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1901
 
 

The tremor, which had a depth of 34 kilometers, was felt in nearby cities such as Garzon, Armenia, Ibague, Cali, Popayan, and Florencia, as well as other municipalities in the central and southwestern parts of the country, according to local media reports.

Following this earthquake, which occurred at 9:05 a.m. (local time), the SGC reported two other tremors.

A 3.1 magnitude earthquake struck San Jose del Palmar, in the department of Choco, in northwestern Colombia, at 9:36 a.m. (local time), and a third, measuring 2.6, occurred at 10:10 a.m. in Murindo, Antioquia.

Authorities have not yet reported any damage following the earthquakes.

jdt/oda/ifs

The post Southwestern Colombia shaken by a 4.6 magnitude earthquake first appeared on Prensa Latina.


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1902
 
 

The PCCh called for a united front in defense of sovereignty and territorial integrity, which are threatened throughout Latin America, and recalled that the region has been declared a Zone of Peace.

The organization condemned the illegal and unpunished attacks by the US Navy against small civilian vessels, which have already claimed the lives of more than 100 people.

“Donald Trump displays his summary executions as war trophies, using the fight against drugs as an excuse, without presenting any evidence,” the statement warned, adding that the blockade of oil tankers entering and leaving Venezuela also raises concerns.

This situation foreshadows the possibility of a new wave of US military interventions in the region, which has been considered for decades as the United States’ “backyard” and a source of natural resources, the organization stated.

In that regard, it is worth noting that, in recent statements, Trump included Mexico and Colombia as possible locations for his military operations.

“There is no acceptable reason or circumstance to justify foreign military intervention in any country in the region, creating a new hotspot of conflict among those that threaten humanity today,” warned the Communist Party of Chile.

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The post Chilean communists against US intervention in the Caribbean first appeared on Prensa Latina.


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1903
 
 

Writer Adriano Valarezo highlighted independently distributed works, including Extremidad fantasma (Ghostly Extremity) by Guillermo Moran, and Esquema del aura hemicraneal (Scheme of the Hemicranial Aura), in the short story genre.

In poetry, he mentioned works by Leonardo Lopez Verdugo, as well as Nueve poemas (Nine Poems) by Martha Ordonez; Cuadernos de la tempestad (Notebooks of the Tempest) by Pablo Carrillo; and El cuaderno del paria del poeta (The Poet’s Pariah’s Notebook) by Vinicio Manotoa.

The list also includes Contraintuitivo (Counterintuitive) by Bruno Burgos, and La nueva vida (The New Life) by Cristian Lopez Talavera.

In critical biography, Valarezo extoled ¡Basta de bestias! (Enough of Beasts!) by musician and writer Jaime Guevara.

Writer Andrea Crespo highlighted narrative works such as Onirias (Dreams) by Solange Rodriguez; My name is Claudia Cardinale, by Paulina Briones; and Objects from the Deep Sky, also by Briones.

Editor Daniel Lastra included among the most relevant titles of the year The Ghost of Correa, by Paula Marin, and Lawfare for All, by Abraham Verduga.

His selection also includes Another Fool, by journalist Orlando Perez, one of the year’s best-selling books.

Joining that title are Delirium Semens, by Ramiro Oviedo; Avoiding War, Creating New Worlds, by Raul Zibechi; and Human Rights and Social Struggle, by Romel Jurado.

The list is completed with Bad Love, by Silvia Vera; From the Other Heart, by Abdon Ubidia; Complete Stories, by Vladimiro Ribas; and Hitmen of Quito, by Alvaro Samaniego.

jdt/oda/avr

The post Ecuador: Editors and writers highlight the best books of 2025 first appeared on Prensa Latina.


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1904
 
 

The head of Internal Security for the Damascus-County Province, Ahmed Al-Dalati, reported that the operation targeted a hideout used by members of the extremist organization and was carried out after meticulous intelligence work and continuous monitoring of the cell’s movements. According to the official, the operation ended with the complete dismantling of the terrorist network and the arrest of its leader along with six other members, as well as the seizure of weapons and ammunition in their possession. Al-Dalati emphasized that this action is part of a comprehensive strategy aimed at eradicating the sources of terrorism, preventing threats to national security, and consolidating peace and stability in the country.

In early November, the Ministry of the Interior announced the launch of a large-scale security operation against extremist cells in several provinces, in coordination with the General Directorate of Intelligence.

As part of this campaign, on November 26, Internal Security forces dismantled a Daesh-affiliated cell in the city of Afrin, in Aleppo province, thwarting destabilization plans in the north of the country.

Also, earlier this month, Syrian security forces dismantled another Daesh-linked network in the city of Kanaker, west of Damascus.

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1905
 
 

Retired career ambassador Jorge Castaneda disseminated this suggestion in a lengthy article analyzing what he considers to be the potential advantages and disadvantages of the controversial partnership recently announced by US President Donald Trump.

Following this assessment, he concludes that “the decision must be preceded by a fundamental national debate that defines the type of international actor Peru aspires to be.” “This debate must coldly assess the material advantages of each option against the principles of autonomy and diversification of alliances that have historically guided” Peruvian foreign policy, he adds in the text published on the website of the firm Efectividat Consultores.

He further warns that “Only with a clear, long-term state strategy will it be possible to determine whether Major Ally status is a useful instrument for national objectives or, on the contrary, a superfluous or even counterproductive commitment.”

Castaneda believes that, in any case, it must be established that Peruvian foreign policy, and not the other party, should define the use and limits of any diplomatic or security tool.

He also points out that the impact of designation as a Major Non-NATO Ally depends crucially on the strength, cohesion, and strategic clarity of the recipient country.

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The post Peruvian diplomat suggests debate on proposed alliance with the US first appeared on Prensa Latina.


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1906
 
 

By Carmen Parejo Rendón  –  Dec 17, 2025

While the major international media outlets insist on portraying a so-called increase in “tensions” between the US and Venezuela as if it were a bilateral conflict, what we are seeing—once again—is a unilateral offensive by US imperialism against Venezuela and, by extension, against all of Latin America.

There are no “tensions” between equals when a global power deploys naval ships, sanctions, financial blackmail, covert operations, and media campaigns against a country that has been resisting for more than two decades. Calling structural and habitual aggression “tension” is a new perversion of language that dilutes the real hierarchy of power, conceals the aggressor, and turns the victim into a “pole of the conflict.”

In this framework, the recent security doctrine presented by Donald Trump functions as a brutal—and now unmasked—update of the Monroe Doctrine. The Caribbean and Latin America are once again being designated as a “natural zone” of control for the US, a space where any intervention is normalized if the goal is to halt popular projects or contain the presence of international powers such as China or Russia. It is a full-fledged declaration of intent that is, in fact, already being implemented on the ground. The killings of fishers in Caribbean waters by branding them as drug traffickers—without any evidence, trial, or legal basis—carried out by US forces are part of this increasingly crude logic of regional recolonization.

It is in this renewed climate of aggression that Gustavo Petro had positioned himself as one of the most lucid voices of continental progressivism. His address at the United Nations, firmly denouncing the genocide in Gaza and the impunity for crimes in the Caribbean, opened a symbolic crack: for a moment, Colombia seemed to break free from its historical role as a disciplined satellite of Washington. It was not just a rhetorical gesture; it was a rupture in political positioning: speaking from a position of Latin American dignity in a forum designed to domesticate it.

However, that clarity has been eroded precisely as threats against Venezuela intensify. And here the contradiction emerges: an experienced political leader acts as if imperialism could be contained through concessions. Petro is trying out a narrative of “fuzzy bridges” toward the US administration, as if the problem were one of diplomatic tone rather than of strategic interests.

This shift is reflected in his social media posts, where he projects from Bogotá a tutelary narrative of what a “democratic transition” in Venezuela should be, also suggesting formulas for “amnesty” or reintegration for sectors that for years have promoted coup d’états, political terrorism, and class violence against the Venezuelan people. The political significance of that proposal is clear: it shifts the focus from external aggression to an alleged symmetrical “internal conflict,” and, in doing so, it equates the Bolivarian process—collective, popular, and constituent, with those who have tried to destroy it: its traditional oligarchy and US and European imperialism.

The implication is serious: it introduces the idea that Latin American “peace” depends on restoring legitimacy and power quotas to the historical agents of dispossession. Here the question is not moral, but structural: would Petro apply that same logic in Colombia? Would he accept a “political amnesty” for Uribismo as a condition for stability, despite its history of paramilitary ties, crimes, and dispossession? If the answer is no, then the double standard is exposed: Venezuela is being asked to accept what no people would accept for themselves. The Venezuelan experience has already left the lesson written in blood: a real democratic revolution is not negotiated with those who want you dead.

Imperialism by Invitation: Murder, Mafioso Politics and Caribbean-Venezuelan Futurity

While Bogotá seeks to reduce the contradiction to manageable terrain, Venezuela understands the true nature of the conflict: a systematic siege—blockades, sabotage, coup attempts, economic warfare, financial asphyxiation—faced by an organized people who, under constant fire, have developed forms of popular democracy from below. That is why, amid the threat, what is growing is not the rhetoric of resignation, but the capacity to defend the process itself: organization, cohesion, and the willingness to sustain the project, even with arms.

As was to be expected, Washington has not rewarded Petro’s prudence but has instead tightened the noose around him: public hostility from Trumpism, legislative pressure, institutional disciplining, and a judicial war aimed at paralyzing both his government and the political horizon surrounding it. The sequence is well known in Latin America: concessions do not guaranty security. It is not a communication error, but a reading of power: imperialism does not respond to goodwill, but to the balance of forces. Every conciliatory gesture is interpreted as a sign of vulnerability and as practical evidence that there is “room for maneuver” to tighten the screws even further.

What happened in Chile is a brutal warning to any government that believes it can “moderate” its commitments to the people in the name of “governability.” The electoral triumph of Pinochetismo—in a country that just a few years ago experienced one of the continent’s most powerful social uprisings—cannot be understood as a mere “cultural shift” among the electorate. It is, above all, a political consequence. And in that consequence there is a direct responsibility on the part of the government led by Gabriel Boric.

Boric arrived as a promise of rupture and ended up operating as a guaranty of continuity. Prioritizing dialogue with traditional elites and alignment with Washington over the social force that brought him to power was a strategic decision that shifted the center of gravity from the mobilized populace to the Chilean state and its pacts. Instead of deepening the constituent momentum unleashed by the uprising, Boric’s government contained it; instead of expanding popular organization, it dismantled it; instead of dismantling the inherited repressive apparatus, it normalized it. The result was the recomposition of the oligarchic bloc and the restoration of the common-sense notion of order.

Thus, Chile demonstrates a political law that is repeated with precision throughout Latin America: fascism does not enter solely through propaganda; it also enters through the open door of demobilization. The setback does not stem solely from the enemy’s strength; above all, it stems from the weakening of the popular subject. And that weakening occurs when governments born of a social wave begin to manage that wave as if it were foreign to them.

Therefore, what is at stake in Bogotá is not merely the survival of a government, but the continuity, or the defeat of the transformation processes that the people have pushed forward with sacrifice. There are no shortcuts or third ways when the adversary is an imperial system in decline and in an especially violent phase. Imperialism does not negotiate with those who give in; it interprets concession as an exploitable weakness and turns that “margin” into an opportunity to attack.

Thus, Latin American history teaches something else: the only processes that have withstood sustained onslaughts from capitalism—and especially from Washington—have been those that deepened their social base, such as Cuba and Venezuela, which shifted the center of gravity from the palace to the organized people and understood that the struggle is not merely electoral but, above all, structural. Because, in the end, the dilemma is neither moral nor discursive. It is political and strategic: either change has to be deepened with the people as the central subject, or the door gets opened for the enemies of the people to regain control by any means to unleash their revenge.

(RT)

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/SC/DZ


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1907
 
 

Heglig oil field clashes between Sudan’s RSF and South Sudan’s army threaten the region’s economic stability and energy exports.

Heglig oil field clashes between Sudan’s paramilitaries and South Sudan’s army risk regional stability and expose the fragility of post-independence energy sovereignty.

Related: Sudan: UN Reports Over 1,000 Civilians Killed in Darfur


Violent Heglig oil field clashes erupted on the night of Saturday, December 20, 2025, when Sudan’s paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) launched an armed incursion into the strategically vital Heglig oil region—a zone officially under South Sudanese control. The surprise attack triggered fierce fighting with the South Sudanese People’s Defence Forces (SSPDF), leaving dozens dead on both sides and threatening to derail a fragile tripartite agreement governing oil production and transit.

Located in Sudan’s Western Kordofan state but economically tied to South Sudan, Heglig has long been a flashpoint of territorial and resource disputes since South Sudan’s independence in 2011. The recent assault, according to South Sudanese military sources, was not a random act of violence but a calculated attempt by the RSF to seize control of crude exports and extract a share of oil revenues from Juba’s government.

“The RSF sought to obstruct existing agreements and pressure South Sudan into granting them a cut of oil income,” a senior SSPDF commander stated. “Their goal was economic blackmail through military force.”

The Heglig field currently operates 75 active oil wells, producing 20,000 barrels of crude per day—all of which feed into a processing plant with a capacity of 130,000 barrels, much of it sourced from South Sudanese fields. This infrastructure serves as the primary conduit for South Sudan’s oil exports, which account for over 90% of the country’s national revenue and flow through pipelines to Red Sea ports controlled by Sudan.


Heglig Oil Field Clashes: A Battle Over Economic Sovereignty

South Sudanese President Salva Kiir immediately mobilized emergency measures to protect the installation from sabotage. “This is not just an oil field—it is the economic lung of our nation,” Kiir declared in an emergency address. Any destruction of Heglig’s infrastructure would cripple South Sudan’s already fragile economy, which has struggled to recover from years of civil war and the broader regional spillover of Sudan’s ongoing conflict.

The Heglig oil field clashes mark a dangerous escalation in the RSF’s regional ambitions. Since the outbreak of Sudan’s civil war in April 2023—pitting the RSF against the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF)—the paramilitary group has increasingly targeted cross-border energy assets to finance its war machine. With international arms embargoes and frozen assets limiting traditional funding, oil has become a battlefield commodity.

Read the UN Panel of Experts report on RSF’s illicit financing and cross-border operations

Notably, Heglig has been devoid of civilians since the 2023 war began, making independent verification of battlefield claims nearly impossible. Humanitarian organizations and international observers remain barred from the area, allowing disinformation and propaganda to fill the void. The RSF claims it is “restoring order” in a lawless zone; Juba insists it is defending its sovereign economic interests under international law and bilateral agreements.

The current security arrangement is based on a tripartite framework involving Sudan, South Sudan, and international monitors—a fragile pact now in jeopardy. The RSF’s incursion directly violates this understanding and raises fears of a broader spillover conflict that could reignite the 2012 Heglig crisis, when South Sudanese forces briefly occupied the field before withdrawing under intense diplomatic pressure from the African Union and the UN Security Council.

Review the African Union’s 2012 Heglig mediation statement and current peace architecture

For South Sudan, the stakes could not be higher. With inflation soaring, food insecurity affecting over 7 million people, and public services near collapse, oil revenue is the only lifeline keeping the state afloat. Losing control of Heglig—or even facing disrupted flows—could trigger a full-blown fiscal and humanitarian collapse.


Geopolitical Context: Energy, War, and the Fragility of Post-Colonial Borders

The Heglig oil field clashes cannot be understood in isolation. They reflect the deep entanglement of resource control, post-colonial border disputes, and proxy warfare that defines the Horn of Africa. Heglig sits precisely on the contested boundary between Sudan and South Sudan—a line drawn not by local consent, but by British colonial administrators in the early 20th century.

When South Sudan seceded in 2011, it inherited 75% of the former united Sudan’s oil reserves—but none of the refineries or export pipelines, which remained in the north. This forced the two nations into an uneasy interdependence, with Juba paying Khartoum transit fees to access global markets. The arrangement has been repeatedly weaponized during political crises, turning oil into a tool of coercion.

Today, the RSF—widely accused of war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and trafficking in arms and gold—is exploiting this structural vulnerability. By threatening Heglig, the group not only seeks revenue but also leverage over both Khartoum and Juba, positioning itself as a power broker in a fractured region.

Regionally, the crisis threatens to destabilize the entire East African energy corridor. South Sudan’s oil exports help finance infrastructure projects across the region, including roads, power grids, and regional integration initiatives under the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). A prolonged disruption could delay development and fuel further conflict over scarce resources.

Explore IGAD’s regional security and economic integration strategy amid Sudan crisis

Globally, the Heglig incident underscores how localized resource conflicts can have systemic consequences. As the world seeks alternative energy sources amid climate transition, African oil remains strategically relevant—particularly for Asian markets like China and India, which import the bulk of South Sudan’s crude. Any prolonged halt in production would ripple through global supply chains and exacerbate energy insecurity.

Yet beyond economics, the battle for Heglig is about sovereignty and dignity. For South Sudan—a nation born from decades of struggle against northern domination—the defense of its oil fields is symbolic of its right to self-determination. As one South Sudanese diplomat put it: “They fought us for our land. Now they want our oil. But we will not let history repeat itself.”

As ceasefire talks stall and regional diplomacy falters, the Heglig oil field clashes stand as a warning: without a political solution to Sudan’s civil war and a reinforced commitment to international agreements, energy infrastructure will remain a frontline in Africa’s new wars.



From teleSUR English via This RSS Feed.

1908
 
 

Vargas Llosa informed in statements published by the Syrian press that around 1.3 million refugees have returned since December 2024, in addition to almost two million internally displaced persons who have returned to their places of origin.

The official stated that an estimated three million Syrians have returned to their homes in a relatively short period.

The UNHCR representative in Syria stressed that thousands of citizens are returning spontaneously after more than 14 years of forced displacement, and underscored that the fear that gripped Syrian society for years is rapidly diminishing, giving way to a widespread sense of hope.

He considered the return of a significant number of refugees an encouraging sign, although he cautioned that a substantial improvement in economic conditions will take time and depend on coordinated and sustained international support.

Vargas Llosa also pointed out that Syria’s recovery after a prolonged war will not be immediate, but emphasized that both the Syrian government and people deserve recognition for having reconnected the country with the international community in a relatively short time.

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1909
 
 

Peskov told reporters, “Macron previously expressed his desire to talk with Putin. In turn, the Russian president also showed his willingness to talk with Macron. If there is mutual political will, it can only be viewed positively.”

The spokesperson insisted that both sides make an effort to understand each other.

“If we are talking about dialogue, it should not be an attempt to lecture each other, but rather an effort to understand each other’s stances,” Peskov said.

President Putin, he added, “is always ready to explain his stance in detail, consistently and sincerely, to his counterparts.”

The last time Putin and Macron spoke by phone was on July 1.

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1910
 
 

Doctors decided to practicar the surgery immediately after the necessary examinations using minimally invasive laparoscopy, and she will be hospitalized for one to four days, although there is no precise information on this, the digital media outlet reported.

The first medical report last night stated that the patient “was admitted to our institution today presenting abdominal pain consistent with acute appendicitis,” a condition whose diagnosis “was confirmed by the appropriate medical professionals.”

The report, signed by the medical director of the Otamendi Sanatorium, Marisa Lanfranconi, indicated that the former president was “progressing well so far without post-operative complications.”

Supporters in mass have gathered in front of the medical center to show their support and well wishes since the Peronist leader was admitted to the Otamendi Sanatorium.

This is the fourth surgery the 72-year-old former president has undergone. In 2012, she had surgery to remove a thyroid tumor.

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1911
 
 

Colombia defense budget 2025 announced by President Petro to strengthen human security and counter armed violence in rural territories.

Colombia defense budget 2025 allocates $12.7 billion over a decade to strengthen security, protect vulnerable communities, and confront armed groups—while reaffirming commitment to peace.

Related: Colombian Government Rejects Nobel Peace Prize Award for Machado Due to Belligerent Stance


In a strategic move to confront escalating violence in rural regions, the Colombian government has unveiled a sweeping Colombia defense budget 2025 initiative that commits $12.7 billion (49 trillion Colombian pesos) over the next decade to modernize national defense and reinforce state presence in conflict-affected territories. President Gustavo Petro announced the plan as part of a broader vision centered on human security—prioritizing the protection of civilian life over purely military objectives.

Speaking alongside Defense Minister Pedro Sánchez, Petro emphasized that the investment is not a return to militarism, but a necessary shield for peacebuilding. “This is about guaranteeing the right to life in territories abandoned by the state for decades,” he stated. The funding will be formalized through a National Development Plan document issued by the Consejo Nacional de Política Económica y Social (Conpes)—Colombia’s highest planning authority—and will guide defense and security policy through 2035.

The decision comes amid a surge in attacks by residual armed groups, including dissident factions of the former FARC, paramilitary successors, and narcotrafficking networks. In 2025 alone, 170 social leaders have been assassinated, and recent bombings in Aguachica and Buenos Aires have left dozens of security forces injured, underscoring the urgent need for a coordinated state response.

“The priority is the security of people—not just territory,” said Minister Sánchez. “We are investing in technology, logistics, and the well-being of our military personnel to ensure they can operate effectively while respecting human rights.”


Colombia Defense Budget 2025: Human Security and Technological Modernization

Unlike previous defense strategies focused on combat metrics, the new Colombia defense budget 2025 framework integrates human security as its core principle. This means deploying not only troops, but also social programs, early warning systems, and community protection mechanisms in coordination with local authorities.

Key components of the plan include the acquisition of advanced surveillance drones, encrypted communication systems, armored medical evacuation vehicles, and biometric identification tools to track armed actors. Equally important is the commitment to improve living conditions for frontline troops, many of whom operate in remote jungle or mountain regions with limited infrastructure.

Read Colombia’s Ministry of Defense official statement on the 2025–2035 security strategy

The government has already defined tactical adjustments for immediate deployment in high-risk departments such as Cauca and Norte de Santander, where armed groups control illicit economies and frequently attack energy infrastructure, roads, and community leaders. The new strategy will increase military mobility, enhance intelligence fusion, and establish joint civil-military command posts to improve coordination with mayors, Indigenous councils, and Afro-Colombian community boards.

Critically, the plan explicitly rejects the notion that security can be achieved through force alone. Instead, it positions defense capabilities as enablers of social development. As Petro explained: “You cannot build schools, clinics, or roads in areas where armed groups dictate who lives and who dies. Security is the foundation of justice.”

Explore the UN Office on Colombia’s support for integrated rural security and peace implementation

This integrated approach reflects lessons from the 2016 Peace Agreement, which showed that disarmament without state presence leads to power vacuums—quickly filled by new armed actors. The current strategy aims to prevent that cycle by ensuring that military advances are followed immediately by investments in health, education, land restitution, and rural electrification.


Geopolitical Context: Sovereignty, Peace, and the Global South’s Security Dilemma

The Colombia defense budget 2025 must be understood within a complex regional and global context. As one of the few Latin American nations still grappling with active internal armed conflict, Colombia faces unique security challenges that blend criminal violence, ideological insurgency, and transnational drug trafficking.

Yet the Petro administration is navigating this reality without aligning itself with U.S.-led militarized counter-narcotics models that have historically fueled displacement and environmental destruction. Instead, it is crafting a sovereign, rights-based security doctrine—one that aligns with progressive governments in Mexico, Brazil, and Chile that view violence as a symptom of inequality, not merely a law enforcement problem.

Regionally, Colombia’s approach could influence debates in countries like Ecuador and Venezuela, where similar hybrid threats—criminal gangs mixed with political violence—are destabilizing border zones. A successful model that combines defense, development, and dialogue could offer a template for the entire Andean region.

Globally, the plan challenges the dominant narrative that associates “strong defense” with offensive capabilities or foreign intervention. In the Global South, where state weakness is often the root of insecurity, true defense means protecting civilians, not projecting power. Colombia’s emphasis on human security resonates with UN frameworks and the African Union’s “Silencing the Guns” initiative—both of which prioritize community resilience over battlefield dominance.

Moreover, the investment comes at a time when global defense spending is skyrocketing—yet Colombia’s allocation remains modest relative to GDP (under 3.5%) and is explicitly tied to social outcomes. This positions the country not as a militarized state, but as a laboratory for post-conflict security innovation.

As Minister Sánchez noted, “The ultimate goal is not to have more soldiers, but to need fewer of them—because peace has taken root.”

For now, communities in Cauca and Norte de Santander await tangible change. But with a clear legal framework, long-term financing, and a doctrine centered on dignity, the Colombia defense budget 2025 may mark the beginning of a new chapter: one where the state finally arrives not as an army of occupation, but as a guarantor of life.

Review the World Bank’s analysis of Colombia’s rural development and security integration efforts



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1912
 
 

Johannesburg nightclub shooting site in Bekkersdal, South Africa, where 10 people were killed in a late-night massacre.

A Johannesburg nightclub shooting in Bekkersdal left 10 dead and 10 wounded—highlighting South Africa’s escalating crisis of armed violence and urban insecurity.

Related: Africa: Over 8,000 Lives Lost to Cholera and Mpox in 2025


A Johannesburg nightclub shooting has sent shockwaves across South Africa after at least ten people were killed and ten others wounded in a late-night massacre in the township of Bekkersdal, west of the country’s largest city. According to local police, the attack unfolded Saturday night when a group of unidentified armed men opened fire indiscriminately on patrons inside a tavern and pedestrians on the street, turning a weekend gathering into a scene of chaos and bloodshed.

Emergency services rushed the injured to nearby hospitals, where medical teams worked through the night to stabilize the wounded. Authorities have not yet released the victims’ identities, but community leaders confirm that among the dead are young adults and working residents of Bekkersdal—a historic mining settlement that has long grappled with poverty, unemployment, and gang-related violence.

“It was like war,” one eyewitness told local media, describing how gunfire erupted without warning. “People were running, screaming, falling. No one knew who was shooting or why.”

Police say the motive remains unclear and no arrests have been made. However, they confirmed that a full-scale manhunt is underway and that forensic units have secured the crime scene for ballistic analysis. Investigators are reviewing surveillance footage from nearby businesses and have appealed to the public for tips.


Johannesburg Nightclub Shooting: A Symptom of South Africa’s Deepening Security Crisis

The Bekkersdal massacre is not an isolated incident but part of a terrifying trend of armed violence in South Africa’s townships and urban centers. In recent years, the country has seen a surge in mass shootings at taverns, taxi ranks, and community events—often linked to gang rivalries, illegal liquor trade, and the proliferation of unlicensed firearms.

Bekkersdal, established in 1945 to house gold mine workers during apartheid, remains economically marginalized despite its proximity to Johannesburg’s industrial and financial hub. With youth unemployment exceeding 60% in some areas, many residents—especially young men—turn to informal economies where violence becomes both currency and consequence.

Read the South African Police Service (SAPS) 2025 Crime Statistics Report

Local officials point to systemic failures: under-resourced police stations, slow emergency response times, and a lack of community-based violence prevention programs. “We’ve been begging for more officers, for better lighting, for youth centers,” said a Bekkersdal councilor. “But our pleas vanish into bureaucracy.”

Compounding the issue is the flood of illegal weapons into South African townships. According to the Institute for Security Studies, over 40% of firearms recovered from crime scenes are unregistered, many smuggled from neighboring conflict zones or diverted from private security firms. In environments where the state is perceived as absent or corrupt, armed groups fill the vacuum—imposing their own order through fear.

Review the Institute for Security Studies’ analysis on gun violence in South Africa

This latest Johannesburg nightclub shooting has reignited national debate over President Cyril Ramaphosa’s pledge to “end the scourge of violence” by 2025. Despite the launch of the National Anti-Gang Unit and increased deployment of police reservists, homicide rates remain among the highest in the world, with over 27,000 murders reported annually—equivalent to more than 70 deaths per day.

Critics argue that the government’s approach is too militarized and fails to address root causes: inequality, spatial segregation, and intergenerational trauma stemming from apartheid and colonial dispossession. Without investment in jobs, mental health services, and community reconciliation, they warn, mass shootings will keep happening.


Geopolitical Context: Urban Violence and the Legacy of Apartheid

The Johannesburg nightclub shooting reflects a broader crisis affecting post-colonial cities across the Global South—where historic exclusion, economic despair, and weak governance converge to fuel everyday violence. In South Africa, the spatial architecture of apartheid still shapes life: townships like Bekkersdal were deliberately placed on urban peripheries, disconnected from infrastructure, opportunity, and state protection.

This legacy has created a dual society: gleaming business districts coexist with informal settlements where crime thrives not because of moral failure, but because of structural abandonment. International observers note that South Africa’s homicide rate—34 per 100,000 people—is nearly seven times higher than the global average, with most victims being Black working-class men under 35.

Explore UNODC’s Global Study on Homicide: Southern Africa Regional Data

Regionally, South Africa’s instability has ripple effects. As a regional economic engine, its internal crises impact trade, investment, and migration across Southern Africa. Moreover, the flow of weapons and criminal networks often crosses borders into Mozambique, Zimbabwe, and Lesotho—turning localized violence into a transnational security challenge.

Globally, the Bekkersdal massacre underscores a harsh truth: democracy alone does not guarantee safety. Without redress for historical injustice and concrete pathways out of poverty, even countries with strong constitutions and vibrant civil societies can become landscapes of silent emergency.

Yet amid the grief, resilience persists. Community organizations in Bekkersdal have already begun organizing vigils, trauma counseling, and youth dialogues. “We won’t let fear silence us,” said a local activist. “Our dead deserve justice—and our living deserve peace.”

As investigations continue, one demand echoes from the streets to the halls of Parliament: South Africa must confront its violence not with more bullets, but with bold, inclusive policies that restore dignity to its most forgotten communities.



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1913
 
 

Haiti Libre digital newspaper remembered that a donor conference was held in New York, United States, and 18 participants are committed to providing personnel, resources, and technical support.

Several African countries lead the list of nations committed to the FSP, an initiative that, if implemented, will contribute to pacifying Haiti.

Chad and Bangladesh offered to deploy soldiers, engineers, and police officers to assist Haitian security forces. Chad stated it would contribute 1,500 uniformed personnel.

Le Nouvelliste newspaper informed that other pledges came from Sierra Leone, Burkina Faso, and Gambia in West Africa, as well as Burundi in East Africa.

Canada will contribute an additional 40 million US dollars to the Trust Fund, provide personnel, and promise a greater focus on the protection of women and young people.

Five other countries, which were not named, pledged to provide the FSP with more than 3,500 men, primarily military personnel.

jdt/iff/oda/joe

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1914
 
 

The Central Committee elected at the Congress, in its first meeting, elected the 18-member Executive Committee, led by Andrade.

Guillermo Rehermann was confirmed as an organizer, and Representative Ana Olivera was appointed head of Political Unity.

Juan Castillo, former General Secretary and Labor and Social Security Minister, will assume responsibility for International Relations.

Marcelo Abad, president of the PIT-CNT trade union, will lead the Secretariat of Union Affairs, while Viviana Rodriguez will be in charge of the Secretariat of Gender Affairs, among other appointments.

Natalia Diaz, recently elected general secretary of the Union of Communist Youth (UJC), was confirmed leading the organization.

jdt/iff/mem/ool

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1915
 
 

A statement released by Executive Vice President Delcy Rodriguez pointed out that the robbery was committed by US military personnel in international waters.

She affirmed that this serious act of piracy “constitutes the flagrant commission of the crime stipulated in Article 3 of the 1988 Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Maritime Navigation, as well as a gross violation of Article 2 of the Charter of the United Nations.”

The statement added that it also violates Article 2 of the Geneva Convention on the High Seas and the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States, among other applicable norms of international law.

She stated that the colonialist model the United States government seeks to impose through these practices “will fail and be defeated by the Venezuelan people.”

Venezuela, she asserted, will continue its economic growth, based on its 14 economic engines and the independent and sovereign development of its hydrocarbon industry.

The Bolivarian Republic reaffirmed that these acts will not go unpunished and will take all appropriate actions, including filing complaints with the United Nations Security Council, other multilateral organizations, and governments around the world.

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1916
 
 

In a statement, the Federation clarified that although the invitation originated in Venezuela, the original host of this edition, it was endorsed by the Caribbean Professional Baseball Confederation (CBPC), the tournament’s governing body, of which Cuba is a founding member. According to the statement, the CBPC has not communicated with the Cuban Baseball and Softball Federation “regarding such an important decision, which undermines the established commitments and the format approved by our country to participate.”

The Federation emphasized that the change of venue does not justify Cuba’s non-participation, and that the country deserves and demands respectful treatment, especially given the sensitive nature of the situation for Cuban sports. The CBPC announced that the winter classic, scheduled for February 1-7, will be held in Guadalajara, after approving the proposal submitted by the ARCO Mexican Pacific League, spearheaded by the Charros de Jalisco organization.

The change came after Mexico, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic withdrew from the originally planned venue of Greater Caracas, citing logistical reasons unrelated to the Venezuelan Professional Baseball League.

The loss of Greater Caracas as the venue for the Caribbean classic occurs within a context of US military harassment, aggression, and encirclement of the Bolivarian Republic, whose president, Donald Trump, recently expressed his intentions to seize the oil and other resources of the South American nation.

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1917
 
 

Military presence and threats during the Honduras electoral fraud 2025 recount process spark national outcry over democratic backsliding.

Honduras electoral fraud 2025 deepens as military threats against vote verifiers and U.S. meddling cast doubt on the legitimacy of the November 30 elections.

Related: EU Flags “Intentional Paralysis” in Honduras Vote Count


The Honduras electoral fraud 2025 scandal has intensified after members of electoral verification panels came forward with harrowing accounts of military intimidation during the special vote recount process. According to multiple testimonies, soldiers stationed at counting centers in Tegucigalpa and other cities verbally assaulted and threatened to arrest party representatives if they submitted “zero-vote” tally sheets or reported discrepancies—acts that are fully legal under Honduran electoral law.

In a widely circulated video shared by members of the left-wing Libre Party, representatives described how, upon entering verification facilities, they were confronted by armed military personnel who ordered them: “Do not send null votes or zero acts—or you will be taken from the table and jailed immediately.”

This account has been corroborated by 200 members of the center-right Liberal Party, who reported nearly identical threats from a military officer overseeing their recount table. The officer allegedly claimed they “had no authority” to issue zero-vote reports—even though such actions are protected by the National Electoral Council’s protocols when vote tallies cannot be verified due to missing signatures, mismatched voter logs, or other irregularities.

“The vote is defended with the law, not with fear,” declared one female verification panel member. “Elections are guaranteed through transparency, not intimidation. Democracy is not locked up, silenced, or threatened—it is respected.”

🚨 URGENTE | El @PLHonduras denuncia amenazas y coacción militar contra sus 200 representantes en el #CLE durante el escrutinio especial.

Señalan injerencia castrense (@FFAAHN) y sesgo político que pone en riesgo la transparencia electoral. @teleSURtv pic.twitter.com/hLpJUTwvJU

— Karim Duarte (@karimtelesurtv) December 21, 2025


Honduras Electoral Fraud 2025: Military Overreach and the Erosion of Democratic Safeguards

Under Honduran law, the Armed Forces have no role in electoral decision-making. Article 1 of the Constitutional Law of the Armed Forces explicitly mandates that their sole function during elections is to “guarantee the security of personnel, materials, and facilities”—not to influence outcomes or police the actions of autonomous electoral workers.

Yet in this case, military personnel allegedly crossed a red line: not only did they issue threats, but they also misrepresented legal procedures, claiming that zero-vote acts were illegal when, in fact, they are a standard tool used globally to flag compromised or unverifiable polling stations.

The Special Verification and Recount Board—tasked with auditing contested results from the November 30, 2025, general elections—has full authority to issue zero acts when a majority of its members agree that vote integrity cannot be confirmed. This includes situations where ballot logs don’t match, voter signatures are missing, or the official incident report documents coercion or tampering.

Read the Organization of American States’ 2025 preliminary report on Honduras elections

By intimidating electoral workers, the military appears to have actively obstructed transparency mechanisms—a move that many observers now describe as part of a coordinated electoral coup. Marlon Ochoa, a member of the National Electoral Council (CNE), has refused to certify the results, stating: “My duty is to represent the interests of the Honduran people, not those of a foreign government.” His stance reflects growing internal resistance to what critics call U.S.-backed election engineering.

Indeed, since the 2009 U.S.-supported coup that ousted President Manuel Zelaya, Honduras has become a testing ground for hybrid regime-change tactics: economic pressure, judicial persecution of opposition leaders, and now, the weaponization of security forces during vote counting. This latest episode suggests that formal democracy is being replaced by managed outcomes.

Review UN Human Rights Office statement on civic space and electoral integrity in Honduras


Geopolitical Context: U.S. Hegemony and the Crisis of Legitimacy in Central America

The Honduras electoral fraud 2025 cannot be understood in isolation. It is the latest chapter in a long-standing pattern of U.S. intervention in Central America—where Washington has historically treated the region as its “backyard,” rewarding compliant regimes and undermining those that pursue independent policies.

In recent months, U.S. officials have publicly endorsed preliminary results favoring pro-Washington candidates, despite mounting evidence of irregularities. Meanwhile, U.S. agencies have funded partisan NGOs and media outlets that dismiss fraud allegations as “conspiracy theories”—a familiar playbook used in Venezuela, Bolivia, and Nicaragua.

Regionally, the crisis threatens to destabilize an already fragile Central America. With migration flows to the U.S. surging, Washington has a vested interest in installing a government in Tegucigalpa that will criminalize migration, accept deported citizens, and grant military access—all while suppressing social movements demanding land reform, anti-corruption measures, and environmental justice.

The stakes are especially high because Honduras sits at the geopolitical crossroads of the Caribbean, the Pacific, and the United States. Control over its ports, airspace, and political orientation has strategic value for both hemispheric powers and emerging global actors like China, which has recently expanded trade and infrastructure ties with the Libre Party-led government.

Explore the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights’ warnings on militarization of elections

If certified under duress, the current election results would set a dangerous precedent: that military intimidation can override democratic will. This would not only delegitimize Honduras’s government domestically but also weaken regional bodies like SICA (Central American Integration System), which rely on mutual recognition of electoral processes.

For the people of Honduras—who have endured decades of coups, narco-politics, and poverty—the message is clear: their votes matter only when they align with foreign interests. Yet resistance persists. From rural communities to urban youth collectives, civil society is demanding that the recount proceed without coercion, with international oversight, and with full respect for the law.

As one Libre Party representative put it: “We are not afraid of jail. We are afraid of silence.”



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1918
 
 

“So far, no one has seriously discussed this initiative; no work is being done on it,” Ushakov told reporters this Sunday.

Kirill Dmitriev, presidential special envoy for investment and economic cooperation with foreign countries, met Saturday in Miami with US Special Envoy Steve Witkoff and the US president’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner. Following the meeting, Dmitriev described the talks as constructive.

A day earlier, Witkoff met in Miami with Rustem Umerov, Secretary of Ukraine’s National Security and Defense Council.

Ushakov admitted that he did not know if the Ukrainian delegation was still in Miami and was unaware of any changes the US peace proposal might have undergone due to recent discussions with representatives of Ukraine and the European Union (EU), but he did not hide his skepticism in this regard.

iff/mem/gfa

RUSIA-UCRANIA

Sin plantearse encuentro a tres bandas sobre conflicto ucraniano

Moscú, 21 dic (Prensa Latina) El asesor del presidente ruso para asuntos internacionales, Yuri Ushakov, dijo hoy que de momento no hay planes de un encuentro a tres bandas entre representantes de Estados Unidos, Rusia y Ucrania.

“Hasta ahora, nadie ha hablado seriamente de esta iniciativa, no se está trabajando en ello”, declaró Ushakov este domingo a los representantes de la prensa.

El enviado especial presidencial ruso para la cooperación económica con países extranjeros, Kiril Dmítriev, se reunió el sábado en Miami con el enviado especial de Estados Unidos, Steve Witkoff, y el yerno del mandatario norteamericano Jared Kushner. Al término del encuentro, Dmítriev calificó las conversaciones de constructivas.

Un día antes, Witkoff se reunió en Miami con el secretario del Consejo de Seguridad Nacional y Defensa de Ucrania, Rustem Umérov.

Ushakov admitió que desconoce si la delegación ucraniana todavía se encuentra en Miami e ignora los cambios que la propuesta de paz de Estados Unidos haya sufrido como resultado de las recientes discusiones con representantes de Ucrania y la Unión Europea, pero no ocultó su escepticismo a este respecto.

mem/gfa

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1919
 
 

“So far, no one has seriously discussed this initiative; no work is being done on it,” Ushakov told reporters this Sunday.

Kirill Dmitriev, presidential special envoy for investment and economic cooperation with foreign countries, met in Miami with US Special Envoy Steve Witkoff and the US president’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner. Following the meeting, Dmitriev described the talks as constructive.

A day earlier, Witkoff met in Miami with Rustem Umerov, Secretary of Ukraine’s National Security and Defense Council. Ushakov admitted that he did not know if the Ukrainian delegation was still in Miami and was unaware of any changes the US peace proposal might have undergone due to recent discussions with representatives of Ukraine and the European Union (EU), but he did not hide his skepticism in this regard.

jdt/iff/mem/gfa

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1920
 
 

The document notes, “We recognize the positive trend in the trade between Russia and African countries despite unilateral restrictions. Considering the economic and trade potential of interaction between Russia and Africa, we reiterate our commitment to expanding this interaction.”

It also underscores the need to create favorable conditions for the work of Russian and African companies.

The declaration says, “We stress the need to design the necessary mechanisms to provide support to Russian and African companies within the framework of a sustainable partnership that will foster growth and generate jobs.”

The 2nd ministerial conference of the Russia-Africa Partnership Forum was held in Cairo on December 19-20, with the participation of more than 50 African countries.

Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov led the Russian delegation to the meeting.

jdt/iff/mem/gfa

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1921
 
 

That country’s policies have left more than half a million people jobless since then, Shaher Saad, Secretary General of the Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions, criticized in a statement.

Saad noted that unemployment rates have risen to unprecedented levels of over 50 percent in the West Bank and 84 percent in the Gaza Strip.

The union leader condemned the systematic siege, the continuous road closures, and the daily raids to which Palestinian workers are subjected in the West Bank.

He also criticized the destruction of local productive sectors, especially agriculture, construction, and services, due to the 27-month military siege.

Saad underscored that such actions are a crime and violate people’s natural right to work and a dignified life.

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1922
 
 

The commemoration highlights the legacy and influence of the prima ballerina assoluta, and in her memory, the National Ballet of Cuba (BNC) will perform the classic “Don Quixote” this Sunday, with principal dancers Anette Delgado and Dani Hernandez in the leading roles.

Alicia dedicated her life to dance, first training to become a respected ballerina, then developing her own style, and finally perpetuating ballet within Cuban culture as an integral and inseparable part of it.

Along with brothers Fernando and Alberto Alonso, extraordinary teacher and choreographer, respectively, she founded the first professional ballet company in Cuba 77 years ago, when that art was scarcely understood in Latin societies.

Despite the social, political, and health challenges she faced, this woman’s determination and courage allowed her to persevere in elevating her status as a dancer.

Alonso supported the social revolution in Cuba that started in 1959 and rose above prejudices and bourgeois ideologies to bring her art to the people, factories, fields, forests, valleys, and every street.

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1923
 
 

President Miguel Diaz-Canel denounced the latest act on social media, affirming that it “is a serious violation of international law and deserves the condemnation of all peace-loving peoples.”

“We denounce the theft of the Venezuelan oil tanker in Caribbean waters by US forces. It is an act of piracy and maritime terrorism, a grave violation of international law, and deserves the condemnation of the entire world. Enough of imperial aggression!” Diaz-Canel wrote on his X profile.

Venezuelan Executive Vice President Delcy Rodriguez, in turn, confirmed that the robbery was conducted by US military personnel in international waters, describing it as a crime against humanity, navigation, and the sovereignty of nations.

Rodriguez pointed out that the attack flagrantly violates Article 3 of the 1988 Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Maritime Navigation, as well as Article 2 of the United Nations Charter, the Geneva Convention on the High Seas, and the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations among States.

Additionally, she condemned the “colonialist model” that Washington imposes through intimidation and the illegitimate use of force, reaffirming that Venezuela will continue its economic and energy development independently and sovereignly, supported by its people and international allies.

jdt/iff/mem/lld

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1924
 
 

The European Union’s Election Observation Mission (EU EOM) has determined that delays in Honduras’ vote count are the result of an “intentional paralysis,” as the country remains without official results three weeks after the November 30 elections.

RELATED:

Cyberattack on Honduran Electoral System Alleged: Possible Vote Counting Fraud

In a statement, the EU mission expressed concern over the prolonged process and urged “the parties to refrain from obstructing the proclamation of the results.” Partial tallies show conservative candidate Nasry Asfura, backed by U.S. President Donald Trump, leading narrowly ahead of liberal contender Salvador Nasralla.

The EU EOM noted that while the vote count itself has been carried out with “transparency,” the validation of tally sheets has been “compromised by a continuous and intentional paralysis,” producing “serious delays,” according to the statement issued on Saturday.

Comunicado de prensa de la #MoeueHN25

Para descargar en PDF este documento en español:https://t.co/XaCxsLRJ4F

Y en inglés:https://t.co/ICWDtpCLLd pic.twitter.com/hfksEGim7s

— Misión de Observación Electoral UE – Honduras 2025 (@moeueHonduras25) December 20, 2025

The process has entered a decisive stage with a special review of tally sheets, amid political tensions and mutual accusations. This review has been suspended several times and was entrusted to a private company that cited technical problems, further fueling suspicions of electoral fraud.

During the count, Nasralla at one point moved into the lead and accused authorities of a “theft” of the election, calling for a new “vote-by-vote” recount. Outgoing left-wing President Xiomara Castro has made similar claims. Her party’s candidate, Rixi Moncada, currently in third place, has denounced a “falsification” of the results and alleged “interference” by U.S. President Donald Trump in the electoral process.

Trump’s role has drawn particular attention after he conditioned U.S. aid to Honduras in November on an Asfura victory, coupled with a promise to pardon former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández, convicted in the United States on drug trafficking charges, a pardon Trump has already granted.

On Friday, the U.S. administration again intervened by revoking the visa of electoral judge Mario Morazán and denying a visa to Marlon Ochoa, another member of the National Electoral Council (CNE) who had denounced what he described as “fraudulent” elections.

Since Thursday, party representatives have been reviewing around 2,800 tally sheets flagged for “inconsistencies,” representing approximately 500,000 votes, while the gap between the two leading candidates stands at about 40,000 votes.

“Now that the special recount is under way, it is essential that the elections be conducted without interruptions and without intentionally invalidating tally sheets in order to alter the results of the presidential elections,” the EU mission said.

Under the current electoral calendar, the CNE has until December 30 to announce the name of Honduras’ next president.


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1925
 
 

At least ten people were killed and another ten were injured in a late-night shooting at a township west of Johannesburg, South African police said, according to local media reports.

RELATED:

6 Children Killed: Israeli Attack on Gaza School Sparks Global Outrage

The attack took place on Saturday night at a tavern in Bekkersdal, a municipality located west of the city. Preliminary police information indicates that a group of unidentified armed men opened fire indiscriminately on customers inside the venue as well as on people who were outside in the surrounding area.

Emergency services transported the wounded to nearby hospitals, where they are receiving medical treatment. Authorities have not provided additional details on their condition.

At least nine individuals were killed and ten others injured in a shooting at a tavern in South Africa, located in a township near Johannesburg. Police report that a manhunt is currently in progress.

Follow: https://t.co/mLGcUTSA3Q pic.twitter.com/OS3I7lLwUi

— Press TV 🔻 (@PressTV) December 21, 2025

Police stated that the motive behind the shooting remains unknown and that investigations are ongoing. No suspects have been identified or arrested so far.

Bekkersdal was established in 1945 as a settlement for workers employed in the gold mining operations in this part of South Africa.


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