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Latin American Publications!
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Cuba: Dialogue With US Possible Only Under Conditions of Equality and Respect
(orinocotribune.com)
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Foreign Minister Gil Warns That US Aggression Against Venezuela Threatens Global Stability
(orinocotribune.com)
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Venezuela: Rodríguez Touts US ‘Energy Cooperation,’ Diplomacy in Address to the Nation
(venezuelanalysis.com)
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A Tale of Two Marches: Reflections on a Saturday Spent on Reforma and 16 de Septiembre
(mexicosolidarity.com)
The views expressed in this article are the authors’* own and do not necessarily reflect those ofMexico Solidarity Mediaor theMexico Solidarity Project.*
We were four. Four among, as one (unofficial) estimate puts it, 10,000 that Saturday. We met up between the Ángel de la Independencia and La Gloria de Las y Los Desaparecidos along Avenida Paseo de la Reforma in Mexico City. We had gathered, we four and we ten thousand, to march against the US’s abduction of the Maduros and gringo imperialism—in Venezuela, but also in México, in América Latina, in Palestine, in the world. It was the kickoff of what was intended to (and hopefully will) be an extended campaign.
The march proceeded apace, terminating in the Plaza Palestina, where representatives of the organizing committees—grassroots collectives, unions, youth organizations, solidarity groups—gave speeches from a platform, while farther back a drum circle played to an impromptu audience of dancing protesters in their revelry. There was little incident in the course of the march aside from the usual and predictable light vandalism (graffiti and wheat-pasting; no broken windows, no clashes with police as far as I saw). Our little contingent was able to walk at a comfortable pace, maintain conversation, pause and chit-chat, and flirt with each other and half-formed political theories at leisure.
We occupied only one lane of the broad, multi-lane Reforma. We were enough that we could have taken the entire avenue. We didn’t. After about three-quarters of an hour listening to speeches full of rousing, passionate rebukes of U.S. intervention and needful if unspecific calls to action (coming together, yes, but coming together in what way? To what material end?), pacifistic affirmations of sovereignty made against the hypnotic, repetitive, strident droning of snare drums we peeled off, looking for a cantina to have lunch.
We headed south, then made a left on Independencia, where we saw maybe a squadron of 50-100 gendarmes and their shields massed and ready for deployment at the first word. We continued on to a bar, where we spent several hours drinking, throwing tarot, and discussing Vonnegutian coincidence, destiny, and interconnectedness.
Then we left and headed north, and soon found ourselves in another, this time unplanned, march—at times walking with, at other times against, the stream. This march was seemingly without origin and without terminus; it ran the length and width of 16 de Septiembre, a major commercial epicenter. It was the march of commerce, the march of consumerism, the march of gentrification, the march of tourism, the march of capitalism. Its constituent human elements brought to mind Sarraute’s elusive urban “They” who, following their tropismatic inclinations,
“seem… to spring up from nowhere, blossoming out in the slightly moist tepidity of the air, they flowed gently along as though they were seeping from the walls, from the boxed trees, the benches, the dirty sidewalks, the public squares… now and then, before the shop windows, [forming] more compact, motionless little knots, giving rise to occasional eddies, slight cloggings.”
Only less placid. This was almost a stampede of bargain-hunting shoppers sniffing out post-holiday rebates; a busload of unashamed English-speaking tourists recently arrived, rolling their compact bags over the clattering flagstones; families with strollers; blind buskers; indigent prophesiers; ironic flâneurs; and at least four souls taking a break from their careers in civil disobedience, to name a few. I was elbowed at least once for stepping out of my implicit lane.
“What an abrupt juxtaposition,” I commented to my fellow travelers, to go from one form of mass mobilization, intentional, anti-establishment, legitimate, to this grotesque confluence of proliferated individualism and single-minded avidity. The shift was enough to provoke in me a vertiginous, if manageable, panic attack, and after half an hour trying to endure it in public, I retired.
A significant similitude between the two marches began to crystallize, if not in their content then in their form. That symmetry was most obviously apparent in the way each mobilization was kept contained, such that neither posed a real threat to the state or capital: The march on Reforma was kept peaceful and uniform by protest marshals guiding the flow and discouraging violence, and by the understanding that the state could rear its repressive head at any moment; on 16 de Septiembre, police (both real and imagined, on the beat and internalized), video cameras, alarms, socialization, and neutralization kept the mass of passersby from looting the big brand stores and redistributing the fast food to all (or, as the late Joshua Clover would say, market regulation by other means).
In the quiet remove of my apartment, I was given to private reflection. I began to try to decipher the text that, as de Certeau says, we as pedestrians write on the palimpsest of the city “without being able to read it.” From that meditation two texts emerged, two texts with lots of crossover, and I began to question just how different the two “mobilizations” were.
True, each unfolded according to its own set of logics, internally originating and externally imposed. The march on Reforma was impelled, ostensibly, by an innate, righteous, incarnated condemnation of gross injustice—its motive force—felt in the hearts and minds of the marchers, roused by slogans, signs, and performances, and given shape, velocity, and direction by the organizers. The latter was spurred on by the euphoria of weekend pleasure-seeking, the inertia of casual hedonism, the pressure of check-in times and FOMO, and the very real gnawing of hunger in the belly.
That distinction notwithstanding, a significant similitude between the two marches began to crystallize, if not in their content then in their form. That symmetry was most obviously apparent in the way each mobilization was kept contained, such that neither posed a real threat to the state or capital: The march on Reforma was kept peaceful and uniform by protest marshals guiding the flow and discouraging violence, and by the understanding that the state could rear its repressive head at any moment; on 16 de Septiembre, police (both real and imagined, on the beat and internalized), video cameras, alarms, socialization, and neutralization kept the mass of passersby from looting the big brand stores and redistributing the fast food to all (or, as the late Joshua Clover would say, market regulation by other means).
Seen through the analytical lens of Canetti’s Crowds and Power, the two marches share another (negative) quality, in that neither rose to the categorical level of an open crowd, “the true crowd… abandoning itself freely to its natural urge for growth.” For Canetti,
“an open crowd has no clear feeling or idea of the size it may attain; it does not depend on a known building which it has to fill; its size is not determined; it wants to grow indefinitely and what it needs for this is more and more people.”
Store owners and street vendors, perhaps, would have been delighted to receive more customers, more bodies, on that saturated avenue on that chilly winter Saturday; but I’d bet if you asked any of the pedestrians in the crowd that day, you wouldn’t have found a single soul yearning for more moving targets to dodge.
Not so, at least in theory, for the march on Reforma and for the kind of march it represented. Numbers and turnout play important roles in how a political rally’s success and potential are perceived. Rhetorically, active participation is highly encouraged, and the integration of onlookers is considered a small triumph. This may very well have happened on a small scale.
Still, the structural realities of the two social formations made them both more akin to the closed, rather than the open, crowd.
“The first thing to be noticed about [the closed crowd] is that it has a boundary. It establishes itself by accepting its limitation. It creates a space for itself which it will fill. This space can be compared to a vessel into which liquid is being poured and whose capacity is known.”
We have already seen how both marches were subject to and respectful of their particular boundaries—geographical, psychical, proscriptive. The march on Reforma, before it even began, had delimited itself, had created its own vessel and had directed its contents thereto. The other, though convoked by no one in particular and not held together by any unifying message or ideology, respected its own boundaries to such a degree that if you put one block between yourself and 16 de Septiembre, the city felt like a graveyard by comparison.
It is fair to question whether an opening in the march on Reforma was ever intended, or even desirable. I, for one, believe it was not intended in any real way, but that it was very really desired. But, for argument’s sake, if it had taken on that quality, what would it have looked like? A riot? Is that the logical conclusion (or extension) of the open crowd? If so, Clover’s framing is illuminating/orienting. For Clover, “the riot is the form of collective action that… is unified by shared dispossession, and unfolds in the context of consumption.” Clover’s localization of the riot at the point of consumption is particularly and personally interesting given my dualistic experience that Saturday.
The locus of social reproduction, as Clover observes, is no longer in the realm of production but that of consumption. Assuming this is true, and without paying lip service to the obnoxious notion of conscious consumerism, perhaps there is yet more to parse in the enunciations, to borrow de Certeau’s term, made by the marches on 16 de Septiembre, not just a site but one of Mexico City’s Meccas of consumption.
I glimpsed the dance of the clinamen on 16 de Septiembre, with its atoms, although bound, enjoying a kind of freedom of expression that made me think of the idealistic potential for all closed crowds to transform into open ones, for all marches to become riots — real ones, that really interrupt commercial circulation.
How did the consumers on that human highway appropriate “the topographical system” and “impl[y] relations among differentiated positions” (de Certeau)? Easy: by pushing and shoving, by winding and evading, by criss-crossing and doubling back, by starting and stopping without warning. Routes were improvised and negotiated explicitly and implicitly, borders were drawn, circumvented, transgressed. What kind of exegesis can we arrive at from these utterances?
Well, for one, we certainly cannot read it as a riot, for far from “featuring the interruption of commercial circulation”—a central point to Clover’s definition—the march on 16 de Septiembre was facilitating circulation, not obstructing it. That said, there was a variety and diversity, a randomness, even an anarchy inscribed on that avenue that, at least for me, was absent in the march on Reforma. I glimpsed the dance of the clinamen on 16 de Septiembre, with its atoms, although bound, enjoying a kind of freedom of expression that made me think of the idealistic potential for all closed crowds to transform into open ones, for all marches to become riots — real ones, that really interrupt commercial circulation.
But for that, as Canetti reminds us, is required the eruption, the inflection from closed to open that happens in space-time as much as it does internally, emotionally and psychically. At the moment of eruption, and thereafter, “a crowd quite often seems to overflow from some well-guarded space into the squares and streets of a town where it can move about freely, exposed to everything and attracting everyone.” We have seen this motion played out in recent years (in Nepal, in Italy, in the George Floyd uprisings in the United States). And the calls for solidarity—with workers, with Venezuelans, with Latinoamérica—made that Saturday and at almost every political gathering would imply that this openness, this “passionate determination to reach all [people]” (Canetti) undoubtedly considered in the minds and felt in the hearts of the crowd members is characteristic of and key to the movement’s survival and success.
But that post-eruption openness will not be found in the marches on Reforma, impressive and populous as they may be, so long as their boundaries are neatly outlined and maintained. And they certainly will not be found in the weekend outings on 16 de Septiembre, so long as that impatient, jittery, frenetic energy remains subjugated and contributory to the forces of consumption. But perhaps a combination of the two energies, the two forms might foment that rupture.
In The Coming Insurrection, the Invisible Committee affirms that,
“Revolutionary movements do not spread by contamination but by resonance. Something that is constituted here resonates with the shock wave emitted by something constituted over there. A body that resonates does so according to its own mode. An insurrection is not like a plague or a forest fire – a linear process which spreads from place to place after an initial spark. It rather takes the shape of a music, whose focal points, though dispersed in time and space, succeed in imposing the rhythm of their own vibrations, always taking on more density.”
Could a winning (or at least viable) formula be: to take the feisty, impolite, stubborn resonance of the march on 16 de Septiembre, and infuse the march on Reform with it? And from that march, to impose that new compound rhythm beyond the banquetas and the weekends, into the side streets and societies, filtering through and dissolving those boundaries, extending in all directions without beginning and without end, such that the whole region, connected by various focal points that resist any kind of boundary, is pulsing with real, open, overflowing, uncontainable resistance?
All power to the people and their communes.
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A Tale of Two Marches: Reflections on a Saturday Spent on Reforma and 16 de Septiembre
January 16, 2026January 16, 2026
The calls for solidarity made that Saturday and at almost every political gathering would imply that this openness, this “passionate determination to reach all” is characteristic of and key to the movement’s survival and success.
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People’s Mañanera January 16
January 16, 2026
President Sheinbaum’s daily press conference, with comments on Edomex security strategy, Mexico-US cooperation, and electoral reform.
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The PAN’s “Trophy” in Guanajuato: 30,000 Murders in the Last Decade
January 16, 2026January 16, 2026
Over three decades of rule, the right wing PAN implemented failed policies and oversaw record levels of violence in the state.
The post A Tale of Two Marches: Reflections on a Saturday Spent on Reforma and 16 de Septiembre appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
From Mexico Solidarity Media via This RSS Feed.
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Venezuelan Teachers March in Caracas for the Release of President Maduro and Cilia Flores
(orinocotribune.com)
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Every day, President Claudia Sheinbaum gives a morning presidential press conference and Mexico Solidarity Media posts English language summaries, translated by Mexico Solidarity’s Pedro Gellert Frank. Previous press conference summaries are available here.
Edomex: The 4T Security Strategy Delivers Results
Coordination between the federal government and states and municipalities made it possible to inflict blows against organized crime and detain those generating violence. In the State of Mexico, intentional homicides are down 54% and vehicle theft has decreased 55%, with declines also in femicides, kidnapping, and extortion. This translates into less violence and more peace for the population.
Eastern Zone of Edomex: Investment and Wellbeing Underway
In 2025, over 180 million pesos (US$10.17 million) were invested in public transportation and 2.60 billion pesos (US$150 million) in water and drainage and sewage lines, with projects such as the Ixtapaluca Trolleybus and 101 hydraulic measures. In addition, six new high schools were built, and all hospitals and health centers in the region were renovated.
Mexico–USA: Cooperation with Sovereignty and Shared Responsibility
Mexico cooperates only through information exchange, without accepting interventions and national security is a decision made by Mexicans. The strategy delivers results: 50% fewer fentanyl seizures at the border, 320 tons of drugs seized, and a 40% decline in homicides. President Claudia Sheinbaum was clear: Mexico meets its commitments, but the United States must address consumption and put an end to arms trafficking.
Electoral Reform: More Democracy and Fewer Privileges
The President clarified that the reform is still being drafted, but clear axes are already in place. The Electoral Reform seeks to reduce costs and transform proportional representation so that it no longer depends on decisions by party elites. The central aim is to deepen participatory democracy and give the people greater decision-making power.
The Transformation is a popular decision to change the regime of corruption and privileges. It is not a party. It means advancing toward a country with decent, dignified and fair conditions for all.
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People’s Mañanera January 16
January 16, 2026
President Sheinbaum’s daily press conference, with comments on Edomex security strategy, Mexico-US cooperation, and electoral reform.
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The PAN’s “Trophy” in Guanajuato: 30,000 Murders in the Last Decade
January 16, 2026January 16, 2026
Over three decades of rule, the right wing PAN implemented failed policies and oversaw record levels of violence in the state.
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Mexico City Landgrabs: 94 Properties Recovered, Six People Arrested
January 15, 2026January 15, 2026
Mexico City has been plagued with high-profile night raids by criminal gangs, sometimes accompanied by police, invading and capturing properties throughout the capital.
The post People’s Mañanera January 16 appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
From Mexico Solidarity Media via This RSS Feed.
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This article by Arturo Daen originally appeared in the January 16, 2026 edition of Sin Embargo.
Mexico City. Guanajuato saw 30,000 murders in a decade. During those ten years, governments of the National Action Party (PAN) implemented failed policies and made unsuccessful appointments in key areas, leading to social deterioration and record levels of violence in the state.
SinEmbargo‘s Data Unit reviewed figures from the Executive Secretariat and found that Guanajuato ended 2025 with 2,539 victims of intentional homicide. This marks the first time since 2017 that the Bajío state had fewer than 3,000 murders. Compared to 2024, this represents a 19 percent decrease in these crimes.
However, as has been the case since 2018, Guanajuato appeared as the state with the most murders in the country , in absolute numbers, accounting for 10 percent of homicides nationwide. Chihuahua, another state governed by the PAN party, ranked second with 1,791 intentional homicides.
10 States with the Most Intentional Homicides
| State | Number of Homicides | |
|
| | Guanajuato | 2,539 | | Chihuahua | 1,791 | | Baja California | 1,714 | | Sinaloa | 1,663 | | Estado de México | 1,519 | | Guerrero | 1,312 | | Michoacán | 1,267 | | Jalisco | 1,198 | | Sonora | 1,138 | | Morelos | 1,119 |
And at what point did the situation break down in Guanajuato territory?
The following graph shows how in 2015 this state registered 975 murder victims. The following year there were 1,110, then 1,435 in 2017, and the number skyrocketed in 2018, with more than 3,000 homicides by the end of the administration of PAN party member Miguel Márquez Márquez:
Victims of Intentional Homicide in Guanajuato (2015-2025)
The rising trend of murders continued under the administration of Diego Sinhue Rodríguez Vallejo, also a member of the PAN party. During his term, Guanajuato experienced its bloodiest year in history, 2020, when, amidst the COVID-19 pandemic, the state recorded 4,490 victims of intentional homicide.
Regarding femicides in Guanajuato, the Executive Secretariat recorded 181 between 2017 and November 2025, with a peak in 2021 of 34 cases:
Victims of Femicide in Guanajuato (2017-2024)
The National Institute of Statistics and Geography (INEGI) is another source of data for visualizing homicides in the country. This agency’s primary source of information is death certificates and records from forensic medical services, unlike the Secretariat, which relies solely on data submitted by state prosecutors in investigation files. Its figures tend to be higher for this reason, and also because it does not distinguish between intentional homicides and manslaughter, or femicides, as the Secretariat does.
According to the Institute’s count, Guanajuato recorded 33,124 homicides between 2015 and 2024 (INEGI does not yet have figures for 2025). If cases are considered since the PAN party took office in 1991, the total is 41,758 murders.
Homicides in Guanajuato During PAN Rule
Oliva, Márquez and Sinhue Responsible
When consulted by SinEmbargo, Saúl Arellano, a researcher and specialist in security and violence prevention, pointed out that the situation in Guanajuato began to deteriorate during the government of Juan Manuel Oliva (2006-2012), the problem worsened during the term of Miguel Márquez Márquez (2012-2018) and reached its worst point during the administration of Diego Sinuhe Rodríguez Vallejo (2018-2024).
“The breakdown was very gradual. In my opinion, it was a breakdown that generated cumulative negative effects. The real problem began with Juan Manuel Oliva, who started his term and appointed Zamarripa as Attorney General. At that time, Guanajuato had maintained a relatively stable average of 250 or 350 homicides for decades—and when I say decades, I mean from 1980 to 2000, up until 2005 in fact. When Juan Manuel Oliva took office, things started to fall apart. Because there wasn’t a single year after he took office in which Guanajuato didn’t register a sustained increase in intentional homicides in the state,” the researcher pointed out.
“If we think in terms of six-year periods, the government that ended just a year ago, of Diego Sinhue Rodríguez Vallejo, has been the worst governor in the country, in terms of absolute numbers of homicides.”
Governor Diego Sinhue Rodríguez Vallejo
“Diego Sinhue should at least be, if not investigated, then at least summoned to testify about what happened in the state. It’s unacceptable that the governor turned a blind eye the whole time, simply saying, ‘Well, that’s the security apparatus’s job, don’t even ask me.’ You can’t evade the enormous political responsibility of being the governor with the highest number of deaths in the country’s history. We’re not talking about minor matters, and in that sense, I think the former governor bears a tremendous responsibility,” he added.
Even with the deterioration in an entity they have governed for 34 years, and with the precedent that at the federal level one of their Secretaries of Security, Genaro García Luna, was sentenced for working for drug trafficking, the PAN has been a constant critic of the security strategy of the Morena administrations of Andrés Manuel López Obrador and Claudia Sheinbaum, even pointing to an alleged pact with organized crime, without presenting any evidence in this regard.
From the perspective of researcher Saúl Arellano, the PAN has no excuse and must assume responsibility for what happened in Guanajuato, since it allowed the growth of criminal organizations such as the Santa Rosa de Lima Cartel.
“What we see is that the National Action Party is, of course, entirely responsible for this debacle in the state. Because not only does it govern the state, but it also governs the largest number of municipalities within it. It has historically governed them. And not just the municipalities in general, but the most populated ones. León, Salamanca, Irapuato. They have historically been governed by the National Action Party,” the researcher said.
“If it had been a state like Sinaloa, Jalisco, Michoacán, or Guerrero, where there has been a historical presence of cartels operating and controlling territories since the 1970s, then you would say it’s more of a federal problem than a state one. But here, I insist, a cartel literally sprang up right in front of you. So the PAN party has no excuse to say ‘I bear no responsibility,’” he added.
Among the shortcomings attributed to the PAN party in Guanajuato is having kept Carlos Zamaripa Aguirre as Attorney General for more than 15 years , and Alvar Cabeza de Vaca Appendini as Secretary of Security for 12 years between 2012 and 2024, despite their lack of results in ending impunity and curbing violence in the state.
The Guanajuato-based media outlet PopLab.mx reported in this article that Alvar Cabeza de Vaca Appendini’s administration was marked by a lack of results in security, abuses by local police that resulted in 363 complaint files with the State Human Rights Commission, infiltration of organized crime into security forces, and a lack of coordination with the federal government, which was necessary to confront cartels such as Santa Rosa de Lima, Jalisco New Generation, or the Sinaloa Cartel, as well as fuel trafficking networks known as huachicol.
A decade ago, in 2015, INEGI found that in Guanajuato, 60.7 percent of the population considered insecurity to be the main problem in the state, and by 2025, this indicator had risen to 71.5 percent.
The current governor of Guanajuato, Libia Denisse García, also a member of the PAN party, has highlighted the reduction in homicides in 2025; however, local media warned that at the beginning of this year there were incidents such as the discovery of at least five clandestine graves in municipalities of Guanajuato, and the murder of six people in Valle de Santiago, including two minors.
In 2020, 26 people were murdered at a drug rehab facility in Irapuato, Guanajuato.
Inequality and Deficiencies in Guanajuato
Among the 32 entities, Guanajuato is the fifth largest economy in the country, according to its contribution to Gross Domestic Product, only behind Mexico City, State of Mexico, Nuevo León and Jalisco.
It ranks among the top 10 states with the most foreign direct investment, and in 2024 it recorded exports to the United States exceeding $12 billion. Its main export products are auto parts and vehicle accessories, electrical cables, and footwear, according to data from the Ministry of Economy.
Guanajuato has wealth, industrial corridors, and tourism, but the benefits do not flow equitably. According to the most recent INEGI measurement, the percentage of the population living in poverty fell from 39.4 percent in 2016 to 26 percent, or a quarter, in 2024. Extreme poverty stands at 1.7 percent.
In comparison, Nuevo León had 10.6 percent of its population living in poverty, Jalisco had 18.6 percent, and Mexico City had 19.7 percent.
The lack of access to health services grew from 13.4 percent in 2016 to 33.7 percent – with Guanajuato refusing to accept the IMSS-Bienestar program for people without social security so far – and 46 percent of its population lacked access to social security in 2024.
Guanajuato has been governed for 33 years with the same neoliberal economic model implemented by the right wing, and the same authorities in charge of law enforcement and prosecution have remained in place for over a decade. As a result, inequality, crime, and drug use have increased.
The lack of job opportunities led this state to become the leading source of migrants nationwide, according to an analysis presented by the federal government. In 2020, according to data from Conapo (National Population Council), 8.75 percent of households in Guanajuato received remittances; in some municipalities, such as Tarandacuao, Ocampo, and Jerécuaro, this figure exceeded 20 percent.
Thus, Guanajuato ranked alongside Michoacán until 2024 as one of the two states with the highest income from remittances, exceeding 5.6 billion dollars, although at the cost that family members had to leave their country and move to the United States to earn income.
These social deficiencies and inequalities generated by the neoliberal model were highlighted in January 2025 by President Claudia Sheinbaum as causes of the violence in Guanajuato:
“It is also a product of a failed development model in the state of Guanajuato,” the President stated. “Therefore, it must be addressed from different perspectives; yes, from the Attorney General’s Office, the State Security Secretariat, and in coordination with federal forces and the Secretariat of Security and Citizen Protection of the Mexican government, but also by fundamentally addressing a development model that led to violence, poverty, and inequality. So, that is the starting point for addressing it.”
Previously, in September 2024, the then Secretary of Federal Security, Rosa Icela Rodríguez, also pointed out that the neoliberal economic model, the precariousness of working conditions and the concentration of wealth in an industrial corridor deteriorated the social fabric in Guanajuato, and facilitated the growth of crime.
“(Guanajuato) has been governed for 33 years with the same neoliberal economic model implemented by the right wing, and the same authorities in charge of law enforcement and prosecution have remained in place for over a decade. As a result, inequality, crime, and drug use have increased.”
“From 1991 to 2024 there have been seven local governments from the right that increased their alliances with the traditional leadership of conservatism and the extreme right represented by ‘El Yunque’,” the official said.
Guanajuato has wealth, industrial corridors, and tourism, but the benefits do not flow equitably, decades of neoliberalism have produced misery and violence for its working population.
“The neoliberal model is evident in the concentration of wealth without any impact on improving the living conditions of the population, since eight of its 46 municipalities, located in the industrial corridor, concentrate almost 60 percent of the poor in Guanajuato. Just to give one example, the thriving municipality of León is the municipality with the most poor people in the country and the second with the most people living in extreme poverty,” she added.
Rosa Icela Rodríguez also mentioned a special survey conducted by the National Commission for Mental Health and Addictions (Conasama) on the consumption of psychoactive substances applied to 1,066 workers at the entrances of factories in the Celaya-León industrial corridor.
With it, she said, it was possible to establish that 51 percent of the workers knew someone who used drugs.
“The negative impact of methamphetamine use is felt among workers seeking to improve their performance during long working hours… 26 percent of workers in this industrial corridor of the manufacturing industry have used substances at some point in their lives and 54 percent stated that obtaining drugs in their environment is very easy.”
According to researcher Saúl Arellano, while poverty and inequality can influence the level of insecurity in a state, other key factors in analyzing homicidal violence and the behavior of organized crime include the population size of different cities or municipalities within a state, their geographic location, and their economic activities. He also considers the effectiveness of security programs and actions implemented by governments, and their capacity to prevent corruption within their security forces.
According to the researcher’s studies, there is evidence that states like Guanajuato or Michoacán, with a high level of foreign investment, exports and remittances, are also the ones that suffer the most from the impact of organized crime.
“The states with the most foreign direct investment and the highest volume of exports are the states that concentrate the highest absolute number and the highest rates of homicides in the country. What does this mean? That death, and death associated with crime, follows money, not poverty,” he said.
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People’s Mañanera January 16
January 16, 2026
President Sheinbaum’s daily press conference, with comments on Edomex security strategy, Mexico-US cooperation, and electoral reform.
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The PAN’s “Trophy” in Guanajuato: 30,000 Murders in the Last Decade
January 16, 2026January 16, 2026
Over three decades of rule, the right wing PAN implemented failed policies and oversaw record levels of violence in the state.
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Mexico City Landgrabs: 94 Properties Recovered, Six People Arrested
January 15, 2026January 15, 2026
Mexico City has been plagued with high-profile night raids by criminal gangs, sometimes accompanied by police, invading and capturing properties throughout the capital.
The post The PAN’s “Trophy” in Guanajuato: 30,000 Murders in the Last Decade appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
From Mexico Solidarity Media via This RSS Feed.