s state repression.

Kenyan Communist Leader Booker Omole Remains Imprisoned After Torture

The defence of democratic rights cannot be entrusted to any faction of the Kenyan bourgeoisie or to the union apparatus tied to it, but requires the independent mobilisation of the working class.

The repression directed against the CPM-K is far from over, as demonstrated by the renewed arrests of its members. Omole himself remains under prosecution on the same fabricated charges that were brought after his abduction.

The government of Ruto, like regimes across Africa, confronts mounting anger over austerity measures dictated by the IMF and soaring living costs. These pressures are set to intensify amid the global economic turmoil unleashed by the US–Israeli imperialist war on Iran. Engulfing the whole Middle East, the war underlines the speed with which world capitalism is descending into global war, dictatorship and outright criminality.

For the Kenyan and broader African bourgeoisie, tied by a thousand threads to global finance capital, the response to these crises is intensified repression. In Zambia, police arrested and charged Fred M’membe, president of the Socialist Party, following remarks he made during an appearance on the radio concerning the delayed burial of former President Edgar Lungu.

In South Africa, the government led by the African National Congress has deployed 450 troops into townships under the pretext of restoring order. In Tanzania, last year’s elections were followed by mass killings and disappearances in a brutal post-election crackdown. In Uganda, the regime of Yoweri Museveni continues its systematic suppression of opposition forces.

(World Socialist Website) by Kipchumba Ochieng


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Caracas (OrinocoTribune.com)—The acting president of Venezuela, Delcy Rodríguez, welcomed the recognition of the constitutional government of Venezuela, led by President Nicolás Maduro, announced by US President Donald Trump on Saturday, March 7.

“President Trump, we consider this decision as a recognition of the people of Venezuela and their just cause for the truth about our country,” Rodríguez wrote on social media.

Earlier, Trump said during his speech at the Shield of the Americas summit in Florida: “I am pleased to announce that this week we formally recognized the Venezuelan government. In fact, we legally recognized it.” Speaking to an audience of right-wing heads of state from Latin America and the Caribbean, the US president praised Delcy Rodríguez’s leadership following the bloody January 3 US bombing of Venezuela, saying, “The president of Venezuela … is doing a very good job.”

On multiple occasions, Rodríguez has reiterated that the constitutional and legitimate president of Venezuela is Nicolás Maduro, who is illegally imprisoned in the United States since January 3. In her post, the acting president reiterated Venezuela’s willingness “to build long-term relations based on mutual respect, equality, and international law, with a view to promoting a work agenda that strengthens cooperation for the benefit of both countries.” She added that “diplomatic dialogue is the virtuous path to resolve our differences and advance on points of agreement.”

Assets abroad and the 2015 National Assembly
Following the announcement, Chavista analysts wonder if the US decision will translate into the end of the US recognition for the illegitimate far-right Venezuelan National Assembly of 2015, which still controls PDVSA, CITGO, and several other Venezuelan assets abroad.

According to analysts, the failed US-led “interim presidency” of Juan Guaidó was created to justify the US robbery of CITGO, Venezuelan gold in the Bank of England, and the blocking of Venezuela’s access to $5 billion in Special Drawing Rights from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The blocked assets also include liquid assets in international banks that are currently being stolen by the “deputies” of the 2015 National Assembly who are living abroad and are plagued with multiple embezzlement accusations.

Constitutional mandate and historical reversal
Delcy Rodríguez was sworn in by the National Assembly as acting president on January 5, fulfilling a decision issued two days earlier by the Supreme Court of Justice (TSJ). The court designated her to temporarily carry out this responsibility following the unforeseen kidnapping of President Maduro by US military forces. Under these exceptional circumstances, the constitutionally mandated 90-day deadline to call for presidential elections was not activated, as the president’s absence did not fall under the specific cases defined in the constitution.

By recognizing the Venezuelan government, Trump reversed a policy that he himself initiated in January 2019, when the US empire recognized far-right National Assembly Deputy Juan Guaidó as an “interim president,” forcing President Maduro to sever diplomatic relations. Trump’s successor, Joe Biden, continued the policy of not recognizing Maduro’s 2024 reelection, despite brief periods of rapprochement.

Venezuela and US Announce Restoration of Diplomatic Relations Following January 3 US Aggression

Upon his second inauguration on January 20, 2025, Trump tightened an aggressive policy against Venezuela. On January 3, 2026, he ordered US troops to bomb populated areas of Caracas, Miranda, La Guaira, and Aragua states and kidnap President Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores.

On Thursday, March 5, Venezuela and the US jointly announced the restoration of diplomatic and consular relations. On Friday, the acting president pointed out that on January 8, while paying tribute to those who were killed in the US invasion, she had stated her commitment to resolving historical differences through diplomatic channels.

Special for Orinoco Tribune by staff

OT/JRE/SC


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A total of 118 delegates from 22 nations gathered Friday, March 6, in Caracas for the meeting of the International Women’s Brigades Cilia Flores for Peace. International solidarity was on full display in the Venezuelan capital to demand the immediate release of First Lady and Deputy Cilia Flores, and her husband, Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.

This initiative, organized as part of the activities for the week of International Women’s Day, intends to highlight the direct impact of sanctions and economic blockades on the lives of women in countries like Venezuela and Cuba. The delegates are promoting the construction of a global feminist solidarity network to defend peace with social justice to confront imperialist warmongering.

On January 3, the US regime launched a bloody military attack on Caracas and other locations in Venezuela, resulting in the killing of 120 people and the kidnapping of President Maduro and his wife, National Assembly Deputy Cilia Flores.

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A post shared by Gabriela Jiménez 🇻🇪 (@gabrielajimenezve)

Venezuela’s minister for Women, Yelitze Santaella, welcomed the guests, highlighting the historical role of women in defending the Bolivarian Revolution. Santaella paid tribute to Cilia Flores’ career, emphasizing her leadership from her legal defense of Commander Chávez in 1992 to her tenure as president of the National Assembly.

Support for communal projects and scientific leadership
The event organizers called upon women across the country to participate massively in the National Popular Consultation scheduled for Sunday, March 8. The communal projects submitted for this consultation aim to strengthen territorial organization and the well-being of women in the more than 5,300 communal circuits throughout the country.

US Feminist Organization Code Pink Delegation Arrives in Venezuela in Solidarity Against Imperialism

The minister of Science and Technology, Gabriela Jiménez, highlighted that 52% of Venezuela’s scientific leadership is comprised of women who contribute to the nation’s development. She added that this meeting allowed the foreign delegates to see Venezuela’s progress in terms of popular participation and female leadership in key educational and technological fields.

The event reaffirmed the commitment of women worldwide to the sovereignty and self-determination of the peoples in the face of imperialist pressures. The event concluded with a call for international solidarity to safeguard peace based on social justice and respect for the will of the people.

(Telesur) with Orinoco Tribune content

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/JRE/SC


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385
 
 

This column by Gloria Muñoz Ramírez originally appeared in the March 7, 2026 edition of La Jornada, Mexico’s premier left wing daily newspaper.

They hadn’t even buried one classmate when another was killed, which keeps the student community of the Autonomous University of the State of Morelos (UAEM) on strike and in the streets, even with the anonymous threats they have received for mobilizing: “for every faculty we take over, they are going to make a girl disappear,” they were warned.

Their frustration outweighs their fear. They know that if they don’t protest, the cycle of femicides against young women, whether university students or not, will continue, and that “today it’s them, but tomorrow it could be anyone.” Kimberly Joselin Ramos Beltrán, a student at UAEM, was reported missing on February 20th at the Chamilpa campus and was found dead on March 2nd near the institution. Meanwhile, Karol Toledo, an 18-year-old law student at the Higher Studies School of Mazatepec, also part of UAEM, disappeared on March 2nd after attending classes and was found dead on March 5th in the municipality of Coatetelco.

The image of a group of young women carrying white cardboard coffins covered with graffiti demanding justice for their companions precedes the mobilizations of this Sunday, March 8, which, within the framework of International Working Women’s Day, in Mexico has become the day of the murdered woman, the searching mother, the disappeared young woman, the harassed worker, the abused girl, the murdered defender and journalist.

Far from being a safe haven, the university has become a space of vulnerability for female students. Young women have reported theft, lack of streetlights, arbitrary fees, and sexual harassment by professors, staff, and students. “We can’t all get here,” they shout in the streets of a state governed by a woman (Margarita González); at a university whose rector is another woman (Viridiana Hernández León), whom they accuse of negligence and indifference. Being a woman in a position of power is no guarantee of anything.

Embracing the struggle of the UAEM students is the responsibility of the rest of society. Not abandoning them is a moral imperative. This March 8th is not just about marching, but about standing with them.

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    This statement was released by the Inter-University and Popular Assembly for Palestine on March 7, 2026. Yesterday, March 6, 2026, students from the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters and other faculties of the UNAM (National Autonomous University of Mexico) decided to boycott, cancel, prevent, and expel Diego Olstein from our facilities. We did so consciously…

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    Analysis

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The post Morelos On Strike appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.


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386
 
 

Trump will confirm loyalties with the ‘Shield of the Americas’ initiative.

On Saturday, U.S. President Donald Trump will receive about a dozen right-wing Latin American head of states in Miami.

The Republican leader will present the “Shield of the Americas” initiative at Trump National Doral Miami, a golf resort that will also host the G20 Summit in late 2026.

Convened before the start of the U.S.-Israeli war on Iran, this conservative summit comes amid growing tensions between Washington and Havana as a result of the U.S. blockade against Cuba.

According to the White House, the meeting’s goal is to counter the influence of China in the hemisphere and address security, irregular migration, and organized crime in Latin America.

Trump’s summit will include Javier Milei (Argentina), Rodrigo Paz (Bolivia), Rodrigo Chaves (Costa Rica), Luis Abinader (Dominican Republic), Daniel Noboa (Ecuador), Nayib Bukele (El Salvador), Irfaan Ali (Guyana), Nasry Asfura (Honduras), Jose Mulino (Panama), Santiago Peña (Paraguay), and Kamla Persad-Bissessar (Trinidad and Tobago).

Also attending will be Jose Antonio Kast, who next Wednesday will assume office as president of Chile after winning the runoff election in December.

A Parallel Forum to The Summit of The AmericasAll indications suggest the Doral Miami meeting brings together Latin American countries that the United States can easily pressure to support its geopolitical projects.

For that reason, the Trump administration did not invite progressive presidents such as Lula da Silva (Brazil), Claudia Sheinbaum (Mexico) and Gustavo Petro (Colombia).

The meeting is a kind of parallel forum to the Summit of the Americas, the gathering of heads of state organized by the Organization of American States (OAS) since 1994.

US-Funded Cuban Opposition Leaders Call for a Second Blockade Against the Island

Benjamin Gedan, director of the Latin America Program at the Stimson Center, considers it a mistake to exclude Brazil, Mexico and Colombia, since “all three are highly relevant because of their challenges with organized crime and the advanced capabilities of their security forces.”

Imposing an ideological code on the forum “means creating a group that will constantly change after every election,” he pointed out.

Trump has not concealed his desire to promote a rightward shift in Latin America and has actively intervened in elections in countries such as Honduras and Argentina.

The Trump Doctrine for Latin AmericaThe U.S. interventionist policy is reflected in the current U.S. National Security Strategy, which aims to turn the region into a sphere of influence for Washington.

It is an update of the so-called Monroe Doctrine, proclaimed in 1823 under the slogan “America for the Americans.”

The strategy has been driven by U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who during his career in the Senate defended a hard line toward Venezuela, Cuba and Nicaragua.

Under that pretext, the Republican leader spent weeks promoting a bombing campaign against small boats in the Caribbean Sea that he accused of transporting drugs.

Following the U.S. military operation on Venezuelan territory, Washington set its sights on Cuba and threatened to impose tariffs on any country that supplies it with oil, further worsening the island’s economic and energy crisis.

Trump announced negotiations with Havana and last week suggested a possible “friendly takeover of Cuba,” but attention shifted to the Middle East when the U.S.-Israeli war against Iran broke out on Feb. 28.

(Telesur)


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The Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) has announced the launch of the 23rd wave of Operation True Promise 4, highlighting the deployment of new-generation missile systems against targets in the occupied territories and US bases across the region**.**

In a statement on Friday, the IRGC’s Public Relations Office said the latest phase of the operation was carried out earlier in the day as part of a combined drone and missile strike.

According to the statement, the latest wave involved advanced missile systems designed to strike multiple targets.

“In this wave, new-generation solid-fuel and liquid-fuel missiles targeted objectives in the occupied territories and American bases in the region,” the Corps noted.

The statement said the missiles struck a number of US military installations across the region.

“The headquarters of US terrorist forces at the Sheikh Isa, Juffair, Ali al-Salem, and al-Azraq bases were among the targets struck in this wave,” it read, referring to American outposts in Bahrain, Kuwait, and Jordan.

The IRGC also said targets inside the occupied territories were hit during the operation.

“Also in the important and sensitive area of Be’er Sheva in the occupied territories, advanced technology centers, cybersecurity facilities, and military support centers were among the targets,” the Corps said, referring to the occupied city that serves as the Israeli regime’s technological hub.

Iran Announces ‘Blinding’ US, Israel’s Eye in Region; Vows Harsher Retaliation Coming

Advanced missile systems used in earlier wavesEarlier in the day, the IRGC said another phase of Operation True Promise 4 had begun, boasting “the flawless execution of missile launches from the unbreakable chain of IRGC missile bases.”

The earlier phase, “decisively shattered the arrogant propaganda of global oppression claiming Iran’s defensive capabilities are weakening or that missile and drone operations are faltering.”

The IRGC said the operation involved advanced missile systems, including the Khorramshahr-4, Kheibar, and Fattah missiles. According to the statement, the missile barrage struck targets across the occupied territories and positions linked to US forces in the region.

The statement came less than a week after the US and the regime started their new bout of unprovoked aggression against the Iranian soil.

The IRGC operation, launched momentarily following the onset of the aggression, has seen the Corps strike numerous strategic and sensitive American and Israeli targets.

The strikes have hit targets lying deep inside the cities of Tel Aviv and the holy occupied city of al-Quds, besides hitting such American interests as the Abraham Lincoln aircraft carrier and a US destroyer sailing in the Indian Ocean, hundreds of kilometers away from the Iranian shore.

(PressTV)


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388
 
 

The Central Bank of Venezuela (BCV) reported that the country recorded an accumulated inflation of 475.28% in 2025. The inflationary process persists in 2026, with the consumer price index experiencing a cumulative increase of 51.96% during the first two months of the year, according to official BCV data released on Friday, March 6.

The inflation was 32.6% in January 2026 and 14.6% in February.

The BCV also reported the inflation data for each month of 2025:

December 13.6%
November 21.6%
October 25.9%
September 21.6%
August 16.1%
July 14.2%
June 10.3%
May 21.2%
April 16.4%
March 8.3%
February 10.9%
January 9.8%

Private economic firms estimated—before the BCV’s official announcement—that Venezuela’s accumulated inflation reached approximately 480% in 202. Inflation presents a persistent challenge to the country’s economic recovery process. This inflationary pressure remains a core concern for the government as well as private businesses. It persists despite the dual monetary environment where the US dollar has served as a reference for prices, wages, and payments since 2019.

Venezuela Reports 8.7% Economy Growth in 2025 Despite US Aggression; Inflation Persists

The widening gap between the official exchange rate and the parallel market rate continues to place a heavy burden on consumer prices. In 2025, the official exchange rate began at 52.02 bolívars per US dollar in January and ended at 301.37 bolívars per US dollar in December, representing a depreciation of 479.33%.

As of Friday, March 6, the official BCV exchange rate stands at 431.01 bolívars per US dollar, while the parallel market rate was 617.83 bolívars, based on USDT prices on the Binance P2P platform. These figures indicate that the US dollar in the parallel market is 43.34% more expensive than the official rate. This significant gap continues to incentivize the use of black-market references in retail transactions, maintaining constant upward pressure on inflation.

Special for Orinoco Tribune by staff

OT/SC/SF


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During a visit on Friday, March 6, to the venture Ceviche Verano in the Sarría community of Caracas, Venezuela’s Acting President Delcy Rodríguez called upon the Venezuelan migrant youth to return to the country and start businesses. There is now a financing program for young people who have emigrated and want to return.

Accompanied by Ministers Sergio Lotartaro and Luis Villegas, Rodríguez toured the restaurant, which currently directly employs over 30 people.

The establishment stands out for blending Peruvian culinary techniques with Venezuelan ingredients, and has established itself as a benchmark for excellence after four years of operation in the capital.

The restaurant Ceviche Verano not only offers a high-quality cuisine but also functions as a center for cultural and musical promotion in the Sarría area.

Ceviche Verano brought the experience of Peru to Venezuela
The founder of Ceviche Verano lived as a migrant in Peru for almost five years and shared her story of overcoming challenges and how, despite the difficulties, she was able to materialize her venture.

Her story resonates with many Venezuelans who remain outside the country. Highlighting her experience, she urged other migrants not to be afraid to return to Venezuela and start businesses.

Venezuela Reports 8.7% Economy Growth in 2025 Despite US Aggression; Inflation Persists

Highlighting her conversation with the founder of Ceviche Verano, Acting President Rodríguez said there are great opportunities for youth in work and production in Venezuela. She invited the migrants to return and join in the building of a future of peace and prosperity.

Since 2018, the Venezuelan government has been running the Return to the Homeland program to ensure the dignified return of Venezuelan migrants abroad who are in vulnerable situations or have experienced xenophobia and violence.

(Diario VEA) with Orinoco Tribune content

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/SC/SF


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The United States Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) issued General License 51 on Friday, March 6. The license authorizes US individuals and companies to conduct transactions with the Venezuelan state mining company, Minerven, related to Venezuelan-origin gold.

The license allows the export, sale, supply, storage, purchase, delivery, and transportation of Venezuelan-origin gold for import to the US, the refining of said gold in the US, and the resale or export from the US by an established US entity.

It is important to note that the issuance of this license does not imply lifting of the unilateral coercive measures imposed by the US against Venezuela, all of which remain in place.

Venezuela and Shell Sign Strategic Agreements for Oil and Gas Development

On Thursday, March 5, Venezuela announced that, following the dialogue established with US authorities, the two governments decided to restore their diplomatic and consular relations.

In a statement, the Venezuelan government reaffirmed its willingness to move forward to a stage of constructive dialogue, based on mutual respect, sovereign equality, and shared benefits for the peoples of both countries.

(IguanaTV) with Orinoco Tribune content

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/SC/SF


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391
 
 

In the mountainous coffee-growing region of Morán municipality, in Lara state, generations of campesino families have built their lives growing coffee. Steep slopes, misty mornings, and hard physical labor are part of daily life in this territory, where coffee is not only a crop but a way of organizing time, work, and community. In recent years, this long history of cooperation has taken a new form through the Vida Café Communal Economic Circuit, an initiative that brings together seven coffee-growing communes in a joint effort to sustain production, life, and collective organization under adverse conditions.

Communal economic circuits are initiatives promoted by the Bolivarian government to organize production, processing, distribution, and reinvestment at the territorial level. Vida Café is one such circuit: a relatively recent but robust project that brings together freely associated producers organized within their communes, while also addressing broader community needs such as infrastructure, communications, and access to healthcare and services.

This testimonial work explores the origins, functioning, and meaning of Vida Café through the voices of the people who built it. The first installment focused on the history of the territory and its long-standing practices of cooperation. This new installment delves into the organizational efforts behind the Communal Economic Circuit as part of a larger story about commune-building, collective resistance, and the ongoing effort to build economic sovereignty.

The following interviews were carried out in August 2025.

 MR Online

How Vida Café was born****Mauro Jiménez: There came a point—drawing on everything we had learned through years of commune-building and under the pressure of the blockade—when we realized that producing coffee was not enough. Our experience organizing in the territory had already taught us how to deliberate collectively, plan, and resolve common problems together. We had forged a solid communal practice. As producers, we often worked side by side and harvested good coffee, but when it came to selling it, each of us faced the intermediaries alone. That remained outside our collective control, and it meant an entire year of work could turn on a single negotiation, in which we had little leverage and no shared strategy.

The product of our labor was extracted at the final step of the process. Intermediaries imposed low prices on our crop, and at the beginning of the production cycle, precisely when we needed money to purchase inputs, they offered credit under harsh terms. By the time the harvest was delivered and accounts settled, we were left with razor-thin margins—barely enough to cover costs. When the next season came, we had little choice but to return to the same intermediary for credit, reproducing our dependency year after year.

Some time back, we had the PACCA and COPALAR projects, two efforts to bring producers together and improve our bargaining power in the market [see Part 1]. From those experiences, we learned that organization matters. Over time, we also came to understand something even more important: without connection among the communities across the territory, any economic structure remains fragile. If the communes are not economically linked, they stagnate. Chávez himself warned about that!

The idea of the Communal Economic Circuit grew out of this realization. It was never just about selling coffee together; it meant organizing all the links in a long chain—production, collection, processing, transport, and reinvestment—under a communal vision. That is how the conversations began among us, and with spokespeople from the Ministry of Communes. It’s how what would later be called “Vida Café” slowly took shape.

Norkys Ramos: By 2021–22, when we began designing the Communal Economic Circuit, many of the communes were already consolidated—though a commune is always an ongoing construction, always in the making. Yet on the economic front, producers were still operating largely in isolation when bringing their coffee to market. There was cooperation, but it had not crystallized into an integrated structure capable of collectively organizing production and commercialization.

Vida Café emerged as a way of weaving together what was already taking shape in the territory. Producers from seven communes—each with its own history and character—shared the same main product: coffee. We asked ourselves: if coffee shapes our culture as growers, if it organizes our daily life, and if we already cooperate in so many ways, why shouldn’t we also come together economically?

Kennedy Linares: The situation was anything but easy. We were living under the pressure of the economic war. Inputs were scarce, fuel unreliable, transport costs rising, and prices constantly shifting. If each producer tried to confront those difficulties alone, some of us could have been pushed to the brink, struggling simply to put food on the table. In that sense, the Economic Circuit was born as a defensive measure.

But it was never only defensive. From the beginning, it opened up a new horizon. Vida Café was a way of reorganizing the economy collectively—bringing production, transport, and reinvestment under communal coordination. In doing so, it not only protected us; it strengthened the communal connections in the territory.

Rafael Sequera: In our assemblies, we discussed this at length: a commune cannot exist only as a political entity. It has to sustain life materially. The Economic Circuit generates that material dimension. It connects producers with communal government and allows economic decisions to be made collectively, among those who actively participate in Vida Café.

Morelys Malvacias: For us, building the Communal Economic Circuit wasn’t an abstraction. We knew the producers, and we knew the needs. When we began to meet, the question was simple: How do we prevent coffee from leaving the territory without leaving value behind?

Mairelis Escalona: And how do we ensure that what is produced here benefits the community first? Those questions guided us from the beginning.

 MR Online

**What a Communal Economic Circuit means in practice****Ramos:**A Communal Economic Circuit is not a private company. It is not a cooperative. It connects producers. They remain producers on their parcels, but they associate freely with Vida Café through their communes. The Economic Circuit plans the use of our shared assets—including the grader for road repairs, the tractor-trailer, and a heavy-duty pickup belonging to the Sectores Unidos Commune—and it coordinates credit, transport, sales, and reinvestment. Decisions are not made individually; they are collectively deliberated in our Planning Table.

**Jiménez:**In practical terms, we organize coffee collection, manage transport logistics, coordinate processing at Café Cardenal [a coffee processing plant one hour from Morán], and handle financial planning. We also assess needs: who requires credit, which roads must be repaired, and what machinery should be prioritized. We do not eliminate individual initiative; we strengthen it through a collective structure.

Linares: If someone thinks this is about centralizing everything, they misunderstand it. Each commune participates. Each is represented. The Planning Body is not symbolic—it functions as the coordination body of Vida Café.

**Sequera:**The difference from previous projects of this kind is that here the economic factor is inseparable from communal self-government. It’s not just about better prices. It’s about sovereignty in production and, ultimately, about living better.

Acting President Delcy Rodríguez Calls for Wide Participation in March 8 Communal Popular Consultation

**Planning Body (Mesa de Planificación)**Ramos: The Planning Body is where coordination happens. Each commune sends its spokespeople to the meetings. We review production forecasts, infrastructure needs, financial flows, and reinvestment priorities. It’s not always easy—there are many debates!—but that is what collective construction requires.

Jiménez: The Planning Body includes a financial committee, where transparency is fundamental. If people are going to trust the Circuit, they must understand how resources circulate and how decisions are made. That’s why the committee’s work has to be careful and precise. It’s not just about accounting; it’s about building trust and commitment. Without trust, you cannot consolidate a commune or strengthen the links between communes and producers.

Malvacias: Planning is not only about production; it’s about the territory. If a road collapses—as often happens in these mountains—distribution is affected. If telecommunications fail, coordination breaks down. Everything is interconnected!

Escalona: The Planning Body is led, in great measure, by women. That wasn’t imposed. It happened because we were already doing much of the organizational work in the communes. We assume responsibility. We don’t wait for someone else to solve problems. We lead by example.

 MR Online

Initial institutional support****Ramos: In the beginning, we had strong institutional backing. The Ministry of Communes not only supported but actively promoted the creation of the Economic Circuit. Producers received credit. Machinery was transferred to Vida Café. They accompanied us technically and politically. That support allowed us to take our first concrete steps.

Jiménez: The “Toronto” tractor-trailer we received through the Ministry of Communes changed everything. Before that, transportation costs cut into production. Now, with our own vehicles, we can organize coffee collection more efficiently and reduce dependence on private haulers.

Sequera: Two other machines, the dump truck and backhoe that were transferred into communal management, were also decisive. Roads in these mountains deteriorate quickly. If access isn’t maintained, coffee cannot leave the territory. Now, with the machinery operating under communal coordination, we can respond directly instead of waiting indefinitely for municipal intervention.

Malvacias: The Communal Economic Circuit was forged at a time of close coordination with the Ministry of Communes. That institutional support was fundamental.

Escalona: The situation today is different. All across the country, there are dozens of Communal Economic Circuits, but they are no longer so central to the Ministry’s vision. There are no hard feelings. What matters is that the structure that we built remains standing, and the support we received in those early years left us with assets that continue to help the region. All the credits we received were repaid in full and on time.

Along the way, we learned something essential: we could not depend indefinitely on external backing and needed our own roots. The creation of the Communal Economic Circuit was a qualitative leap. It made us less vulnerable as producers and strengthened our communes. Infrastructure is now better maintained. The surplus generated by our economic activity does not disappear into private hands; it returns to the community through fair credit, support for our health center, and the upkeep of shared goods and services.

Chávez spoke of the leap from the communal council to the commune, and then from the commune toward the communal state. For us, the Economic Circuit has been that necessary bridge—a step that allows the communal project to scale up. Without it, the seven communes that make up Vida Café could become little more than enlarged communal councils, addressing organizational needs, while leaving the economic sphere untouched. With the Economic Circuit, communal life began to shape production itself.

 MR Online

Reinvestment and logic of the Economic Circuit****Jiménez: The Economic Circuit functions in cycles. When producers need fertilizer or support for the harvest, credit is extended. The need to buy fertilizer is the main cause of indebtedness for small coffee growers here. If you cannot fertilize your plants properly, your harvest collapses, but if you borrow from intermediaries, that produces dependency.

We established a clear and transparent principle in our assemblies during the early days of Vida Café: repayment is made in green [untoasted] coffee at harvest time, under terms that we define—not by usurers. This breaks with the logic of “la dobla,” in which a lender provides money or inputs equivalent to one sack of green coffee and then demands two or even three in return, trapping the producer in a cycle of dependency year after year.

Once the coffee is collected, it is processed through our agreement with Café Cardenal and sold as “Café Cardenal: Hecho en Comuna” [Made in the Commune]. The first step is to settle outstanding credits. What remains does not go into individual pockets; the surplus returns to the Circuit.

Ramos: During harvest season, we keep a part of the surplus in green coffee. That way, when there is inflation, the coffee becomes a reserve of value. It protects us from devaluation.

From there, we organize what we call our “tres potes” [three funds]. The first fund is for road maintenance—without road access, coffee cannot leave the mountains. The second is for health services: the Economic Circuit helped repair the local ambulance, and it now supports maintenance of the medical center when needed. The third fund is for telecommunications, which is essential for coordination across this large territory.

That’s why we say that, at Vida Café, the economy is in the service of the community, not the other way around.

Sequera: The initial credits we received allowed us to buy fertilizer, organizing the repayment in green coffee. At the same time, vehicles and machinery were incorporated into the communal structure. The tractor-trailor is administered directly by the Economic Circuit. The dump truck and backhoe operate through our Empresa de Propiedad Social de Vialidad (EPS) [Communal Roadworks Social Property Enterprise].

An EPS is a communal enterprise whose assets are not privately owned but collectively managed for social benefit. Activating the Roadworks EPS gave us the operational capacity and legal structure to repair rural roads. In this mountainous territory where rain constantly damages the access routes, having a roadworks enterprise changes everything.

The headquarters of Vida Café, called El Rastrillo, was acquired through a non-returnable credit from the Ministry of Communes. It became a permanent space for assemblies and cultural activities.

Since then, the credit system has expanded to incorporate hundreds of producers, reinforcing the cycle of collective financing with repayment in green coffee.

Malvacias: All financial decisions pass through the Planning Table. Each commune sends its spokespeople. We evaluate production forecasts, credit needs, infrastructure priorities, and reinvestment plans.

Our Economic reports are presented in general assemblies. Producers know how much coffee was collected, how much was sold, how credits are functioning, and how the surplus is being distributed. Transparency is not something decorative here: it builds trust.

Vida Café is not simply a commercialization initiative. It is an economic structure that has the aim of building communal life —politically, economically, socially, culturally, and even spiritually.

In practice, the Economic Circuit intervenes at the most vulnerable point—fertilization—while organizing interest-free repayment of loans in coffee. It also coordinates processing through Café Cardenal, develops and maintains the communal enterprises such as the Roadworks EPS, and manages collective assets acquired through both state support and the efforts of the communes.

The gains from coffee sales are not privately accumulated. They circulate collectively and return to the territory as infrastructure and services, thereby reinforcing the material foundations of communal life.

The Communal Economic Circuit is not merely about marketing coffee under the label “Hecho en Comuna.” It is about transforming relations of production in the territory. It ensures that the value generated by communal labor remains under communal control, while turning economic coordination into a pillar of self-government. That is how autonomy deepens, how communal scaling up becomes possible, and how economic sovereignty ceases to be a slogan and becomes a lived reality.

(Monthly Review) by Cira Pascual Marquina and Chris Gilbert


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Jamaica’s Government announced the end of the historical agreement with Cuba on medical missions, while the U.S. presses other countries to cancel these colaboration programs.

Jamaica’s Foreign Ministry announced on Thursday its decision to end a long-standing agreement with Cuba that was related to medical missions on the island, following the expiration of their previous pact in February 2023 and an inability to reach new terms.

The announcement was made through a statement by Foreign Minister Kamina Johnson Smith, who had previously highlighted the importance of Cuban medical colaboration in the country health system. This decision comes amidst broader regional pressure from Washington on Havana’s medical programs.

The Government of Jamaica has expressed its willingness for the Ministry of Health and Wellness to contract these individuals directly to ensure the uninterrupted provision of valuable services by the Cuban medical professionals already in the country, and for their personal safety and welfare.

The Jamaican Ministry of Health and Wellness highlighted that Jamaicans have “significantly benefited” from the ophthalmological care program, as well as the general healthcare provided by Cuban nurses and doctors, a testament to the effectiveness and necessity of this cooperation.

In the past year, Washington’s pressure on Havana has led a dozen primarily Caribbean and Central American countries to cancel or reduce their contracts with Cuba. Initially, nations like Antigua and Barbuda, the Bahamas, Grenada, Guyana, and Trinidad and Tobago defended these programs, which are vital for their respective healthcare systems, but later had to adjust their ties with Havana and modify the terms of their contracts.

Text reads:

“Cuba regrets the decision of the Government of Jamaica to cease medical cooperation ceding to pressure from the United States.”

Cooperation Under U.S. Pressure
The Cuban Government expressed profound regret over Jamaica’s unilateral decision to terminate their decades-long health cooperation agreement, a move Havana attributes to pressure from the United States Government. This action effectively ends a program that has provided essential medical services to the Jamaican people, prompting Cuba to announce the immediate return of its medical brigade.

The Cuban Ministry of Foreign Affairs reported that the Jamaican Ministry of Foreign Affairs officially communicated its unilateral decision to Cuba’s Embassy in Kingston on March, 4. The Jamaica’s announcement comes a day after more than 150 Cuban medical staff left Honduras, following the sudden cancellation of a similar agreement by the new government.

Trump’s Venezuela Labyrinth

Cuba deeply laments what it describes as an “undervaluation of a fruitful and sustained history of collaboration that has yielded innumerable benefits for the Jamaican people.” As a direct consequence of this decision, Jamaicans will now be deprived of the basic and specialized health services previously provided by Cuban medical professionals.

In response to the step taken by the Jamaican government, the Cuban government has made the sovereign decision to proceed with the return of its Medical Brigade.

Faithful to the historical relations of brotherhood and solidarity that unite it with Jamaica, Cuba reiterates its unbreakable commitment to the Jamaican people, assuring them that they can always count on Cuba’s selfless cooperation in the future, despite this current setback in bilateral arrangements.

Text reads:

“The historical results of Cuban medical collaboration in Jamaica speak for themselves: More than 8,176,000 patients treated. 74,302 surgical interventions performed. 7,170 attended births. More than 90,000 lives saved.”

Undeniable Medical Achievements
Over the past 30 years, more than 4,700 Cuban collaborators have provided medical assistance across the Jamaican island. Prior to the recent announcement, the Cuban Medical Brigade was composed of 277 professionals, whose collective efforts have had a tangible and profound impact on strengthening its health system.

Statistical data highlights the significant scale of their work: more than 8,176,000 patients attended, 74,302 surgical interventions performed, 7,170 births assisted, and over 90,000 lives saved.

Furthermore, through the “Operation Miracle” program, which has been active in Jamaica since 2010, nearly 25,000 Jamaicans have had their vision restored or significantly improved.

Cuban cooperation has also been instrumental in vital projects for the control and prevention of diseases such as malaria and played a critical role in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, providing expertise and direct support during a global health crisis.

A recent example of this unwavering dedication was evident after Hurricane Melissa severely impacted the Jamaican island. In those challenging circumstances, the Cuban Medical Brigade remained steadfast at their posts, with many of its members working for more than 72 continuous hours and actively participating in the recovery efforts of hospitals and communities.

Jamaica’s medical cooperation with Cuba dates back more than 50 years, evolving into a crucial pillar of its public health system. The Cuban medical brigades, which began over six decades ago, have sent 600,000 professionals to 165 countries, according to official data.

(Telesur) by Laura V. Mor


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Caracas (OrinocoTribune.com)—Caracas and Washington have decided to restore diplomatic and consular relations. The announcement was made on Thursday evening by the Venezuelan and US governments in simultaneous statements.

In the Venezuelan statement shared by Foreign Minister Yván Gil, Venezuela “reaffirms its willingness to move forward in a new stage of constructive dialogue based on mutual respect, the sovereign equality of states, and cooperation between our peoples.” Venezuela also emphasized that these relations should result in the social and economic well-being of the Venezuelan people.

In January, Venezuela initiated an exploratory diplomatic process with the United States government, aimed at re-establishing diplomatic missions in both countries. At that time, Venezuela explained that the action was intended to address the consequences of the attack and kidnapping of President Nicolas Maduro and First Lady Deputy Cilia Flores, as well as a work agenda of mutual interest. The presidential couple was kidnapped in the early hours of January 3 after US troops bombed populated areas of Caracas, Miranda, La Guaira, and Aragua states, killing over 100 people, 47 of whom were Venezuelan soldiers and 32 Cuban soldiers.

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by Yván Gil Pinto (@yvan.gilpinto)

On February 2, Félix Plasencia was appointed as the Venezuelan ambassador to the United States. The appointment was made by Venezuela’s Acting President Delcy Rodríguez after meeting the newly appointed US chargé d’affaires. Following the imperialist bombings of Venezuela, the acting president has emphasized diplomacy as the path to overcoming differences between the two nations.

Chavista analysts claim that the Chavista leadership has been forced to accept cooperation with the US in a strategic retreat aimed at recovering the Venezuelan economy and making it more difficult for the US to continue its economic suffocation strategy initiated in 2015. Additionally, analysts explain that Venezuelan authorities are working to address the security deficiencies evident during the January 3 US military aggression, as the US—dissatisfied after failing to achieve regime change—may attempt a final blow to eliminate Chavismo in the near future.

The full unofficial translation of the Venezuelan statement follows:

The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela announces that, following the diplomatic dialogue established with the authorities of the United States of America, both governments have decided to re-establish their diplomatic and consular relations.

The Bolivarian Government reaffirms its willingness to move forward in a new stage of constructive dialogue, based on mutual respect, the sovereign equality of States, and cooperation between our peoples.

Venezuela expresses its confidence that this process will help strengthen understanding and open opportunities for a positive and mutually beneficial relationship. These relations should result in the social and economic well-being of the Venezuelan people.

This step accompanies the fruitful dialogue that Venezuelans maintain among themselves, aimed at strengthening coexistence, peace, and national understanding.

Finally, the Bolivarian Government evokes the words of our Liberator Simón Bolívar, who, from Angostura, within the framework of the birth of the new Republic, expressed his desire to establish “relations of friendship and good understanding” with the Government of the United States of North America.

Caracas, March 5, 2026

For its part, the US regime issued a short statement announcing the decision, while insisting on what most analysts claim is a renewed imperialist mantra: “… process that creates the conditions for a peaceful transition to a democratically elected government.”

Under international and diplomatic rules, the US statement is a clear intervention in Venezuela’s internal affairs and political system. Analysts interpret it as evidence of US intentions to inflict a final blow to the Bolivarian Revolution.

The full US statement follows:

The United States and Venezuela’s acting authorities have agreed to re-establish diplomatic and consular relations. This step will facilitate our joint efforts to promote stability, support economic recovery, and advance political reconciliation in Venezuela.

Our engagement is focused on helping the Venezuelan people move forward through a phased process that creates the conditions for a peaceful transition to a democratically elected government.

The United States remains committed to supporting the Venezuelan people and working with partners across the region to advance stability and prosperity. The United States and Venezuela’s interim authorities have agreed to re-establish diplomatic and consular relations. This step will facilitate our joint efforts to promote stability, support economic recovery, and advance political reconciliation in Venezuela.

The 2019 diplomatic rupture
On January 23, 2019, during a televised address, President Nicolás Maduro announced the complete break of diplomatic relations with the US. “I just signed the diplomatic note giving the US Embassy in Caracas and all its personnel 72 hours to leave Venezuela,” he said.

The United States Announces the Start of Military Operations in Ecuador

That same day, an unpopular Venezuelan far-right National Assembly deputy named Juan Guaidó proclaimed himself interim president of Venezuela in a US-led regime change operation that eventually failed after several years. Minutes later, the US regime recognized Guaidó as the legitimate president of Venezuela.

A few hours after President Maduro’s statements, the US Department of State issued an unprecedented communiqué on social media, defying the decision. The document stated that the US only recognized Guaidó as the “Venezuelan authority” and would not vacate its embassy in Caracas.

Special for Orinoco Tribune by staff

OT/JRE/SF


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By Miguel Manuel Fraga – Feb 25, 2026

The slanderous statements made by the Chargé d’Affaires of the US Embassy in Barbados, which appear in the article published by Dominica News Online on February 18, misrepresent our country’s international medical cooperation with falsehoods. This attack is part of a disinformation campaign that distorts the nature and denies the impact of a humanitarian program recognized by the international community, including organizations such as the World Health Organization.

It is the repeated use of lies that has led to the US government lacking credibility even among its own citizens. This is not Cuba’s claim, according to the US-based research center Pew Research. In December 2025, the credibility of the US government stood at 17%.

For more than six decades, Cuba, a country with limited resources and under a cruel regime of sanctions imposed by the most powerful nation on the planet, has demonstrated that true solidarity translates into concrete actions and tangible results. That is why more than 605,000 Cuban health professionals have voluntarily participated in missions in 165 countries, treating more than 2.3 billion patients, performing around 17 million surgeries, assisting in more than 5 million births, and saving more than 12 million lives.

During the same period, the US has carried out military interventions and covert operations in more than 25 countries. Various estimates put the number of deaths resulting from these military actions in the millions. And here we must include the more than 100 fatalities that, between late 2025 and early 2026, US bombings have caused in our Caribbean Sea, in what United Nations experts have defined as extrajudicial killings.

This difference in action between Cuba and the US was best defined by Commander-in-Chief Fidel Castro Ruz, who said that Cuba sends “doctors, not bombs.”

Cuba’s collaboration in the health sector has been recognized even by voices within the United States itself. In 2016, then-President Barack Obama, during his visit to Cuba, stated:

“We’ve played very different roles in the world. But no one should deny the service that thousands of Cuban doctors have delivered for the poor and suffering. (Applause.) Last year, American health care workers — and the U.S. military — worked side-by-side with Cubans to save lives and stamp out Ebola in West Africa. I believe that we should continue that kind of cooperation in other countries.”

Destroying Cuba’s International Medical Missions: Marco Rubio’s New Goal

It was not Cuba that ended this cooperation; it was a new U.S. administration that decided to escalate the bilateral conflict and, in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic, tightened its sanctions and even refused to sell Cuba oxygen for patients in this health emergency.

Our medical cooperation is not a business or an instrument of exploitation. It is solidarity that saves lives and responds to the request of sovereign governments whose citizens benefit from it. Participation in these missions is voluntary, regulated by bilateral agreements, respectful of international law and the rights of Cuban professionals, who return to their country with social and professional recognition.

The accusations of “forced labor” are baseless and respond to a political narrative.

The U.S. government is not only engaged in defamation but also threatens the countries where our collaborators provide their services.

History shows that where the U.S. manages to impose its will and eliminate the presence of Cuban health collaborators, the result is a deterioration in medical care and suffering for the population.

Today, as the US government continues to intensify its aggression and seeks to create a humanitarian crisis by attempting to prevent fuel from reaching Cuba, our resilient people are resisting, knowing that they are not alone because they have the solidarity of the world and will not give up.

Miguel Fraga is a Cuban diplomat currently working as ambassador of the Republic of Cuba to Dominica.

(Resumen Latinoamericano – English)


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Venezuelans, including social movements and members of the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), held a series of marches on Thursday, March 5, across Caracas to mark the 13th anniversary of the passing of President Hugo Chávez.

The marches began in the morning, departing from various points across the capital and converging on the Cuartel de la Montaña 4F, Chávez’s resting place in the 23 de Enero parish. Venezuelan authorities put special security arrangements in place along the routes to ensure the safe passage of the marchers to the historic site where their leader rests.

Foreign Affairs Minister Iván Gil Pinto highlighted Chávez’s vision of a multipolar world and his “promotion of brotherhood between our region and Africa,” noting that these principles of peace and mutual solidarity continue to guide Bolivarian diplomacy. Gil emphasized that Chávez was always a fervent defender of international dialogue and the sovereignty of peoples.

Social Movements of Venezuela March Against US-Zionist Aggression on Iran

National Assembly President Jorge Rodríguez honored Chávez’s memory, reflecting that politics is, above all, an act of tenderness and absolute dedication to the people. He stressed that the leader’s heart beat as one with the people, and that his historic call for national unity remains the foundational basis for achieving new victories against foreign domination.

The official commemoration began in the early hours with an emotional vigil at the Cuartel de la Montaña, attended by family members, friends, and leaders of the Caracas government. The day’s events concluded with nationwide cultural activities and forums on Chavismo’s impact on the integration of the peoples of the Global South.

The scale of Thursday’s mobilization speaks for itself: thirteen years after his passing, Hugo Chávez remains the central reference point in Venezuela’s ongoing struggle for independence and social justice.

(Telesur)

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/SC/DZ


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Cuba’s National Electrical System was fully reconnected, restoring a high percentage of power across the island after a massive outage, underscoring the fragility of the country’s energy infrastructure amid tightening U.S. sanctions.

Cuba’s national electricity system fully reconnected on March 5, at 05:01 A.M. local time, following a widespread outage triggered by a fault at the Antonio Guiteras thermoelectric plant on March 4.

The Cuban Ministry of Energy and Mines confirmed the interlinkage of the National Electroenergetic System (SEN, in Spanish), successfully restoring power across the island, from its westernmost to southeasternmost points. This crucial reconnection came after a significant service interruption that had affected a vast segment of the country.

Authorities announced that the progressive incorporation of various generation units throughout the territory is ongoing to stabilize the supply.

A las 5 :01 de esta madrugada quedó interconectado el Sistema Eléctrico, SEN, desde #Guantánamo hasta #PinarDelRío
Continúa la incorporación de unidades de generación.

— Ministerio de Energía y Minas Cuba 🇨🇺 (@EnergiaMinasCub) March 5, 2026

Text reads: “At 5:01 this morning, the electrical system, SEN, was interconnected from Guantanamo to Pinar del Rio. The incorporation of generation units continues.”

Lazaro Guerra, Director of Electricity at Cuba’s Ministry of Energy and Mines, reported that by 07:00 AM on March 5, the country had 590 megawatts (MW) of electricity served. Guerra specified that several additional generation units are expected to become operational during the day, including two from the Santa Cruz del Norte plant, unit three of the Cienfuegos thermoelectric plant in the south-central region, and unit six of Nuevitas, located in Camagüey province on Cuba’s north coast.

While the malfunction at the Antonio Guiteras Thermoelectric Plant in Matanzas was the direct cause of the system’s collapse on Wednesday, the fundamental underlying issue, according to Guerra, is the inherent weakness of the National Electroenergetic System. This vulnerability stems primarily from the persistent unavailability of fuel required for distributed generation.

The initial service interruption occurred just after noon on March 4, when an unexpected shutdown of the Antonio Guiteras plant, caused by a boiler failure, led to a disconnection affecting a vast area from Camagüey in the central-eastern region to Pinar del Rio province. Emergency protocols were immediately activated to address the contingency and commence power restoration efforts in the impacted areas.

Further complicating the energy landscape, the Antonio Guiteras thermoelectric plant began an estimated four-day maintenance period on the morning of March 5.

Ruben Campos Olmo, Director General of the plant, explained that this technical intervention is critically aimed at reducing water consumption in the high-temperature reheater. This component, he detailed, has shown significant weakening due to the prolonged and excessive operational demands placed upon it. The need for such repairs highlights the severe strain on Cuba´s energy infrastructure and the challenges in maintaining a consistent electricity supply.

According to the official information, 218 distribution circuits of the Cuban capital has electricity service at 1:00 P.M. local time, which represents 76.49% of the city. Meanwhile, the gradual synchronization of the loads of photovoltaic solar parks is ongoing in the provinces.

Failure in Cuba’s Electrical System Causes Disconnection in Several Provinces

U.S. Sanctions
Cuba’s energy crisis has sharply intensified in recent weeks, a situation directly attributed to the financial and commercial restrictions imposed by the United States Government.

As an example of the escalating instability, Havana, the island’s capital, experienced a power outage exceeding 19 hours on March 3, further underscoring the precarious situation.

This scenario is a direct consequence of the tightened sanctions targeting Cuba’s petroleum sector. Specifically, a recent Executive Order, declared as an alleged “emergency” measure and signed by U.S. President Donald Trump, has significantly exacerbated the situation. This measure mandates the imposition of tariffs on nations that supply fuel to the island, effectively creating substantial obstacles for the import of essential energy resources.

The international community has largely condemned this interference policy. Various leaders and international organizations have rejected it, characterizing it as a strategy of economic suffocation that infringes upon Cuba’s sovereign right to maintain basic services for its population.

This ongoing U.S. policy severely compromises Cuba’s ability to ensure a stable power supply and maintain its national energy security, directly impacting the daily lives of millions of Cubans.

(teleSUR)


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By Peoples Dispatch – Mar 04, 2026

The Noboa administration claims that these are joint military operations against “drug trafficking and illegal mining.”

On March 3, theUS Southern Command announced on X that US military forces had participated in actions alongside Ecuadorian security forces: “Ecuadorian and US military forces launched operations against Designated Terrorist Organizations in Ecuador. The operations are a powerful example of the commitment of partners in Latin America and the Caribbean to combat the scourge of narco-terrorism. Together, we are taking decisive action to confront narco-terrorists who have long inflicted terror, violence, and corruption on citizens throughout the hemisphere.”

In addition,the commander general of the Southern Command, Francis L. Donovan, stated: “We commend the men and women of the Ecuadorian armed forces for their unwavering commitment to this fight, demonstrating courage and resolve through continued actions against narco-terrorists in their country.”

For his part,Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa, a right-wing politician, wrote in a statement: “In March, we will carry out joint operations with our allies in the region, including the United States. The safety of Ecuadorians is our priority, and we will fight to achieve peace in every corner of the country.”

According to the US Embassy in Ecuador, the initial operation, carried out on March 3, dismantled an international drug trafficking network linked to the criminal group “Los Lobos” that operates in the provinces of Guayas, El Oro, and Loja. The operation led to the arrest of a key leader of the criminal group and the seizure of an undetermined amount of cocaine and more than USD 800,000.

“The investigation also revealed collaboration between Los Lobos and an Albanian drug trafficking organization, whose members traveled to Ecuador to negotiate and secure large-scale drug shipments. Once in Europe, the cocaine entered an extensive logistics network and was quickly distributed across several countries,”said the US Embassy in Ecuador.

That same day,Interior Minister John Reimberg reported that another operation had been carried out against the Albanian Mafia in the cities of Guayaquil, Machala, and Quito, where nearly USD 1 million in vehicles, jewelry, and weapons were seized. In addition to Ecuadorian security forces, Europol and the DEA participated in the operation, and coordinated actions were carried out in Belgium and the Netherlands.

However, US and Ecuadorian authorities have not confirmed whether US soldiers participated in joint military operations on Ecuadorian territory.A video shown by the Southern Command depicts a helicopter with soldiers, although it is unclear whether the images were taken in Ecuador or are merely for reference.

President of Ecuador Opens Up Military Bases for US Forces Despite Popular Opposition

A controversial decision
At the end of 2025, Daniel Noboa’s right-wing government suffered a shocking electoral defeat in the November referendum. Among the questions asked was whether foreign military bases should be allowed on Ecuadorian territory, thereby reforming the constitution that prohibits them.

However, Noboa’s government, as it has done on other occasions, has decided to find new ways to pursue its neoliberal project in the political and economic spheres, even against the majority position of the Ecuadorian people, which is why several critics of the government have labeled it “authoritarian” and “undemocratic.”

And while it is true that no foreign military bases have been established, the possible deployment of foreign military forces, in this case US forces, has not been consulted with the Ecuadorian people or Congress. On the contrary, the decision was made within the Carondelet Palace.

In fact, on March 2, one day before the announcement of joint military actions,President Noboa and his team met with the commander general of the Southern Command, Donovan, at the Presidential Palace in Quito. The senior US military official said: “Ecuador is one of the United States’ strongest partners in disrupting and dismantling designated terrorist organizations in the region”. Also present was Mark S. Schafer, head of Special Operations Command South. After the meeting, Noboa stated that “the next phase of the fight against organized crime” would begin.

However, it is not yet clear what these joint actions announced by both parties will consist of. Clearly, collaboration in the transfer of information and intelligence has already taken place in the past, in accordance with agreements signed several years ago, but the announcement by Washington and Quito seems to herald a much deeper and more active form of collaboration.

(Peoples Dispatch)


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Venezuela and the British multinational oil company Shell have signed an agreement outlining important opportunities in the hydrocarbon sector within Venezuelan territory. The document was signed by Venezuela’s Acting President Delcy Rodríguez, the president of Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA), Héctor Obregón, and Shell’s regional vice president, Adam Lowmass.

The parties also signed a technical and financial alliance to boost hydrocarbon production. The agreement, made this Thursday, March 5, focuses on the comprehensive development of the Carito and Piritual production units, located in the Punta de Mata Division of Monagas state. These developments fall within the framework of the recently reformed Hydrocarbons Law, enacted by the acting president on January 29, following its unanimous approval by the National Assembly earlier that day.

As part of the signing ceremony, a private agreement was formalized between Shell and the Venezuelan private engineering firm Vepica. The event was attended by the US Secretary of the Interior and Chairman of the Energy Dominion Council, Doug Burgum, who arrived in Venezuela on Wednesday.

On February 26, as part of a sovereign policy of respectful relations and strategic cooperation, Acting President Rodríguez held a working meeting with representatives of Shell in the Simón Bolívar Hall of Miraflores Palace to evaluate gas projects. Lowmass, Cederic Cremers, president of Global Gas; Elías Nucette, vice president of Shell; Alfredo Urdaneta, Shell’s representative in Venezuela; and Héctor Obregón, president of PDVSA, among other Venezuelan officials, were present at the meeting.

New business models and economic opportunities
Following the signing, Rodríguez stated that the government is pleased to reach these agreements with Shell on oil and gas. She indicated that Venezuela is already implementing the Hydrocarbons Law with new business models.

She emphasized her satisfaction in witnessing the agreement between Shell and Vepica. “It makes me very happy to see Venezuelan companies joining the international energy and mining agenda,” she said. “This will also mean more jobs for our workers.”

In a call to the youth of Venezuela, Rodríguez stated that there are growing opportunities within the country. She urged those who left in search of better economic prospects to return to their homeland, noting that the government is dedicated to the happiness of the Venezuelan people.

Tactical Retreats: Why Venezuela’s Revolution Still Stands

“The cooperation that Venezuela can have with other countries is for the benefit of the country and its people,” Rodríguez added. “It shows that Venezuela has highly trained workers and top-level professionals to face all the challenges that our country needs to address.”

Addressing Secretary Burgum, the acting president noted that the steps being taken by both nations demonstrate the goodwill to build an agenda for cooperation in the energy and mining sectors. She added that these steps will strengthen relations between both countries for the benefit of the people of Venezuela and the United States. She concluded that the visit of the US official opens new paths and brings substantial work for the technical teams of both nations.

(Diario Vea) by Yuleidys Hernández Toledo

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/JRE/SF


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Caracas (OrinocoTribune.com)—Venezuelan Acting President Delcy Rodríguez paid a heartfelt tribute on Thursday to the commander of the Bolivarian Revolution and eternal symbol of Venezuelan dignity, President Hugo Chávez, on the 13th anniversary of his passing on March 5, 2013.

Rodríguez declared that the revolutionary leader’s presence lives on in every struggle and every victory of the Venezuelan people, that he did not merely lead them but became them, woven into the soul of the nation as undying hope and inexhaustible inspiration.

“Thirteen years after the passing of Commander Hugo Chávez, we feel his living presence in every struggle, and every victory of the people. He taught us to love this land deeply, to hold our heads high with dignity, and never to surrender,” she wrote.

His greatest legacy, Rodríguez affirmed, was not power but purpose: peace, equality, and social justice forged through consciousness and true unity among the people.

Orinoco Tribune also honored the founder of Chavismo, our guide and our beacon, taken from us too suddenly and under circumstances that remain deeply contested.

Thirteen years have passed since Commander Hugo Chávez’s death, and he continues to be a beacon of light and inspiration for true Chavismo. Those outside Venezuela, or those who are not truly Chavista, might find this hard to understand.

Today, we commemorate another anniversary of his sudden departure. We know in our bones that the Chavista leadership after Jan. 3 remains loyal to him, to the tectonic movement that enabled him, and to the historic legacy he tremendously helped to build.

¡Nosotros venceremos, no matter what!
¡Chávez vive, carajo!

Social Movements of Venezuela March Against US-Zionist Aggression on Iran

We at Orinoco Tribune also take this moment to speak plainly to those outside Venezuela, or to those who have not yet come to understand the true nature of Chavismo. Despite the difficult and at times controversial strategic decisions made by its leadership in the aftermath of the atrocious January 3 US military bombing of Venezuela, the heart of the Bolivarian movement has not wavered. The majority of Chavistas continue to stand with their leadership and remain steadfast in their commitment to the socialist and anti-imperialist ideals that Chávez gave his life to build.

Special for Orinoco Tribune by staff

OT/JRE/DZ


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Various images circulating on social media showed the arrival of US planes on the runway of the airport in the coastal Ecuadorian city of Manta on March 2. On the same day, Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa held a meeting with General Francis L. Donovan, head of the US Southern Command, and Rear Admiral Mark A. Schafer, commander of US Southern Command Special Operations — part of a new, purportedly anti-crime offensive by the Ecuadorian government that includes curfews across four provinces beginning March 15.

The US also recently donated a Lockheed Martin C-130H Hercules transport aircraft to strengthen the logistical capacity of the Ecuadorian Air Force. Similarly, several Boeing C-17 Globemaster strategic cargo planes of the US Air Force have been seen landing in Guayaquil for the transfer of specialized equipment. In addition, at the start of 2026, a B-52 bomber entered Ecuadorian airspace for the first time as part of a bilateral defense cooperation exercise.

This deployment is grounded in security agreements signed by former President Guillermo Lasso in 2023 and ratified by Daniel Noboa in 2024, which allow the movement of US Department of Defense aircraft and personnel within Ecuadorian territory for surveillance and control purposes.

This has been approved despite the Ecuadorian people’s rejection of foreign military bases on national territory, as made clear in the popular consultation of November 16, 2025.

The legal controversy centers on whether the presence of aircraft at Ecuadorian airports constitutes a foreign military base. Some argue that if aircraft are stationed there to carry out joint operations beyond national borders, receive supplies, and remain for several days within airport facilities, the use of that space may indeed qualify as a foreign military base. Ecuadorian authorities, however, characterize it as “strategic” collaboration.

Noboa himself justified the move on Tuesday via his X account: “We are starting a new phase against narco-terrorism and illegal mining. In March, we will conduct joint operations with our regional allies, including the United States. The safety of Ecuadorians is our priority, and we will fight to achieve peace in every corner of the country. To achieve that peace, we must act with force against criminals, wherever they may be. The pursuit of justice and national dignity will never be persecution, but rather a promise to Ecuadorians that we will fulfill.”

Regarding the meeting with the US Southern Command, the Ecuadorian presidency issued a statement indicating that the “visit is part of bilateral negotiations to strengthen cooperation and coordination in combating transnational threats that affect national and regional stability.”

“During this meeting, lines of technical and institutional coordination were reviewed, aimed at strengthening hemispheric security and addressing transnational organized crime and narco-terrorism, with a joint work approach that prioritizes the protection of citizens and the strengthening of state capacities, in strict respect for sovereignty and internal regulations,” the statement added.

It further explained that “joint initiatives are scheduled to strengthen controls, information exchange, and operational coordination, both at airports and port terminals, in order to identify risks and prevent criminal activities.”

This suggests the scope extends beyond joint operations against criminal gangs within Ecuadorian territory alone. Other political sectors have therefore questioned the legitimacy of these commitments, which could carry implications beyond Ecuador’s borders, particularly amid a military conflict between the US and Iran, as well as the political, commercial, and diplomatic tensions with Colombia that emerged following Ecuador’s imposition of tariffs in February.

Ecuador: President Noboa’s Family Business Links to Cocaine Trafficking to Europe Confirmed

Is it Colombia’s fault?

Noboa has continued to blame the Colombian government for insufficient cooperation in fighting crime along the shared border, claiming the situation has cost the Ecuadorian state around $400 million over the past year.

The military authorities of Gustavo Petro’s government, however, insist they have taken effective action, citing the seizure of more than 50 tons of drugs, the interdiction of 40 illicit vessels, and the rescue of 60 ships in distress.

A post by the Colombian Ministry of Defense, cited by Petro on February 27, read: “Decisive blow to drug trafficking on the border with Ecuador! As part of the Ayacucho Plus Plan, the Army and Police dismantled a criminal network that operated on an international scale. The structure used the territory of the neighboring country to send cocaine to Europe and the United States.”

Last week, during a police ceremony, Noboa announced that a curfew would be imposed across four Ecuadorian provinces from 11:00 p.m. on March 15 until midnight on March 30, 2026. Those provinces — Guayas, Los Ríos, Santo Domingo de los Tsáchilas, and El Oro — have the highest rates of criminal violence. States of emergency were declared throughout the same provinces in 2025, yet failed to reduce violent deaths.

Interior Minister John Reimberg has recently adopted the term “war” to describe the country’s security situation. On March 2, he stated emphatically, “We are at war,” urging citizens to “stay in your homes during the curfew; we are at war.”

For the government, Ecuador is at war against organized crime. For the population in the provinces under a state of emergency and curfew, this translates into an increased military presence and nighttime mobility restrictions during the second half of March, in addition to the loss of certain constitutional guarantees in the case of arbitrary detentions, as has already been reported in the past two years.

However, the figures for violent deaths and the criminal actions of organized gangs have not decreased. In fact, January 2026 is already considered the second most violent in the history of the country. January 2025 remains the most violent month in history, with 800 murders.

This January, 747 homicides were reported, representing a 6.6% reduction (53 fewer cases) compared to the same month of the previous year. Although there was a slight decrease compared to 2025, the figure for 2026 remains extremely high when compared to years like 2024 or 2023.

Moreover, while overall violent deaths fell slightly, certain other indicators worsened. For example, homicides of children and adolescents increased by 5%, rising from 48 cases in January 2025 to 50 cases in January 2026. Zone 8 (Guayaquil, Durán, and Samborondón) continues to experience the highest number of crimes, with 248 cases just in January, and 88% of the violent deaths during this period were committed with firearms.

(Diario Red) by Orlando Pérez

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/SC/DZ


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