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Caracas, February 6, 2026 (venezuelanalysis.com) – Venezuelan Acting President Delcy Rodríguez held meetings with oil executives from Repsol (Spain) and Maurel & Prom (France) on Wednesday as part of ongoing efforts to secure energy investments amid US pressure and unilateral sanctions.

“We discussed the models established in the reformed Hydrocarbon Law to strengthen production and build solid alliances toward economic growth,” Rodríguez wrote on social media.

State oil company PDVSA, represented at the meetings by its president, Héctor Obregón, touted the prospects of establishing “strategic alliances” and “win-win cooperation” with the foreign multinational corporations.

The Rodríguez administration recently pushed a sweeping reform of Venezuela’s Hydrocarbon Law. Corporations are set to have increased control over crude extraction and exports, while the Venezuelan executive can discretionally reduce taxes and royalties and lease out oil projects in exchange for a cut of production.

Venezuelan leaders have defended the pro-business reform as a step forward to attract investment for a key industry that has been hard hit by US coercive measures, including financial sanctions and an export embargo, since 2017, as part of efforts to strangle the Venezuelan economy and bring about regime change.

Former President Hugo Chávez had overhauled oil legislation in 2001 to reestablish the state’s primacy over the sector with mandatory majority stakes in joint ventures, increased fiscal contributions, and a leading PDVSA operational role. Increased revenues financed the Bolivarian government’s aggressive social programs of the 2000s, which dramatically reduced poverty and expanded access to healthcare, housing, and education for the popular classes.

Repsol and Maurel & Prom currently hold stakes in several oil and natural gas joint ventures in the South American country. The two firms, as well as Italy’s Eni, have operated in a stop-start fashion in recent years as a result of US sanctions.

The European companies have consistently lobbied for increased control and benefits in their projects in the molds now established in the reformed energy legislation.

Since launching military attacks and kidnapping Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro on January 3, the Trump administration has vowed to take control of the Venezuelan oil sector and impose favorable conditions for US corporations. Senior US officials have praised Caracas’ oil reform.

According to reports, the White House has dictated that proceeds from Venezuelan crude sales be deposited in US-run accounts in Qatar, with an initial agreement comprising 30-50 million barrels of oil that had built up in Venezuelan storage as a result of a US naval blockade since December.

On Tuesday, the US Treasury Department issued a license allowing Venezuelan imports of US diluents required to upgrade extra-heavy crude into exportable blends. On January 27, Washington issued a sanctions waiver allowing US companies to purchase and market Venezuelan crude. The exemption requires payments to be made to US-controlled accounts and bars dealings with firms from Russia, Iran, Cuba, and North Korea.

The US Treasury is additionally preparing a license to allow US companies to extract Venezuelan oil, according to Bloomberg.

The White House has urged US corporations to invest in the Venezuelan oil sector and promised favorable conditions. However, executives have expressed reservations over significant new investments. According to Reuters, US refiners have likewise not been able to absorb the sudden surge of Venezuelan heavy crude supplies, while Canadian WCS crude remains a competitive alternative.

Vitol and Trafigura, two commodities traders picked by the White House to lift Venezuelan oil, have offered cargoes to European and Asian customers as well. India’s Reliance Industries is reportedly set to purchase 2 million barrels. In recent years, the refining giant has looked to Venezuela as a potential crude supplier but seen imports repeatedly curtailed by US threats of secondary sanctions.

US authorities have reportedly delivered US $500 million from an initial sale to Venezuelan private banks, which are offering the foreign currency in auctions that are said to prioritize private sector food and healthcare importers. Nevertheless, Venezuelan and US officials have not disclosed details about the remaining funds in a deal estimated at $1.2-2 billion.

Besides controlling crude sales, the Trump administration has also sought to impose conditions on the Venezuelan government’s spending of oil revenues. On Tuesday, US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent told House Representatives that the flow of oil funds will be subject to outside audits.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio had told a Senate committee last week that US authorities would scrutinize Caracas’ public expenditure and claimed that Venezuelan leaders needed to submit a “budget request” in order to access the country’s oil proceeds.

Washington’s attempted takeover of the Venezuelan oil industry also has an expressed goal of reducing the presence of Russian and Chinese companies. On Thursday, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov told media that the country’s enterprises are being “openly forced out” of the Caribbean nation at the behest of the US.

In mid-January, the US’ naval blockade drove away Chinese-flagged tankers on their way to Venezuela. With crude shipments partly used to offset longterm oil-for-loan agreements, Beijing has reportedly sought assurances of the repayment of debts estimated at $10-20 billion. For their part, independent Chinese refiners have moved to replace Venezuelan supplies with Iranian heavy crude.

The post Venezuela: Rodríguez Courts European Investment as US Greenlights Diluent Exports appeared first on Venezuelanalysis.


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We borrow for a minute the co-hosts of the acclaimed Blowback podcast, Brendan James and Noah Kulwin, on the sidelines of the Nuestra América summit for an impromptu chat. We talked about the new, more brazen phase of U.S. intervention in Latin America—why it feels desperate, why it’s failing, and what sustained resistance looks like from Cuba to Colombia. Real talk about empire, solidarity, and the growing unity across the Global South.


The post Can I Borrow You For A Minute? Brendan James & Noah Kulwin of Blowback appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.


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Saif al-Islam Kadhafi, the son of Libya’s former leader Muammar Kadhafi, was killed on Tuesday according to Libyan media.

Saif al-Islam Kadhafi, the son of Libya’s former leader Muammar Kadhafi, was killed early Tuesday in an armed attack at his residence in the western Libyan town of Zintan, according to family members, advisers, lawyers, and Libyan media reports.

Libyan media reported that the attackers disabled surveillance cameras at Saif al-Islam’s residence prior to the assault. Members of his political team said four gunmen stormed the property after cutting off security systems. It remains unclear who was responsible for the killing.

Multiple Sources Confirm Killing
“Seif al-Islam has fallen as a martyr,” his cousin, Hamid Kadhafi, told Libyan network al-Ahrar, adding that the family had no further details.

Local media reportedhearing from sources close to the Kadhafi family that four assailants carried out the attack, killing the 53-year-old at his private garden before fleeing the scene.

The killing reportedly occurred at around 2:30 a.m. local time. Libya’s state news agency LANAcited his adviser, Abdallah Othman, as also confirming the killing.

Othman later told Libya al-Ahrar that four gunmen had entered Saif al-Islam’s residence after disabling surveillance cameras and assassinated him.

His lawyer, Khaled al-Zaidi, confirmed the killingon Tuesday evening, stating that it took place at Saif al-Islam’s home in Zintan. French lawyer Marcel Ceccaldi, who also represented Saif al-Islam, told French media outlets that his client had been assassinated in Zintan.

Libyan media reported that the attackers were unidentified and fled immediately after the attack.

Investigation Launched
According to local media, the Libyan Attorney General’s Office has opened an investigation into the killing. No official statement has yet been issued by Libyan authorities.

Meanwhile, the 444 Combat Brigade issued a categorical denial of any involvement in the incident.

Details surrounding the killing remain unclear, and no group has claimed responsibility.

Killing With Sanctions, Lying With Statistics

Political Figure Marked by Controversy
Saif al-Islam had long been viewed as the most prominent political heir of his father, though he never held an official post. Before the 2011 war, he was often described as a reform-minded figure and a key intermediary between Libya and Western governments.

After his arrest in November 2011 in southern Libya, following an arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court, he was sentenced to death in 2015 after a trial widely criticized by international rights groups. He was later released under a general amnesty.

In 2021, Saif al-Islam announced his intention to run in Libya’s presidential elections, a move that sharply divided public opinion. Libya’s electoral board ultimately rejected his presidential bid.

Legacy of the Kadhafi Family
Saif al-Islam’s killing comes more than a decade after the 2011 NATO-backed war that led to the violent overthrow and killing of his father after more than 40 years in power. The conflict dismantled Libya’s state institutions and plunged the country into prolonged instability, marked by rival governments, armed groups, and foreign interference.

Despite the collapse of the former political order, nostalgia for the pre-2011 period persisted among segments of the population, particularly in southern Libya and areas historically aligned with the Gaddafi leadership.

His killing ends the political ambitions of the most prominent surviving member of the Gaddafi family, whose brief re-emergence in political life had reignited deep divisions in Libya.

(Al-Mayadeen – English)


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By Ana Vračar –  Feb 5, 2026

Six Palestine Action activists were acquitted or not convicted in the first Filton 24 trial, a result described as a “monumental victory” for the movement.

In a major victory for the Palestine solidarity movement, six Palestine Action activists who faced charges over a break-in at an Elbit Systems plant in Filton, near Bristol, were either acquitted or not convicted of all offenses on February 4. Campaigners, friends, and family members described the outcome as a “monumental victory,” saying it undermined attempts by Keir Starmer’s Labour government to depict direct action for Palestine as terrorism.

“Despite government efforts to prejudice this trial, citing allegations of violence to justify treating Palestine Action as ‘terrorists,’ as if they were already proved, the jury which heard the evidence has refused to find the defendants guilty of anything, not even criminal damage,” a spokesperson for Defend Our Juries said following the verdict. “It shows how out of step this government is with public opinion, which is revulsed by the Government’s and Elbit’s complicity in genocide.”

Ellie Kamio, Samuel Corner, Charlotte Head, Fatema Zainab Rajwani, Zoe Rogers, and Jordan Devlin are among a group of 24 activists charged in relation to the same 2024 action.

“There are still 18 more defendants imprisoned across the UK in connection with this case,” the Filton 24 Defence Committee emphasized after the ruling. All face charges including aggravated burglary, which carries a potential life sentence. “Now that the first six have been liberated of the most serious charge, aggravated burglary, and none were convicted of a single offense, it follows that the rest must immediately have this charge dropped against them, and be granted bail,” the Committee said.

One of the prosecution’s claims – that the activists entered the factory intending to physically injure people – stands fully rejected by the trial outcome. “Palestine Action never advocated causing harm to people and never caused unlawful violence to a person in over 400 actions,”  Defend Our Juries noted. “Their aim was always to save lives by causing damage to companies like Elbit Systems whose made-in-Britain quadcopter drones have been killing innocent civilians in Gaza.”

UK Hunger Strike: Palestine Activists Near Death as State Stalls

The trial also revealed that the activists were subjected to excessive force during the event. While prosecutors claimed that the defendants were violent, testimony and footage presented in court suggested the opposite: Ellie Kamio was tasered during arrest, while Jordan Devlin was hit with a sledgehammer and placed in a chokehold by one of Elbit’s security guards.

The verdict certainly raises hopes for the outcome of related cases – with The Electronic Intifada reporting that other defendants in the Filton 24 case will now seek bail based on the trial’s result – yet an equally important implication concerns the status of the Palestine solidarity movement in Britain. As across much of Europe, activists in the United Kingdom have faced intensified repression and criminalization, with authorities claiming their actions pose a threat to public safety. The jury’s decision, however, suggests these claims have failed to take root.

“As the court heard, these are six young people of conscience and compassion,” said Clare Rogers, the mother of Zoe Rogers, after the verdict. “They took action against Israeli manufacturer Elbit Systems in Filton, Bristol, because they could not sit by and do nothing while their country armed Israel’s genocide.”

“They had tried everything else – marches, petitions, writing to MPs, encampments – and they could see that the government was not only breaking international law but was ignoring the will of its own people,” she added.

The outcome of the first Filton 24 trial adds to the boomerang effect faced by Starmer’s government in its efforts to suppress Palestine solidarity while remaining complicit in Israel’s genocide in Gaza. Since Palestine Action was proscribed in mid-2025, expressions of solidarity have grown, including mass, peaceful sign-holding protests. Additionally, some of the imprisoned activists launched what has been described as the largest hunger strike since the 1980s Irish prisoners’ strike, which led to a partial adoption of their demands and an unprecedented number of people signing up for direct action.

(Peoples Dispatch)


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Today’s episode of WTF is Going on in Latin America & the Caribbean, the Donroe Doctrine versus Mexico, is a special Saturday morning broadcast from the Mexico City studio of our friends at Soberanía: The Mexican Politics Podcast. Soberania co-hosts José Luis Granados Ceja and Kurt Hackbarth join WTF host Teri Mattson in a fact driven conversation on how Mexico is standing her ground against the Donroe Doctrine while maintaining sovereignty among foreign, domestic and natural resource policy decisions.

Saturday, February 7, 10AM Mexico City time


The post WTF: The Donroe Doctrine Vs Mexico appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.


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This article by Obed Rosas originally appeared in the February 5, 2026 edition of Sin Embargo.

Mexico City, On February 20, 2025, the Chihuahua Health Department reported a case of measles in a 9-year-old boy from a Mennonite community in the municipality of Cuauhtémoc who had traveled to Seminole, Texas, a settlement where measles cases had already occurred with one known death at the time of the visit.

The boy’s school in Chihuahua was closed after more cases were detected. A month later, on March 20, the National Institute of Diagnosis and Reference (InDRE) confirmed that the virus isolated in the first patients belonged to the same lineage of measles previously identified in Seminole, Texas.

This is how Irma Leticia de Jesús Ruiz González, from the Chihuahua State Health Department, and Rubén Morales Marín, from the Autonomous University of Chihuahua, describe the reintroduction of measles in the state, in an article published last November in the American Journal of Field Epidemiology. The text warns that the outbreak occurred in “a highly susceptible population, such as the Mennonite community in Chihuahua, where there is low adherence to vaccination for religious or cultural reasons, in addition to close interconnection with other unvaccinated populations.”

Mennonites in Mexico

The outbreak occurred within an adverse regional context. In November 2015, the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) declared that the Americas had once again lost their measles elimination status. The reintroduction of the virus led Mexico to face its largest outbreak since it interrupted endemic transmission in 1997. Chihuahua became the main epicenter of infections and deaths on the continent, with figures that even surpassed those of the entire United States.

This week, the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) confirmed that Mexico leads the Americas in COVID-19 infections, with 6,428 cases and 24 deaths. Of that total, Chihuahua accounts for 4,495 cases and 21 deaths; followed by Jalisco, with 1,034 cases and one death; Chiapas, with 432 cases; Michoacán, with 261; and Guerrero, with 257.

Of the total infections, 275 were imported, 4,054 were related to importation, and 2,839 remain with the source of infection under study.

The report in the American Journal of Epidemiology highlights that 10 of the deaths occurred among Indigenous communities in Chihuahua, where 569 cases were recorded. Three deaths were recorded in the rest of the population, in addition to the death of a Wixárika child from Nayarit.

“The Rarámuri indigenous population of Chihuahua had a mortality rate 18 times higher than the rest of the population, and this excess was statistically significant,” the study notes. The age distribution shows especially high rates in children under six months and in infants aged six to 11 months, with levels 41.4 and 82.5 times higher, respectively, than those observed in people aged 50 and over. The second most affected group was the 20-39 age group.

In mid-January, another study conducted by researchers from the University of Guadalajara, with participation from the Tlajomulco de Zúñiga campus and the University Center of Los Altos, identified five key findings. The first: the outbreak was highly concentrated, with 73 percent of the cases in Chihuahua and 76.8 percent in just 45 municipalities.

The second finding was the existence of two independent introductions of the virus: one across the northern border and a separate importation into Oaxaca. Third, the analysis describes a three-stage transmission pattern: introduction through networks of temporary agricultural workers, amplification in under-vaccinated communities, and subsequent spread to marginalized Indigenous populations.

The fourth point highlights that vaccine effectiveness remained high, supporting the theory that the outbreak was due to an accumulation of susceptible individuals rather than vaccination failures. The fifth point identifies age, living conditions in indigenous communities, lack of vaccination, and residence in rural areas as independent risk factors.

The report also documents the concentration of the outbreak in closed communities with persistent immunity gaps, such as the Mennonites of Chihuahua, a pattern similar to that observed in the 2015 outbreak in Texas, which resulted in 762 cases and two deaths. Comparable episodes have been recorded in recent years in Orthodox Jewish communities in New York and Amish communities in Ohio, reinforcing the existence of “hotspots of susceptible individuals” capable of triggering large epidemics even in countries with seemingly high national coverage.

This resurgence is occurring within a complex regional context. In November 2025, the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) warned that the Americas had once again lost their measles elimination status, just one year after regaining it. The combination of ongoing imports and inequalities in access to vaccination threatens to reestablish endemic transmission.

Although the study acknowledges limitations—such as self-reporting of vaccination status and the partial availability of genomic data—it is the most comprehensive epidemiological analysis conducted to date on a measles outbreak in Latin America. It integrates individual surveillance data, genetic information, and social determinants at the municipal level in all 32 states of the country.

The conclusion is stark: measles did not return due to vaccine ineffectiveness, but rather due to the accumulated neglect of entire communities. Without targeted campaigns, strengthened molecular surveillance, and specific strategies for mobile, Indigenous, and rural populations, Mexico will remain vulnerable to new outbreaks. This major setback in nearly three decades offers an uncomfortable lesson: measles elimination is not lost overnight; it erodes slowly.

The post A Child with Measles Arrived in Mexico from the US, & Then the Virus Was Everywhere appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.


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Following a discussion centered on national peace, unity, and the defense of sovereignty, Venezuela’s National Assembly has unanimously approved the Amnesty Bill for Democratic Coexistence in Venezuela during its first discussion. Proposed by Acting President Delcy Rodríguez on January 30, the legislation passed its first reading with broad support for the reconciliation efforts.

“In the name of God, unanimously approved,” said the president of the National Assembly Jorge Rodríguez this Thursday, February 5, explaining that the bill will now undergo a public consultation process.

He instructed that the debate should take place across all sectors of society, and asked the deputies to speak not only with those currently in detainment, but also with the victims of political violence promoted over the last 27 years by sectors of the right.

Following the approval of the bill in its first reading, Rodríguez announced that a Special Commission for Public Consultation on the law had been formed.

The session will be chaired by Deputy Jorge Arreaza, who earlier presented the legislative proposal to the speaker’s podium in the Protocol Chamber. Nora Bracho will serve as vice-chair.

The Special Commission will also include the following members of parliament: Pedro Infante, Luis Augusto Romero, Grecia Colmenares, Timoteo Zambrano, Carolina García Carreño, Pablo Pérez, Jacqueline Faria, Antonio Ecarri (who did not attend the session this Thursday), Tania Díaz, Luis Florido, Winston Vallenilla, Yosmaro Jiménez, Iris Varela, Nicolás Maduro Guerra, Roy Daza, América Pérez, and Pedro Carreño.

“Go, members of parliament, and proceed with the consultations,” Rodríguez urged. “One last thing, we don’t have much time; speed must be our motto at this time.”

Acting President Delcy Rodríguez announced on Friday, January 30, a general amnesty law for those who have engaged in political violence since 1999. She made the announcement during the opening of the 2026 judicial year. On that occasion, she instructed the Special Commission for the Judicial Revolution, chaired by the Vice President for Political Affairs, Citizen Security, and Peace, Captain Diosdado Cabello, and the Democratic Coexistence for Peace Program, coordinated by the Minister of Culture, Ernesto Villegas, “to convene urgently and present the law to the National Assembly in the coming hours.”

What did the members of parliament say during the debate?
The first to speak was Jorge Arreaza, deputy of the Homeland bloc and president of the Permanent Commission on Families, Freedom of Religion and Worship, who highlighted the need for peace to reign in the country.

The parliamentarian began his speech by quoting a message that on June 10, 1820, the Father of the Nation, Simón Bolívar, transmitted to Francisco de Paula Santander, in which he explained that the hurricane of Independence had taken him to different corners without his will prevailing and affirmed: “‘I find myself on the high seas looking for a port where I can disembark, peace will be my port, my glory, my reward, my hope, my happiness and all that is precious in this world’.”

“Our victory, as President Nicolás Maduro would say since 2014, is peace,” Arreaza added, to loud applause.

Later he referred to the Treaty of Armistice and Regularization of War signed on November 25 and 26, 1820, in Trujillo, Venezuela, by the Liberator Simón Bolívar and the royalist Pablo Morillo, putting an end to the “war to the death”; as well as the embrace of peace in Santa Ana on November 27 of that year. Arreaza emphasized that the spirit of coexistence and amnesty shown by the Father of the Nation and his son Antonio José de Sucre, even in the worst circumstances of the war to the death, “should inspire us today in the Venezuela of the year 2026.”

“We believe that we should invoke those treaties and that we should create our own Trujillo treaties for the 21st century,” he said.

He stressed that mutual recognition is fundamental. “Not knowing each other has led to demonization, invisibility, contempt, a lack of communication, a failure to meet, and a failure to build bridges. We must, as they did in those treaties, humanize and create true and sincere coexistence with the differences we always have, to work on and define them and continue working together.”

Arreaza recalled that the country has a long history of amnesties, pardons, and dismissals of charges. In that regard, he mentioned that in 1827, the Liberator, to prevent the separation of Gran Colombia, the Bolivarian Republic, granted amnesty to the separatists. A year later, after surviving an assassination attempt, Simón Bolívar pardoned Francisco de Paula Santander and General Obando and continued with his mission.

“In 1864, after the bloody Federal War, the Constituent Assembly, after signing the Treaty of Coche, also granted amnesty to the delegates of both sides,” he explained, and further noted that Antonio Guzmán Blanco and Joaquín Crespo were also granted amnesty. “In 1902, Cipriano Castro, faced with the threat of a blockade against Venezuela, pardoned, for example, José Manuel Hernández. And not only did ‘El Mocho’ Hernández, very bravely, despite being an enemy and a staunch opponent, not only ask for his rifle to defend the homeland from foreign aggression, but he also served as Cipriano Castro’s Minister of Development for a few months,” he continued.

He mentioned that similar measures were also implemented in the 20th century by the dictator Juan Vicente Gómez and Eleazar López Contreras. He added that Rafael Caldera, in 1969, allowed men and women who had joined the guerrillas to return to political life, and mentioned that it was this former president who dismissed the legal case against Hugo Chávez, who led the civic-military rebellion of February 4, 1992.

Arreaza mentioned that Hugo Chávez himself, during the first years of his first government, in 2000, granted amnesty to the participants of the 4-F Rebellion, who had not yet received this measure.

He highlighted the 2007 Amnesty Decree that favored the coup plotters of April 2002, those who promoted the oil sabotage of 2002-2003, and those who promoted violent actions from 2000 to 2007.

Arreaza took note of the fact that the measure was taken on December 31, 2007, when they were celebrating the New Year. At the meeting, he had a pensive mood, and Chávez asked him why. Arreaza replied that he was having trouble processing the Amnesty Decree, and the Commander gave him “a lesson in politics, ethics, leadership, and understanding the circumstances, which lasted from 11:40 at night until 4:00 in the morning. The conciliatory spirit of Commander Chávez was also present,” he recalled amidst applause.

He noted that the constitutional president, Nicolás Maduro, after the violent actions promoted by the Venezuelan far right in 2014, granted a similar political pardon in 2017.

Dialogue and recognition
Arreaza mentioned the bombings carried out by the US empire against Venezuela on Saturday, January 3, as well as the kidnapping of President Maduro and the First Lady and National Assembly Deputy, Cilia Flores, and emphasized that these events force us to work together in defense of the homeland, to recognize each other.

“We have passed January 3rd,” he stated. “Circumstances compel us in the best sense, our homeland compels us to be responsible, to heal wounds, to recognize each other, to understand each other and to build together, the steps, the paths.”

“This bill helps the entire political dialogue process,” he stated. “It aims to reach agreements and establish common ground with all political sectors of the country. This law facilitates those processes that are geared towards bringing us peace and prosperity.”

He said that it is necessary to build trust for the good of the Venezuelan people at this delicate moment for the Republic.

Neither weakness nor impunity
He stated that no one should interpret the law as a sign of weakness, “that no one should use it to fuel hidden agendas, pettiness, or biased political calculations, neither within Chavismo nor in the opposition. We must have the wisdom and political awareness that the people demand of us at this time.”

“Let no one confuse this initiative of the National Executive with impunity and carte blanche,” he added. “Let us be ethically and historically responsible.”

He noted that human rights experts have said “that the military attack is the sum of all evils applied; let us make the Amnesty Law the sum of all good things for Venezuela, which so deserves it.”

He later clarified that this Amnesty Law must not lead to further political violence and conspiracies. “It will not be repeated what Bolívar called criminal clemency; rather, this must be a process of genuine reconciliation among Venezuelans.”

Human rights violations will not be forgiven
Parliamentarian Jorge Arreaza explained to the plenary that the Amnesty Bill states that those who have committed crimes that, by their nature, compromise ethics and human dignity, serious human rights violations, crimes against humanity, war crimes, intentional homicide, corruption, and drug trafficking are excluded from this benefit.

He indicated that the regulation does not require additional budgetary contributions, given its human, social, and political significance, and stated that its implementation falls under the ordinary powers of existing public authorities.

He later indicated that if this law is approved in the first reading, it will go to consultation—real consultations, “in the catacombs, paths, hamlets, neighborhoods, fishing villages, housing developments, urbanizations, community councils, condominiums, communes,” stating that “we have to face the people, we have to explain its necessity, its relevance, its importance. Let us allow ourselves to be challenged by the people, by the real victims of the aggression against the country.”

National reconciliation
Deputy Luis Augusto Romero began his speech by referring to the bombings carried out by the US entity against the country on January 3, 2026, an event that he emphasized was felt with deep sorrow by all Venezuelans.

He later said that the discussion of the Amnesty for Democratic Coexistence Bill should help national reconciliation.

“This bill could be a tremendous opportunity to begin a long, painful, and complex path to national reconciliation,” he stated, “but it is our responsibility to take the initiative and engage in this debate. I welcome the fact that the government, through President Delcy Rodríguez, has raised this issue (…) we, from the opposition, will be there, we will participate, we have observations and arguments.”

“This country cannot endure one more act of revenge, one more act of retaliation,” he continued.

To elevate human greatness
Congresswoman Carolina García asserted that the Amnesty Law strengthens civic virtues.

“It’s not about turning the other cheek, let’s not see it that way,” she said. “It’s about elevating human greatness amidst all differences; it must be placed above all else. It shouldn’t be seen as a weakness, let’s not think that.”

She emphasized that we must rise to the occasion of this historic moment in Venezuela, and that the law “primarily calls for national unity, so that Venezuelans can resolve their differences within our country, but peacefully. With tolerance and coexistence amidst the diversity that certainly exists; of political ideologies, but with respect and dignity.”

The standard should be a source of pride for all Venezuelans
While ignoring the US aggression and bombings against the country, nor the kidnapping of the presidential couple, the right-wing deputy, Tomás Guanipa, stated that the Amnesty Law could be the starting point for the families of imprisoned politicians to reunite with their loved ones.

“From the freedom caucus, we will make all our contributions so that this law becomes a source of pride for all Venezuelans and begins a stage in the national reconstruction that we must all undertake together,” he added.

He called for it to have all the guarantees and international standards.

High politics demands peace
During the debate, opposition member David Uzcátegui pointed out that “high politics demands peace.”

He emphasized that the law is the fuel for the engine of reconciliation, where they will show the world that Venezuela is capable of resolving its differences among Venezuelans through the law, at home and under the open sky. “We voted for peace, which is the only fertile ground where progress grows.”

Justice is not revenge
Opposition deputy Yusmaro Jiménez also celebrated the discussion of the Amnesty Law. “From Vamos Vamos Venezuela, we will support the approval of this law,” he said, referring to its first reading. “No more scores to settle or revenge. Justice is not about retribution.”

He also raised the issue of reviewing the police forces, which in his view have been involved in the violence, “and the actions that have put many behind bars.”

Jiménez proposed eliminating the Law Against Hatred and the Simón Bolívar Law, because according to his view they are “unjust”; as well as “interpretations of the crimes of treason and terrorism” that, in his opinion as a far-right opposition politician, compromise democratic guarantees.

He also suggested that those who left the country for political reasons should be allowed to return.

Politics without hatred, without violence, without missiles
National Assembly Deputy Nicolás Maduro Guerra stated that the proposed law will be effective for national development because it seeks peace and reconciliation.

“Why do we guarantee peace and reconciliation?” he asked. “So that our country can develop, can move forward, so that Venezuelan families have a peaceful environment that allows them to have a quality education and productive forces at work,” adding that we have to work together to unify the country.

“After this law, we have to ensure that politics can be done without violence, without hatred, without missiles, without military invasion, without the kidnapping of the President,” he said.

Reconciliation without impunity
The first vice president of the National Assembly highlighted that more than 95% of Venezuelans are committed to a country of peace and coexistence.

He emphasized that the legislative project on amnesty is not intended as an act of impunity, but as a mechanism to facilitate national reconciliation.

He explained that the regulations will not evaluate people, but rather the facts associated with each case, and that judicial considerations will correspond to established legal procedures.

The congressman maintained that those who benefit must make clear commitments. “That they never again call for bombings of Venezuela, that they never again call for invasions, economic blockades, or unilateral coercive measures. That they never again incite hatred or promote violence.”

Diosdado Cabello at 4F Anniversary: The Bolivarian Revolution is the Only One That Guarantees Peace in Venezuela

Speak to everyone without fear
The debate was closed by the president of the National Assembly, Jorge Rodríguez, who urged that this public consultation process for the legislation should include all sectors. “Let’s not be afraid to talk to everyone,” he said, “to anyone who wants to tell us something, to anyone who has a testimony, to anyone who has a proposal, to anyone who wants to be included in the bill.”

Rodríguez indicated that the bill, fortunately, is not a list of names, as he considered that exclusionary. He proposed that all elements that could be subject to this law, which covers the period from 1999 to 2026, be taken into account.

“So go and talk to the people, go and talk to the families of those deprived of their liberty, talk to the deprived of their liberty. Talk to the victims as well of the crimes that have been committed all these years,” he urged the members of the special commission.

(Diario VEA)

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/JRE/AU


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It’s well-known that Big Trump loves Big Macs from McDonald’s. He even ordered fast food for a White House banquet! Is it just because he’s a regular guy? Michael Wolff’s *Fire and Fury,*about the inside of the Trump White House, explains: Trump is confident that a takeout order from McDonald’s isn’t poisoned. Like most autocrats, he constantly watches his back.

Cartoon: Pinche Einnar

But anyone else’s security? Like most autocrats, spilling other people’s blood is as inconsequential as spilling ketchup. In shock and horror, we watched the videos of ICE murdering in cold blood Renee Good and Alex Pretti in Minneapolis. Trump’s lackeys around the banquet table smugly proclaimed, between bites of their Big Macs, that Good and Pretti got what they deserved.

Pass the ketchup.

The murders, without any follow-up criminal charges, of white US citizens as they defend their non-white neighbors are new. But a straight line runs between the deaths of Good and Pretti by ICE and the US military blasting 100 Venezuelan fishermen into the sea while killing another 100 people in the kidnapping of Venezuelan president Maduro in Caracas. Trump unleashes gangs of thugs to terrorize the US population so they will accept a white nationalist state and uses drone strikes and boots on the ground to force Latin America to relinquish its sovereignty at gunpoint.

Trump lies when he says that Venezuela traffics drugs into the US and that Good and Pretti are domestic terrorists — but no one’s buying it. The people know blood from ketchup, wherever it is spilled.

Daniela González López Photo: Jay Watts

Daniela González López founded and coordinates the international Observatorio de Derechos Humanos de Los Pueblos, the Human Rights Observatory of the Peoples, and is a general advisor to the Committee for the Defense of Women’s Rights (CODEM). She reports for the Plurinational Radio Station of Abya Yala Soberana de los Pueblos. As an organizer supporting international struggles, particularly in Palestine, she frequently participates in forums that advocate for the human rights of peoples and women.

How did Mexican citizens react to the US military attack on Venezuela and the kidnapping of President Maduro?

The mainstream media did not extensively cover the attack on Venezuela. Ordinary citizens of Mexico are not much interested in international politics, and any mentions that did occur were probably disinformation.

But among progressives, leftists and anarchists, some of us have long-standing relationships with Hugo Chavez’s Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.

The day after the kidnapping, several organizations called for a demonstration, but that certainly wasn’t our first event. Maduro’s opposition has been waging a media war, a destabilization war and a legal war against Venezuela’s elected leadership for decades. We’d been calling these attacks a “war” even before the military invasion.

The military attack was brutal. The US ambassador and former CIA agent, Ron Johnson, was happy to announce, “No American lives were lost.” But what about the lives of the Venezuelans, the lives of the Cubans helping to guard the president in international solidarity?

From the Mexican perspective, for those of us who understand the history of US domination in Latin America, including the bloody repression of left-wing opposition movements, we were concerned about Venezuelan and Cuban lives, not the invading US military personnel!

Daniela González López Photo: Jay Watts

The organization you lead, the Human Rights Observatory, helped to organize the protest. When was it formed, and why?

The Observatorio isn’t an NGO and doesn’t have a vertical structure; it’s an international network of groups, mostly from Latin America. It includes members from Guatemala, Ecuador, Colombia, Brazil, Argentina, Panama, Chile, Uruguay, Honduras, Bolivia, Costa Rica and Mexico, but also from the United States, Switzerland, Spain and Palestine. In 2016, I was in CODEM, the Committee in Defense of Women’s Rights, one of the founding organizations. I was elected as the coordinator of the Observatorio at the founding assembly, and I’ve been re-elected at annual assemblies.

We have no funding. We are all volunteers, and participants from various countries play different roles, depending on their capacity and expertise.

Since the Israeli genocide began, we’ve focused on Palestine.

Rally for Palestine at the Monument to the Revolution Photo: Jay Watts

Did many of the people who support Palestine organize and turn out to protest what the US did in Venezuela? That didn’t happen in the US.

In Mexico, yes! Those opposing the genocide in Palestine also came out and protested the US kidnapping of Venezuela’s president. We understand our fight isn’t against one country or to defend one people. It’s not just moral outrage about Israel committing mass murder with US weapons. In Mexico and Latin America, we have experienced the theft of our resources and political coups against elected presidents through military actions and economic sanctions. We are clear that ours is a struggle against imperialism, capitalism and war wherever they threaten, from Gaza to Caracas to Greenland.

In the United States, many who opposed the attack don’t support president Maduro. That made organizing harder. Is that the case in Mexico?

Those of us who are part of the Observatorio support Maduro. But the progressive movement doesn’t agree on the nature of Maduro’s presidency — some call him a dictator, others don’t. It can be divisive. However, we all support the Bolivarian Revolution initiated by Commander Hugo Chávez. That vision promotes the unity of Latin America and its independence from US influence while implementing internal social programs to help the poor.

Many Venezuelans in Mexico hate Maduro, and they physically attacked us during the demonstration because they considered our protest to be in his defense. But our solidarity is with Venezuela as a sovereign nation. Whether you think Maduro is a dictator or not — Trump clearly IS a dictator! He must be opposed.

Some on the left believe that Presidenta Claudia Sheinbaum didn’t take a strong enough stand on Palestine, and her position on the Venezuela kidnapping is also weak. What do you think?

We weren’t happy with her stance on Palestine. The International Criminal Court determined that Netanyahu had committed war crimes and issued an arrest warrant against him, but Sheinbaum’s government didn’t join that effort.

She didn’t cut ties with Israel, as we demanded, and as President Gustavo Petro of Colombia did.

In the case of Venezuela, she didn’t challenge the right of the United States to prosecute Maduro. He was kidnapped! That was illegal under international law, and the Trump Justice Department itself admitted that Maduro was not head of a drug cartel. In fact, the alleged “Cartel del Soles” doesn’t exist! Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, must be released immediately. But Sheinbaum only called for a “fair trial.” By not firmly defending Venezuela’s sovereignty, she undermines her own demand for respect for Mexican sovereignty.

We are not supporters of presidenta Sheinbaum.

Trump has completely altered the global agreements in place since World War II. What role should Mexico play?

International relations and global norms are irreparably broken. For left-wing organizations and all those who oppose fascism and imperialism, this is a time to strengthen international ties and organize conferences, events and protests. Many international meetings are being organized for 2026.

On January 24 and 25, an international conference met in Bogotá, called by Progressive International, an organization that includes Colombia’s president Petro. A few weeks later, an international anti-fascism conference will meet in Porto Alegre, Brazil.

Pedro Gellert Frank of Mexico Solidarity Project & Daniela González López Photo: Jay Watts

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This article by Alonso Urrutia originally appeared in the February 5, 2026 edition of La Jornada, Mexico’s premier left wing daily newspaper.

Querétaro, Querétaro. During the commemoration of the 109th anniversary of the Constitution, President Claudia Sheinbaum reaffirmed the defense of national sovereignty and emphasized that under no circumstances will foreign interventions or interference be accepted. “Mexico will not return to being a colony or protectorate of anyone. Mexico will never surrender its natural resources. Therefore, true to our history, we say with conviction: Mexico does not bend, does not kneel, does not surrender, and does not sell out!”

Before representatives of the other branches of government, Sheinbaum also affirmed that the country will not return to the regime of privilege and corruption established during the neoliberal period. In contrast to the reforms promoted under that model, which prioritized private interests over the public interest, she emphasized that now “the social purpose of the Constitution is being restored, the rights of the people are being reclaimed, and it is being reaffirmed that sovereignty is not negotiable, it is to be defended.”

The President criticized the neoliberal model because it returned the country to an exclusionary character similar to that which prevailed during the Porfiriato; it weakened social rights, privatized public resources, and normalized corruption. “They tried to erase the social dimension of the Constitution. Millions were once again marginalized, while a minority accumulated privileges. They tried to convince the country that sovereignty ‘was an obstacle’ and that the nation was an empty word.”

Sheinbaum asserted that, unlike the constitutions of 1824, 1857, and 1917, which emerged from grassroots movements and popular struggles, the 36 years of neoliberal policies saw the passage of reforms that were entirely unpopular, subservient to the people, and contrary to the public interest. “These were changes imposed from above and, in many cases, from abroad.”

Under that logic, essential articles were modified to legislate the sale of public companies, banks, communal lands and mines; concessions were granted in the areas of oil, electricity and telecommunications; railroads, ports, airports and even prisons were privatized, and free education was limited.

Profound Changes to Move Forward

Sheinbaum maintained that from September 2024 to December 2025, profound changes were implemented that restored the social purpose and national sovereignty enshrined in the Constitution. She reviewed the 20 legal and constitutional reforms with the greatest social impact, including the reform of the Judiciary that allows for the election of judges, magistrates, and ministers.

She also cited the incorporation of the National Guard into the Ministry of National Defense; the recognition, for the first time in independent history, of indigenous and Afro-Mexican peoples as subjects of public law, guaranteeing their autonomy and collective rights; the reform of articles 25, 27 and 28, and their secondary laws, which reverse the energy modifications of 2013 and recover Pemex and the CFE as strategic public companies of the people of Mexico; as well as the changes to recognize the Welfare Programs as constitutional rights.

The Preisdent also highlighted the reforms against nepotism and immediate re-election in popularly elected positions, as well as the reform to the National Water Law to guarantee the human right to water as a natural resource of the nation.

Living Expressions of Popular Struggles

Recalling the four transformations the country has undergone, she noted that each left its mark on a Constitution, “not as a dead letter, but as a living expression of the people’s struggle. That is our history. That is our strength and that is our responsibility: to defend the homeland, to safeguard sovereignty, and to make social justice a reality.”

The President asserted that, despite what some might wish, Mexico cannot be understood without its noble, courageous, and hardworking people. Nor can it be understood without their constant struggle for sovereignty and independence, their solidarity with other nations, their love of justice, and their commitment to true democracy—the democracy that truly represents the people of Mexico.


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Caracas (OrinocoTribune.com)—New car sales in Venezuela have grown by more than 120% over the course of 2025, with 38,000 units sold. Three brands captured 80% of the market share, marking an improvement in this sector of the Venezuelan economy. According to analysts, by the end of the first quarter of 2026, the country will have achieved 20 consecutive quarters (five years) of steady economic growth.

Carlos Rondón, president of the National Chamber of Commerce for Auto Parts (Canidra), stated this Wednesday, February 4, in an interview with Unión Radio that the supply of spare parts exceeds demand, ensuring sufficient availability for the national vehicle fleet.

Any significant presence of US and European auto corporations based in Venezuela was dismantled since the US empire launched its illegal sanctions against Venezuela in 2016 and 2018, earlier in some cases, and local manufacturing of cars fell to zero.

In recent years, with Venezuela’s economic recovery, car sales have improved, mostly driven through China’s imported units. Many analysts expect that the return of car factories to the Caribbean nation is a prerequisite to providing a final boost to demand and pushing for a more robust economic recovery.

Automotive sector growth and statistics
Rondón noted that the automotive sector has experienced significant growth over the past three years. He reported that 7,200 units were sold in 2023 and 17,500 in 2024—the latter representing a 140% increase and the highest growth rate in the sector in the region. Sales reached 38,000 units in 2025, and the goal for 2026 is to sell 50,000 units.

He noted that more than $140 million worth of spare parts also entered Venezuela in 2025. China was the largest supplier at $82 million (60%), followed by the US entity at $25 million (17%). Rondón reiterated that China is the main player in the sector, and he, as well as most analysts, agree its leadership and market share will continue to grow.

Acting President Promotes Communal Economy at National Meeting in Caracas

Impact of oil recovery and infrastructure
Rondón explained that the expected oil recovery in Venezuela, bolstered by the easing of illegal US sanctions, will be a determining factor in sustaining this momentum. In a country without a robust railway system, he added, virtually all transportation depends on private and freight vehicles.

Therefore, any improvement in oil activity—and in the economy in general—translates into greater mobility, increased transportation, and a subsequent rise in demand for auto parts and related services.

Special for Orinoco Tribune by staff

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Ten thousand producers demonstrate regional capabilities and advance in the pillars of productive independence, territorial identity and state articulation towards the Communal State

The acting president of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, Delcy Rodríguez, led the National Meeting of Communal Economy this Wednesday, February 4th, at the Poliedro de Caracas. The event brought together approximately 10,000 community members from various regions of the country.

The event served as a platform to showcase products derived from regional production and reinforce the pillars of the self-managed economic model.

The meeting highlights the organizational capacity of Socially Owned Enterprises and Family Units, structured under a framework that prioritizes the territorial and strategic vocation of each region of the country.

Rodríguez emphasized that “a new economic model is born here, the people’s economic model,” while also underscoring that “this great popular mobilization demonstrates the productive capacity of Venezuela’s regions.”

The meeting’s central objectives are to achieve productive independence and exports, strengthen regional identity, showcase experiences, consolidate capacities, and generate strategic alliances. One hundred exhibitors presented their progress in five key areas: primary agri-food (planting, livestock, and fishing); agro-industrial processing (mills, sugar mills, processing plants, and packaging facilities); community services (logistics, transportation, telecommunications, and community banks); appropriate technology (artisanal irrigation, alternative energies, and adapted tools); and direct marketing (fairs, fixed points of sale, CLAP deliveries, and digital sales).

#Live | Acting President Delcy Rodriguez participates in communal economy meeting https://t.co/crq10rBwfc

— teleSUR English (@telesurenglish) February 4, 2026

The acting president announced a strategic plan to substitute products destined directly for the Venezuelan people’s food basket, reaffirming the institutional support for self-managed economic models as the cornerstone of national productive development.

The event was supported by the Ministry of Popular Power for Communes, Social Movements, and Urban Agriculture, and involved the entire National Government in the process of transformation toward a Communal State.

Mass Demonstration in Venezuela for Release of President Maduro and Cilia Flores 1 Month After Their Abduction

During her address, Rodríguez reiterated Venezuela’s call for the release of President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores, linking political resistance with the strengthening of the people’s economy.

(teleSUR)


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This article by Zosimo Camacho originally appeared in the February 5, 2026 edition of Luces Del Siglo. We thank Zosimo for the permission to translate and re-publish the article here, and encourage you to visit Luces Del Sigle: Periodismo Verdad.

The United States will know exactly which minerals of interest to it are located in Mexico: probable and proven reserves, and their exact locations. Furthermore, it will ensure that its southern neighbor and “partner” makes changes to its mining regulations. And if that weren’t enough, it will be able to mandate the establishment of “strategic reserves.”

What are these deposits that are the object of US ambition? “Certain select critical minerals yet to be determined.” We can anticipate that their list will include lithium, cobalt, nickel, vanadium, platinum, rare earth elements…

The Monroe Doctrine (relaunched a few weeks ago as the “Donroe Doctrine”) takes shape in documents such as the United States-Mexico Critical Minerals Action Plan, signed by Jamieson Lee Greer, head of the United States Trade Representative, and Marcelo Ebrard Casaubón, Mexico’s Secretary of Economy.

By force, Latin America will prop up the United States in its final economic battle against China. From what we can see, the region has already burned its bridges. One by one, in isolation, each country is directing its “sovereign” policies toward the flow of resources northward. With varying degrees of violence, the resistance that nations like Venezuela, Colombia, or Mexico could have offered has faded.

The Joint Plan of Action between the United States and Mexico on Critical Minerals—as the agreement, revealed yesterday by the U.S. government, can be translated—is cloaked in diplomatic language of resilience and shared security. However, a careful reading of the document reveals the contours of a geoeconomic strategy that, under the premise of correcting “distortions” and vulnerabilities, proposes a regulatory and commercial integration that could mean the complete subordination of Mexico’s strategic resources to the national and economic security interests of its northern neighbor.

The implementation of “adjusted minimum border prices” and their eventual inclusion in a plurilateral agreement will establish a price floor for Mexican exports. The goal is to shield the U.S. supply chain from global market fluctuations and—consequently—from competition.

This scheme, presented as “mutually beneficial,” will ensure the United States industry has access to Mexican deposits. Meanwhile, it compromises Mexico’s ability to negotiate in the open market and makes any negotiations with other mineral-hungry countries like China and Russia impossible. Furthermore, it could set prices that do not reflect future conditions or the true strategic value of the resources.

The plan’s ambition extends beyond trade. By proposing the harmonization of regulatory standards for mining and processing, coordination in geological mapping, coordinated stockpiling of reserves, and even the promotion and planning of investments, the United States seeks more than just a reliable supplier: it seeks a politically aligned and regulatorily accessible territory.

The risk is clear: Mexico’s mining, environmental, and investment policies could be progressively shaped to comply with parameters defined by an agenda designed in Washington. The invitation to identify projects in “third countries” also suggests a bloc-like vision that seeks to extend this model of coordinated dependency.

The plan, to be developed within a peremptory deadline of 60 days by the USTR and the Ministry of Economy, evokes a rushed, technical process that leaves little room for public scrutiny and legislative debate. It speaks of “mutual respect for sovereignty,” but the described framework implies a de facto surrender of key elements of economic sovereignty.

The mining industry has been ecstatic over what it regards as President Sheinbaum’s sharp shift towards a pro-mining position.

The question is whether this model of economic relations builds a true partnership between equals or consolidates, with new and sophisticated instruments, a center-periphery relationship where Mexico’s natural resources are primarily mobilized to absorb vulnerabilities and ensure the competitiveness of the U.S. economy. Resilience, in this context, appears to be an asymmetrical concept: while it strengthens the security of one, it could weaken the strategic autonomy of the other.

In the first act of this drama, a month ago Ebrard announced the return of mining “on a larger scale” in Mexico. Then, his department boasted that 110 new permits for mining projects had been granted in just one year. And now it’s revealed that the minerals will flow to the United States.

Mining in Mexico and around the world serves the accumulation of capital, never the people. What is being foreshadowed are more social and environmental problems associated with the dispossession of communities and the destruction of nature.

By force, Latin America will prop up the United States in its final economic battle against China. From what we can see, the region has already burned its bridges. One by one, in isolation, each country is directing its “sovereign” policies toward the flow of resources northward. With varying degrees of violence, the resistance that nations like Venezuela, Colombia, or Mexico could have offered has faded.

Zósimo Camacho Ibarra is a journalist documenting social and armed movements, Indigenous peoples, corruption, national security, drug trafficking and human rights violations. Follow him at @ZosimoCamacho

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By International League of Peoples’ Struggle – Feb 3, 2026

Joint Statement on the One-Month Anniversary of the US Kidnapping of President Nicolás Maduro and First Combatant Cilia Flores

For one month, our organizations have joined hundreds of others and millions of people in taking to the streets from Caracas, to New York City, Washington DC, Minneapolis, Chicago, Seattle, Portland, San Francisco, Los Angeles, Ottawa, Montreal, Vancouver, Havana, San Juan, Port of Spain, Mexico City, Guatemala City, Bogotá, La Paz, Buenos Aires, London, Dublin, Paris, Amsterdam, Berlin, Brussels, Barcelona, Rome, Nairobi, Johannesburg, Ramallah, Amman, Tehran, Karachi, Manila, Jakarta, Sydney, Wellington, and many other cities around the world showing the strength and broadness of our shared anti-imperialist united front against US imperialism and all reaction. The International League of Peoples’ Struggle (ILPS), the Resist US-Led War Movement, the International Women’s Alliance (IWA), Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Bayan) Philippines, and the Philippines-Bolivarian Venezuela Friendship Association stand united in principle and in action in solidarity with the people of Venezuela and against the US imperialist offensive in Latin America and the Caribbean.

US Imperialist Aggression in Latin America and the CaribbeanOne month ago from today, on January 3rd 2026, the US military carried out a military invasion in which over one hundred Venezuelan and Cuban soldiers and civilians were killed as special forces kidnapped Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and First Combatant Cilia Flores in a blatant act of aggression. US President Trump then declared that the US will “run Venezuela” and began directing US and other multinational oil companies to begin investing heavily in Venezuela’s oil industry to secure their access to super-profits from the country’s resources. The latest comments on the intention to control Venezuela’s oil industry destroy any remaining myths of the so-called “narco-terrorism” false propaganda campaign that the US used as media cover for its profit-driven invasion and plunder of Venezuela’s economy.

Meanwhile, Trump continues to meddle in Latin American elections to ensure that rightwing pro-US regimes come to power. Existing US-puppet governments continue to railroad policies in which extractive industries and financial institutions have complete control over their people’s agriculture, minerals, coastlines and waterways, and all aspects of industrial production. The US has colluded with these regimes to position more military power in Latin America and the Caribbean than at any time since the end of the Cold War.

A Desperate Empire Overstretched Around the Entire WorldThe US’s imperialist offensive over the past month has not been confined to Latin America and the Caribbean. Following on the publication of the US National Security Strategy (NSS), Trump has continued making provocative comments about annexing Greenland and Canada to secure US complete control over the Western Hemisphere. The White House released a hostile statement against Cuba, calling it “an unusual and extraordinary threat” and pledging harsher sanctions against the country.

Despite Trump’s claim to focus his NSS on the Western Hemisphere, the US continues to flex its war machine and consolidate its economic and political control throughout the world as well. The so-called “Board of Peace,” an initiative created in the ceasefire agreement between the Zionist entity and the Palestinian resistance (an agreement that has been broken every day by the continued Zionist genocide against the Palestinian people), was declared to oversee the future of Gaza. This board of imperialist, neocolonial, and fascist oligarchs promises to turn Gaza into a Big Tech-managed concentration camp for Palestinians while securing massive real estate and military contracts for war and weapons corporations.

January also saw the return of outright regime-change attempts in Iran through a US and Zionist campaign to covertly arm provocateurs inside the country and plan for renewed airstrikes as they did in June 2025. Despite the failure to overthrow Iran’s government and win the people over to installing a US and Zionist backed puppet regime, US provocations continue to this day with a massive military buildup in the Persian Gulf and irregular threats by Trump of invasion.

In the US itself, Trump’s fascist paramilitary troops of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) not only continue their violent campaign of ethnic cleansing against migrants within the US but have begun openly shooting at both migrants and solidarity protesters, killing a legal observer and a medic during protests in Minneapolis, USA. After a year of Trump returning to the White House, ICE has been drastically enlarged through a massive budget increase, the disappearance of any government oversight, and an openly white supremacist campaign to rapidly recruit anyone willing to arrest, deport, and even kill to enact Trump’s fascist agenda.

These moves around the world are not the sign of an empire at the height of its power, but one in the death throes of its decline. Where once the US relied on a “rules-based order” of neoliberal free trade agreements to capture markets and exploit the working and peasant masses of the world with the help of its allies, it now resorts to tariff wars to flex against its economic competitors and blackmail any state going against its will by passing new arbitrary tariffs until they bow in submission. Where once the US gave high praise to its imperialist military alliances like NATO to put forward a false image of “common defense”, it now bullies its imperialist allies into drastically increasing their own military budgets while doubling down on its control of neocolonial puppet states who wage war on their own people and open their country up to complete US access to military posturing and economic plunder. As US rivals such as China and Russia grow and consolidate their power, the US fears to lose its own.

At the close of the first month of 2026, US imperialism may be more dangerous than ever, but that is because it is weaker and more vulnerable than ever before.

Palestinian and Regional Resistance Organizations and Popular Movements Stand with Venezuela Against US Imperialism

The Peoples of the World Rise and Struggle Against the Imperialist and Fascist OffensiveIn cities, towns, countrysides, and across continents, the peoples of the world have continued to mobilize and organize their ranks to frustrate the US imperialist offensive and the upsurge of fascism in the wake of severe economic crisis.

The Bolivarian Revolution has not been defeated. The communes continue to operate, the government continues to wield sovereign power over its territory, and the effort of the US to overthrow the Bolivarian government has failed. Caracas has seen ongoing mass mobilizations in the millions of people demanding the return of President Maduro and First Combatant Flores. As the US uses the threat of continued attacks to push for economic control of Venezuela’s oil industry and the Bolivarian government under acting President Delcy Rodriguez maneuvers to keep the industry in the hands of the people, the people make it clear in a united voice that their sovereignty is not for sale and they will defend it with their lives.

Demonstrations outside the Metropolitan Detention Center in New York City where Maduro and Flores are being detained have expressed solidarity while taking the demand of the Venezuelan people directly to the belly of the beast itself. These demonstrations and letter writing campaigns to Maduro and Flores inside the detention center have worked to remind the two imprisoned leaders that the Bolivarian Revolution continues to burn in the hearts of the Venezuelan people and those who stand in solidarity with them around the world.

Street actions have been held around the world, carrying anti-imperialist slogans and solidarity calls with Venezuela and the Bolivarian Revolution. Many of these actions have drawn stark connection between the US offensive against Venezuela and its other imperialist and fascist actions in Palestine, Iran, and cities in the US under attack by ICE.

Workers strikes have been held in many different industries, especially shipping, to assert the power of the working class to shut down business as usual and put pressure on companies and governments to cease their support for the imperialist intervention and plunder being waged against the oppressed nations of the world. A planned series of dockworker shutdowns across Mediterranean ports to isolate the Zionist entity continues this trend of workers tying their own calls for better wages, safer work conditions, and guaranteed livelihood to solidarity with Palestine and other oppressed nations of the world.

Militant street actions have also been paired with advocacy and legal campaigns against the human rights violations and violations of international law by the US, such as the case being brought from Trinidad and Tobago against the US for murdering its citizens in cold blood while operating their boats near the coast of Venezuela.

And despite open threats from the world’s most well-armed military in terms of technology, the people refuse to give up their right to armed resistance against the imperialist and fascist offensive. The people’s militias in Venezuela have remained organized and committed to defend their country against continued aggression by the US and its oil corporations. While this past month has seen continued threats against the Palestinian resistance to disarm and surrender, and ongoing strikes, murders and violations of ceasefire terms, the resistance in Palestine and around the world has upheld its promise to continue waging armed struggle against the machinations of the “Board of Peace” and continued Zionist settlement expansion in Palestine. The other forces of the Axis of Resistance, including Iran, have equally refused to disavow their right to armed defense as well.

A Continued Month of Action for Peace, Sovereignty, and the Self-Determination of PeoplesOne month ago today, the US tried to proclaim itself invincible with the kidnapping operation against Venezuelan President Maduro and First Combatant Flores. But every day of this past month has proven the US narrative wrong. Imperialism is not invincible, but vulnerable and desperate; the people are not docile and victimized, but are resolute in their struggle, and it is their power that is truly invincible.

The ILPS, the Resist US-Led War Movement, IWA, Bayan, and the Philippines-Bolivarian Venezuela Friendship Association stand with the people of Venezuela and the world at every stage of their struggles. In continuation of the month of action being waged by our members, we enjoin people of all countries to take to the streets, ports, countrysides, and all spaces with many other organizations taking action this February 3 to 6.

As we have expressed in our Universal Declaration of the Peoples of the World Against US Imperialism and for Peace, Sovereignty, and the Self-Determination of Peoples, “the time has come to collectively assume the defense of our rights through unity, international solidarity, and the construction of our own agenda for anti-imperialist struggle and building a socialist alternative.

(ILPS)


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The January 3 US strikes in Caracas have no historical precedent, not only for Venezuela but for all of South America. It was the first US military attack against a capital in this part of the world in our history as independent nations.

To understand the underlying motivations behind such an outrageous bombing of Caracas, and going beyond the professed US interests in the country’s natural resources, we have to understand the position, the ideas, and the role played by elites in shaping key areas of national interest, including the concept of sovereignty, the nation’s resources, the model of state, and Venezuela’s foreign relations – in their own image, over the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This meant the imposition of a political thought and socioeconomic model that ended up, above all, benefiting the Spanish-descendant or Creole oligarchy, which had been known in colonial times as the mantuanos.

Venezuela emerged from the sixteenth-century Spanish conquest as what is known in Venezuelan historiography as the “colonial-implanted society” (1), that is, a settler formation. At its zenith, it was a Creole elite with ample economic privileges but with a highly restricted political reach, limited to participation in municipal town halls (“cabildos”). This privileged sector was the dominant political class in colonial society for three centuries, with deep Hispanic cultural roots, a notion of superiority towards the popular classes alongside a complex of inferiority towards peninsular Spaniards who controlled the political and administrative affairs of the colony.

Between 1810 and 1816, the Creole elite played a leading role in the national independence struggle. Later, during his Caribbean tour of Jamaica and Haiti, the Liberator Simón Bolívar managed to pierce through his social and ideological class blinders, thus evolving from a mere mantuano military chief to become the revolutionary leader of the process of Venezuelan and South American emancipation. The historic step was taken through the decree issued in July 1816, in Ocumare de la Costa, with the momentous incorporation of enslaved people into the independence struggle, promising freedom, land, and citizenship to all those who answered the patriotic call. This revolutionary act, like many others in Bolívar’s life, would provoke splits and internal conflicts among military leaders and patriotic politicians, which would later lead to the separation of Gran Colombia in 1830 and the creation of Venezuela as an independent state. Likewise, the founding of the new Venezuelan republic in that same year by the Creole elites was essentially based on anti-Bolivarian political and ideological foundations, and it would undergird the model of the state and the socioeconomic system to be maintained until the end of the twentieth century. (2)

The main political positions assumed by Bolívar during his lifetime certainly did not please certain social sectors within independent America. His clear vision of a centralist government in contrast to the federal model adopted in the United States; his desire to grant freedom to enslaved Black people so that they could become citizens with full rights; his ideal of Colombian unity and the creation of a confederation of independent American states under a model of regional integration –all these plans became factors of discord and internal disagreement among the Venezuelan elites who, together with seditious elements in New Granada and Quito, ultimately brought about the disintegration of Gran Colombia.

At the same time, in 1823, a geopolitical doctrine emerged from the United States that would mark the history of US interventionism in the hemisphere to this day. Known as the Monroe Doctrine, it proclaimed US hegemony over political, economic, and military affairs in the hemisphere, against any intervention from outside the region and in favor of US capital, exacting a horrific toll on the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean over the last two centuries.

In Venezuela, the entire first century of republican life was marked by struggles between liberal and conservative elites. Conservative sectors launched political campaigns against liberal factions with the hidden intention of handing the country over to foreign interests while securing their own economic benefits. Once the republic was established, internal strife prevented the Venezuelan political class from even diplomatically agreeing on the border limits with Colombia, eventually leading the country to lose vast territories due to external interference before the borders with our neighbors were ultimately settled. (3) Later, amid the post-1858 crisis, Conservative Creole elites even promoted the creation of an English protectorate in Venezuela, with Pedro Gual and Manuel Felipe Tovar appealing to the then United Kingdom chargé d’affaires in Venezuela, Edward St. John, for British intervention in order to prevent the Liberal Party from coming to power with the support of the African-descendent masses. It was this ongoing political hostility between these two parties for almost three decades that, over time, inevitably degenerated into the so-called Federal War or Long War, between 1859 and 1864, the last episode of civil war in the country.

Thus, throughout the nineteenth century, Venezuela lost all the political power it had gained during independence, all the accumulated military power that had led it to victory across the continent, and all its productive and economic capacity. It became trapped in a monoculture agricultural dependency based on coffee and cocoa crops. In addition, during these times of neglect, the country became a republic without the material capabilities needed to institutionalize a central state that did not even have its own infrastructure until 1873, when the first part of the Federal Legislative Palace was finally built.

Later, at the end of the nineteenth century, during the government of General Cipriano Castro, a military chief from the southwestern Andean state of Táchira who put an end to the struggles between liberal and conservative elites, the country once again fell victim to imperialist designs on the national wealth. In 1899, in the so-called Paris Arbitration Award, Venezuela was stripped of a significant part of its eastern territory when it lost Guayana Esequiba to the British Empire, thanks to the legal assistance of Russia, acting as judge, and the United States, as the supposed defender of Venezuelan interests before the international courts.

A few years later, in 1902, Venezuela was once again the target of imperialist threats through diplomatic siege and international media campaigns against the government by the UK, Germany, and Italy. Under the pretext of collecting debts acquired by the Venezuelan state, the European powers imposed a naval blockade and took over the ports of La Guaira and Maracaibo. These events were clearly acts of intervention intended to trigger a military invasion of the country, supported by elite sectors in favor of the presence of imperialist forces in the country.

There has thus been a clear continuity in the servility of the Creole oligarchy to imperial powers since the nineteenth century, with the appeal for an English protectorate, followed by whitening immigration policies, territorial dispossession, and a naval blockade. In the twentieth century, the subordination took the form of oil concessions, with petroleum becoming a key battleground for class struggle. Fast forward to the present, over the past 27 years, Venezuela under the Bolivarian Revolution, has been the target of relentless US-led hybrid warfare, with traditional manutano elites like María Corina Machado openly calling for a US military intervention.

These internal and external efforts to dismantle the sovereign national project and seize the country’s vast wealth and resources finally culminated in the January 3 US bombing of Caracas and kidnapping of President Nicolas Maduro, bringing two centuries of republican history full circle.

Notes

  1. The term “colonial-implanted society” was coined by Venezuelan historian Germán Carrera Damas to explain the long and ongoing process of the establishment of Venezuelan society, which began in the 1500s and can be approached theoretically and methodologically as a historical continuity that extends to the present day. By the 19th century, the socioeconomic elites would promote policies to position Venezuela as a mere supplier of raw materials for the global capitalist system, while guaranteeing their economic privileges. This sociopolitical dynamic, institutionalized through national projects, would continue until the end of the twentieth century.
  2. Not only in Venezuela, but the separatist oligarchies of Quito and New Granada, after their separation from Gran Colombia, also imposed political and administrative models contrary to Bolivarian ideas, establishing federal republics in the US style and opposed to Bolívar’s centralist model.
  3. The Pombo-Michelena dispute between the governments of Venezuela and Colombia, which lasted from 1833 to 1840, led to diplomatic conflicts between the two countries that were ultimately settled by Spain in an 1891 arbitration, with Queen Regent Maria Christina of Habsburg as the decision-maker. This award significantly harmed Venezuela, granting extensive territories to Colombia, such as La Guajira, the plains of Casanare, and the regions of the Meta, Guainía, and Vichada rivers.

The Insurgent History column features Venezuelan historians who explore key episodes of the country’s nineteenth and twentieth century history and their relevance for the present.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Venezuelanalysis editorial staff.

Christian E. Flores G. (Caracas, 1974) holds a bachelor’s degree in History from the Central University of Venezuela and MSc. in Venezuelan History from the National Experimental University of the Arts (UNEARTE). He currently serves as Director of Research and Historical Advisory Services for the Venezuelan National Assembly, Professor of Critical History of Puntofijismo (1958-1999) and Critical History of the Bolivarian Revolution at UNEARTE. He’s a researcher with more than 20 years of experience, and some of his published books are: 4F: Collapse of the Puntofijista Parliamentand 1815-2015, bicentennial of the Letter from Jamaica*, in addition to articles and papers in Venezuelan and international publications.*

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This article by Fran Shor was originally published in a shorter and slightly different version in the Winter 2025 edition of Fifth Estate, and appears at Mexico Solidarity Media courtesy the author. Thank you, Fran!

Even before taking office, the incoming Trump Administration began discussing the possibility of American military intervention in Mexico to suppress that country’s drug cartels. Now, after the bombing of Venezuela, the kidnapping of President Maduro and his wife, Trump is emboldened to threaten other countries in the region, especially with large oil reserves like Mexico. All these imperialist boasts from the occupant of the White House under the cover of riding the region of drug cartels. While shockingly brazen, it is not without precedent.

The U.S. has a history of imperial intrusion in Mexico in the 19th and 20th centuries. At the same time, there were instances where immigrants to and citizens of the United States fought alongside Mexican forces that not only opposed American intervention, but also sought to bring about a revolution. From the Mexican-American War of the 19th century (1845-1848) to the Baja Revolution of the early 20th (1911-1912), gringo rebels aligned themselves with Mexico to either combat the American military or to overturn the rule of Wall Street and its Mexican enablers.

We should take inspiration from those gringo rebels who fought on the Mexican side. If not actually taking up arms in defense of Mexico, the least we can do is resist any and all efforts to militarily intervene in that country.

During the Mexican War, a contingent of mostly recent Irish immigrant army recruits deserted the imperial invasion to join with the Mexican military defense. In the case of the Baja Revolution, members of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), especially members of Wobbly locals in California, crossed into Mexico to become part of an insurgency to overthrow the dictator, Porfirio Diaz. Although different circumstances and motivations compelled these gringo rebels to fight on the Mexican side, their commitments reveal insights into contesting imperialism and constructing revolutionary change.

The imperial expansion of the U.S. slave republic into Mexican territory was first realized with the establishment of the Republic of Texas in 1836. By the outbreak of the Mexican War in 1845, the Texas population consisted of 100,000 non-slave and 38,000 enslaved inhabitants. In that year, the War Department directed Gen. Zachary Taylor, a future U.S. President, and slave-owning plantation landlord and battle-tested officer of the genocidal Indian Wars, to leave Louisiana and encamp with thousands of troops to Corpus Christi, Texas, and from there to Matamoros, Mexico.

1847 Battle of Churubusco

Among Taylor’s soldiers were some of those who deserted to Mexico. One of them was John Reilly, a former British soldier from Ireland who organized what became St. Patrick’s Battalion (or, in Spanish, the San Patricios) and fought alongside the Mexican army. Many members of the brigade were recent Catholic immigrants, primarily although not exclusively, from Ireland. Given the anti-Catholicism rampant in the U.S. and especially evident among Protestant military officers, Irish Catholic soldiers were targets for harsh treatment and discrimination. In addition, the Texas frontiersmen, known for their vicious campaigns against the Comanche and Mexicans, piled on their prejudicial hatred of Irish and Mexican Catholics.

By August 1846, Reilly had gathered over 200 San Patricios. Sickened by the attacks on civilians and encouraged by Mexican General Antonio López de Santa Anna to “come over to us” and experience true “Christian hospitality,” the San Patricios became adept at deploying the limited supply of Mexican artillery in several critical engagements with the American military. Their last battle in August 1847 at the Churubusco Monastery, led to the death and capture of the majority of the Battalion members. John Reilly was among those captured. While spared the death penalty (since his desertion happened before the official declaration of war), he endured terrible torture, languishing in prison until the signing of the Treaty of Hidalgo in June 1848.

While denounced as traitors by the U.S. military and proponents of an imperial Manifest Destiny, Reilly and the St. Patrick Battalion achieved grateful recognition for fighting on the Mexican side. Today, the Battalion is revered in both Mexico and Ireland although is an unknown chapter in American history. Their memory has been restored most recently in David Rovics’ song honoring the Battalion and their “treason” in its lyrics. (According to Rovics, it is one of his most requested numbers.) There is a statue of Reilly in his birthplace of Clifden, Ireland. The Irish have returned the favor, and there is a bust of Reilly now in Mexico City’s San Angel Plaza, courtesy of Ireland.

John Reilly monument, Mexico City

Although U.S. troops left Mexico City at the conclusion of the war, U.S. capital continued to spread its tentacles throughout Mexico. By 1900, US capitalists owned one-quarter of all arable Mexican land. By 1910, over half of all American foreign investment went to Mexico. Well-known robber barons, from Gould to Guggenheim to Rockefeller, controlled Mexican railroads, mines, and oil.

From the late 19th through the first decade of the 20th century, Diaz, a corrupt and oppressive enabler of U.S. imperial interests, ruled Mexico with an iron hand. Resistance to the dictatorial regime came from several quarters. Among the most radical critics of Diaz and U.S. capitalists were the Flores Magon brothers, Ricardo, Enrique and Jesús, with their newspaper, Regeneracion, first published in 1900. While Ricardo, in particular, suffered imprisonment in Mexico and the U.S., the Magon brothers, nonetheless, accumulated allies from among other U.S.-based radicals and organizations, such as Emma Goldman and the IWW.

Ricardo & Enrique Flores Magón

Indeed, it was with a contingent from the IWW locals in California that the Magons and their Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM) launched the Baja Revolution in Northern Mexico in late January 1911. By the spring of 1911, after capturing a few small towns in the Baja, the ranks of the insurrectos, including legendary Wobbly Joe Hill, began to splinter into different factions.

Mobilizing against the Baja revolutionaries were Mexican and American troops. President William Howard Taft sent 20,000 soldiers, nearly a quarter of the entire U.S. Army, to the Mexican border in California and Texas. Harrison Gray Otis, the notorious anti-union publisher of the Los Angeles, and owner of thousands of acres of Mexican land, lobbied Taft to intervene in support of Diaz. However, other forces in both countries backed the Mexican bourgeois reformer, Francisco Madero, who eventually ousted Diaz in late May 1911.

Enrique Flores Magón with IWW members and family, Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, Mexico, 1923

Ricardo Flores Magon and the IWW were not interested in mere reforms. As Ricardo wrote in his “Manifesto to the Workers of the World” (reprinted in the Wobbly newspaper, Solidarity): “For more than four months the Red Flag has flamed on the battlefields of Mexico, carried aloft by emancipated workers” who opposed the “continuance of social inequality, the capitalist system, the division of the human family into two classes – that of the exploiter and that of the exploited.” The objective of those exploited, argued Magon, was to “expropriate the land and the means of production and hand them over to the people.”

By the end of June 1911, with Mexican and US troops arrayed against them, a number of the IWW contingent, including songwriter and organizer, Joe Hill, managed to escape the clutches of the Mexican federales and the U.S. military. However, most of Hill’s fellow-Wobblies were not as lucky. They faced immediate arrest at the California-Mexican border. (Hill would eventually be arrested on a trumped-up murder charge in Utah and then executed by the state authorities in 1915.) Ricardo Flores Magon would face intermittent imprisonment, finally dying in Leavenworth federal prison in 1922, a victim like many others, including the leadership of the IWW, for the charge of “obstructing the war effort,” a primary component of the 1917 Espionage Act.

Federal Mexican troops prepare to execute a rebel during the Magonista Revolution, Tijuana, 1911.

Nevertheless, the banner of Regeneracion for “Tierra y Libertad” would inspire other Mexican revolutionaries, including Pancho Villa and Emiliano Zapata. Once again, the U.S. military intervened to attempt to forestall revolution and to protect oil interests. And, once again, gringo rebels aided their Mexican allies, either as soldiers in Villa’s and Zapata’s forces or among the IWW and anarcho-syndicalist oil workers. Mexico also became a refuge for anarchists like Sacco and Vanzetti fleeing from the World War I draft instituted in April 1917.

On one hand, given the history of US imperial arrogance and Trump’s own racism and misogyny, especially with a left-wing Jewish woman now occupying the office of the President of Mexico, such aggression from El Norte might come to pass. On the other hand, we should take inspiration from those gringo rebels who fought on the Mexican side. If not actually taking up arms in defense of Mexico, the least we can do is resist any and all efforts to militarily intervene in that country.

Francis Shor is an Emeritus Professor of History at Wayne State University.  He is the author of six non-fiction books in the field of social-cultural history, including Weaponized Whiteness (Haymarket 2021) and Peace Advocacy in the Shadow of War (Palgrave Macmillan 2024), a novel, Passages of Rebellion (IngramSpark 2023), and a self-published hybrid memoir, Pursuing Peace and Justice. Other publications, covering a broad range of topics in 19th and 20th century U. S. and global history, have appeared in scholarly journals and popular online journals. In addition to his academic work, he has been a long-time peace and justice activist, serving previously on the Boards of Peace Action of Michigan (PAMI) and Michigan Coalition for Human Rights (MCHR).

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This article originally appeared at Desinformémonos on February 4, 2026.

Mexico City. Members of the ¡Eureka! Committee demanded that the Head of Government of Mexico City, Clara Brugada Molina, halt the project to install an art school in the Tlaxcoaque building, a space identified as one of the main centers of torture and clandestine detention during the period of state political violence, and which is part of an ongoing investigation into forced disappearances and crimes committed by authorities.

The Committee recalled that on October 2, 2022, the property was declared “Tlaxcoaque, Site of Memory,” in a ceremony led by the then Head of Government and current President of the Republic, Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo, as part of the Memory Law initiative sent to the Congress of Mexico City. They pointed out that this declaration implies a commitment to the truth, the recovery of history, and the guarantee of non-repetition, and not a decision subject to political circumstances.

According to the Committee, Tlaxcoaque was secured by the Mexico City Attorney General’s Office after being declared a Tangible and Intangible Cultural Heritage site, with the aim of guaranteeing its preservation and allowing for the necessary forensic investigations. They indicated that the building must be preserved as it operated, since it is part of an active investigation and because it is integrated into the Latin American and Caribbean Network of Sites of Memory, along with other sites in 13 countries, which implies compliance with international protocols.

The Eureka! Committee urged Clara Brugada Molina to halt the cultural project, arguing that it contradicts the 2022 declaration and violates the rights of the victims and those who have demanded truth and justice for 50 years. They stated that intervening in the building is an arbitrary act that disregards the fight against impunity and the historical significance of the Tlaxcoaque Memorial Site.

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By Diario Red – Feb 2, 2026

The ideological and media consensus in global geopolitics has been imposed through moralistic narratives used to justify invasions, abductions, and wars under the cover of a supposed political authority rooted in religious convictions. To that end, they have built an apparatus of thought and storytelling so that the rest of the planet submits through sheer subjugation, but also through fear, in an increasingly insecure and uncertain world.

This closely resembles what the Panama Papers and the Pandora Papers revealed at the time: a way of managing the global economy by political powers entrenched in tax havens—hideouts of the worst mafia networks—shielded by financial and oligarchic groups in nearly every country in Latin America. What happened after the media scandal regarding the Panama Papers? Nothing. In reality, we were left with a spectacle that was immediately blocked by the global media apparatus. No new regulations or controls were implemented to prevent this type of economic—and arguably moral—crime.

Hence, the revelations of the so-called “Epstein Files” expose the true face of these figures of the global right wing. They are not only men with enormous economic and political power but also “moral leaders” who have sought to impose a way of life through supposedly democratic regimes in order to establish models of coexistence based on the market, fame, and spectacle and above the institutions of the state.

Beginning with the man who now seeks to govern the planet, Donald Trump, all those mentioned in the emails released by the US Department of Justice have either denied or remained silent in the face of photographs and emails containing evidence of their participation in acts of pedophilia, business meetings, and parties in mansions and excessively luxurious yachts.

Explosive New Epstein Files Reveal Trump Raped 13-Year-Old Girl

In the case of Latin America, the link between former Colombian president Andrés Pastrana and Jeffrey Epstein is based on flight records and recently declassified testimonies confirming that there was a personal and logistical relationship between the two. Pastrana has denied this. The former president appears on Epstein’s flight manifests on several occasions in the early 2000s. Pastrana admitted to having traveled to Havana, Cuba, in March 2003 at the invitation of Fidel Castro, using Epstein’s transport for the Nassau–Havana leg of the trip. But there is more: the 2025 and 2026 files include a photograph of Pastrana alongside Ghislaine Maxwell (Epstein’s accomplice), both wearing Colombian Air Force uniforms. Maxwell testified before the courts that they became friends due to their shared passion for piloting helicopters and that she even flew a Black Hawk helicopter in Colombia.

From Mexico, the files implicate powerful former presidents such as Carlos Salinas de Gortari; the country’s wealthiest man, Carlos Slim; and the owners of the television monopoly, Emilio Azcárraga and Ricardo Salinas Pliego. However, there is an even more revealing detail: the files link Trump to the legendary Sinaloa Cartel.

Regarding Trump, the new files contain thousands of references and emails from Epstein. They show that the US president spent hours in his house with victims, along with records placing him as a passenger on Epstein’s private plane on at least eight occasions during the 1990s. The videos are the most conclusive proof of his participation in acts that constitute crimes without a statute of limitations and they reveal his true moral condition. Trump now maintains that everything “is a hoax” and that it the files are a Democrat conspiracy intended to undermine the “successes” of his government.

Steve Bannon, Trump’s former strategist, is also named numerous times in the files. Bannon exchanged hundreds of friendly text messages with Epstein up until shortly before Epstein’s death in 2019. In one of the messages, they discussed a documentary film intended to help clean up the financier’s reputation and coordinated a political influence campaign in Europe. Is this not also the way the Latin American right has operated, with some of its leaders linked with businesses closely tied to drug trafficking?

Another character who represents this right wing is Howard Lutnick, Trump’s current secretary of commerce. The files contain evidence that Lutnick was invited by Epstein to his private island in 2012. Although Lutnick claims to have cut ties years ago, his wife accepted invitations to family lunches aboard Epstein’s yacht.

The list does not end there. José María Aznar, former prime minister of Spain and a leading figure in training Latin American right-wing movements, is mentioned at least three times in the newly declassified files. Will he now step forward to deny it publicly or claim that there is a supposed conspiracy against him by the left?

The question that arises at this moment is: what other military incursion, bombing, abduction, or invasion will they use to distract us from what the files reveal? If these files had been released in December, the Trump regime surely would have bombed Caracas earlier.

Trump ‘Compromised by Israel,’ New Epstein Files Claim

(Diario Red)

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/CB/SL


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This Wednesday marked the first meeting of Venezuela’s Program for Democratic Coexistence and Peace, which was led by the president of the National Assembly and secretary of the National Council for Sovereignty and Peace, Jorge Rodríguez. The initiative was created by Acting President Delcy Rodríguez to foster calm in the country through the participation of various sectors of society.

Through his social media accounts, the head of parliament—who was accompanied by his vice president, Pedro Infante, and the second vice president of the National Assembly, Deputy Grecia Colmenares—stated that the objective of this meeting is to “consolidate a work agenda to strengthen peace, sovereignty, our right to seek common paths toward the future.”

On January 23, Acting President Delcy Rodríguez inaugurated what would become the Program for Coexistence and Peace during a meeting that established strategic guidelines to promote calm in the country following the illegal attack by the US on January 3 and the violent abduction of the president.

This commission is made up of the Minister of Culture Ernesto Villegas (who assumes coordination of the initiative), the Minister of Communes and Social Movements Ángel Prado; the Minister of Health Nuramy Gutiérrez, the Minister of Communication and Information Miguel Pérez Pirela, Juan Escalona from the Office of the Presidency. The committee also includes National Assembly Deputy Génesis Garvett; journalist Lankin González; the founder of Ridery, Gerson González; and social psychologist Ana María San Juan, who will serve as executive secretary of the program.

They are joined by Gustavo Cánchica, representative of the justices of the peace, and political marketing analyst and expert Indira Urbaneja, as well as by the executive secretary of the Human Rights Council Larry Devoe, among others.

President Rodríguez extended an invitation to all Venezuelans of good will to join the program.

Venezuela: Delcy Rodríguez Promotes Diplomacy, Supports Popular Demand for President Maduro’s Freedom

(Últimas Noticias) by Odry Farnetano

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/CB/SL


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A total of 482 individuals have died in state custody in El Salvador since the implementation of the State of Exception on March 27, 2022, according to records released this Wednesday by the non-governmental organization Socorro Jurídico Humanitario (SJH). The NGO has reported 12 deaths so far in 2026 in El Salvador’s prisons due to deteriorating health conditions and denial of basic rights.

Similar to a “state of emergency,” El Salvador’s State of Exception allows the regime to temporarily suspend certain Constitutional rights and has now been in force almost four years. The alleged aim of the measure is to aid the state in re-establishing order, and many of those arrested since its implementation have not received a proper hearing nor access to legal defense.

SJH, an organization that emerged in the context of this measure and that provides free legal assistance to families of prisoners, reported on the social media network X that “10 people died in January alone” and that “two more have already died in February.” The organization warned that the deaths are occurring “due to deteriorating health under a regime that denies basic rights” and emphasized that “impunity kills; silence does too.”

According to data collected by SJH, 94% of the deceased “did not have a gang-member profile.” The organization also warned that the real number of deaths in state custody “could exceed 1,000,” although it noted that “there is information that is being hidden in the mass trials.”

Salvadorans have taken to the streets to condemn the repressive and neoliberal policies of President Nayib Bukele. The symbolic march took place on the 34th anniversary of the Chapultepec Peace Accords, which officially ended the 12-year Salvadoran Civil War in 1992.

A recent SJH report compiled using testimonies from family members due to the lack of official information—classified as secret—details the causes of death: physical violence accounts for 32% of cases, followed by 31.8% classified as “violent deaths,” and 31.6% attributed to “lack of medical care for illnesses.” In 31.1% of cases, the cause is “unknown,” while 4.7% of deaths occurred due to “terminal illness” and 0.9% to “apparent suicide.”

More than 190 deaths have occurred in the Izalco Prison, in the western part of the country, making it the penitentiary center with the highest number of recorded fatalities. In contrast, at the Terrorism Confinement Center (CECOT), a maximum-security megaprison for gang members, SJH reports four deaths, although security authorities claim that no deaths have occurred at that facility.

The State of Exception was implemented after a surge in violence attributed to gangs that left more than 80 people dead in a single weekend. Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele has defended its continuation with the backing of the Legislative Assembly, dominated by the Nuevas Ideas party, which has renewed the special State of Exception dozens of times since it was first implemented.

CECOT: The Torture Center at the Heart of Trump’s War on Immigrants

(Telesur) with Orinoco Tribune content

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/CB/SL


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This article by Arturo Huerta González originally appeared in the February 3, 2026 issue of La Jornada de Oriente, the Puebla edition of Mexico’s premier left wing daily newspaper.

On January 27, 2026, the President of Mexico met with bankers and stated that “access to credit has been one of the historical limitations to economic growth,” and that “efforts are underway to facilitate access to credit , especially for small and medium-sized enterprises, without jeopardizing the financial system, enabling them to grow.” It should be noted that the risk to the financial system stems from the high interest rates set by the Bank of Mexico (Banxico) and the banks, as well as the budget cuts implemented by the Ministry of Finance, which are hindering economic activity. This has led to national income growth falling below the interest rate, increasing the difficulty of servicing the debt and jeopardizing banking stability.

Credit depends on the performance of the economy. The contraction of the domestic market, which generates underemployment, poverty, and growing income inequality as a result of prevailing policies, means there is no demand for loans from the private sector for investment. Banks are not expanding credit because they lack guaranteed repayment. Therefore, unless the government addresses the contraction of economic activity, credit will not increase despite the President’s appeals to bankers.

If the government truly wants to increase credit availability, it must change its fiscal policy of budget cuts, since these are the cause of market contraction, leading to a lack of demand for and supply of credit.

The President should look back to a time before neoliberalism, when the government controlled the central bank, regulated the banking sector in favor of the industrial and agricultural sectors, and protectionist policies prevailed in favor of productive development and employment.

At that meeting, the monetary authorities themselves indicated that “uncertainty surrounding trade relations with the United States and the review of the USMCA could affect the economy, and therefore they continue to warn of downside risks to growth.” This should compel them to change their monetary policy, since high interest rates discourage productive investment and further weaken the economy’s ability to cope with the adversities that will be exacerbated by the USMCA review.

Economic policy must create conditions for growth and profit in the productive sector so that investment and credit increase, thus overcoming the stagnation in which the national economy finds itself.

The government should send a bill to Congress to modify the Bank of Mexico’s objectives, introducing, in addition to low inflation, the goals of economic growth and high employment , as is the case in the United States. This would require lowering the interest rate to move towards achieving these objectives. The lower interest rate would reduce financial pressures on the public sector, businesses, and heavily indebted families , allowing them to increase their spending and investment capacity and thus resume the economic activity desired by the president and the entire country. This bill should also include provisions for the central bank to purchase government debt directly, enabling the government to spend what is necessary to boost employment, promote import substitution to reduce the trade deficit, and decrease dependence on capital inflows.

The expansion of public spending and the reduction of the interest rate would create conditions for economic growth, where national income grows above the interest rate, thus increasing the demand for and supply of credit to boost productive investment and also avoiding insolvency problems.

The banking sector needs to be regulated, as it was in the 1940s, 50s, and 60s, when cheap credit was granted to industry and agriculture, boosting economic growth. As long as banking remains deregulated, it will continue to be detrimental to growth and generate high profits at the expense of debtors, both in the public and non-financial private sectors.

Rather than meetings with bankers to increase credit and with economists who do not question monetary policy, fiscal austerity, and the USMCA, the government should implement the policies that prevailed from the late 1930s until 1981, when the economy grew at an average annual rate of 6.4%, when the government controlled the central bank, regulated the banking sector in favor of the industrial and agricultural sectors, and protectionist policies prevailed in favor of productive development and employment.

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Caracas (OrinocoTribune.com)—In an emotional ceremony held at the Mountain Barracks in Caracas to commemorate the 34th anniversary of the February 4, 1992 military rebellion, the Secretary General of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), Diosdado Cabello, reaffirmed that Venezuela changed forever on that day.

During the event this Wednesday, February 4, Cabello noted that the discourse of Commander Hugo Chávez, who led the historical action, was always centered on unity, making him the primary reference point in the country’s recent history. Cabello also reiterated that “today the whole world knows: we are the only ones who guarantee peace in this country; it is the Bolivarian Revolution.”

Historical significance of February 4
The top Chavista leader called for the eradication of individualism and asserted that Hugo Chávez’s sacrifice was not in vain, as the nation is now firmly reaping the fruits of that struggle. As an example, he mentioned the movement’s capacity to transform adversity into popular victories, referring to the ongoing resistance against foreign aggression.

Cabello, who was among the military leaders who took up arms against the government of former president Carlos Andrés Pérez, reiterated that the events of February 4, 1992, altered the country’s trajectory permanently. He praised the uprising of all the participating military officers who defended a Venezuelan people then-oppressed by the neoliberal governments of the Fourth Republic. He explained that Chávez moved forward with a meritocratic system and maintained a steady direction, adding, “President Maduro also asked us for calm and composure,” emphasizing that “he who despairs loses.”

Resistance against the January 3 US attack
Reflecting on recent events, Cabello addressed the January 3 military strikes conducted by the US empire, which he described as a “treacherous, vile attack” against the people. “We have to take off our berets before our people and say that Hugo Chávez did not plow the sea. Today, we are reaping what allows us to remain standing,” he expressed. “Today, the whole world knows, the only ones who guarantee peace in the country are us.”

Venezuela’s Interior Minister recalled that the only thing a revolutionary has to offer is their life, which is exactly what the rebels did on February 4, 1992. “Feel proud because history will recognize you,” he said, adding that he was filled with strength by the presence of his comrades in arms from that historic day as he recounted the events of the rebellion.

Unity against a historical enemy
Cabello pointed out that Venezuela is navigating a complex moment that demands heightened leadership and awareness. “Today Venezuela stands tall, and we will never kneel before anyone,” he said. He explained the historical enemy remains the same and continues to exist in various forms, and that Venezuela has developed. He reiterated that “as long as they see us united, they will think twice; if they see us divided, they will devour us one by one, and no one will be left.”

Cabello called for continued unity in a single bloc to maintain Venezuela’s stability while lamenting the January 3 US military aggression. He demanded the release of President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores, and expressed firm support for the administration of Acting President Delcy Rodríguez, who has shown leadership and strength under unprecedentedly complex circumstances.

Venezuela’s Delcy Rodríguez Appoints Félix Plasencia as Ambassador to US, Meets With US Diplomatic Envoy

Commemoration in Maracay
In the afternoon, Cabello traveled to Maracay, Aragua state, to participate in a demonstration commemorating the historical landmark for Venezuela and Chavismo. From Maracay, he addressed the absence of the kidnapped leadership: “Yes, two are missing, Nicolás and Cilia; and we also miss the more than 100 comrades murdered by bombs. We also miss those Venezuelan men and women who died of heart attacks.”

He concluded by highlighting the resilience of the movement, noting that critics predicted that the end of the revolution would follow after the death of Commander Chávez. He pointed out that Chavismo continues to lead Venezuela’s social, political, and economic life even after the loss of Chávez and the kidnapping of President Maduro.

Special for Orinoco Tribune by staff

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This article by Yadira Llaven Anzures originally appeared in the February 5, 2026 issue of La Jornada de Oriente, the Puebla edition of Mexico’s most prominent left wing daily newspaper.

Puebla, Puebla. A total of 297 companies were sanctioned during 2025 for dumping excess pollutants into the drainage network and the Atoyac River; however, the Puebla Water and Sewerage Operating System (SOAPAP) applied fines that average only 32,000 pesos per offender (1,836.81 USD), according to data from the agency.

According to the latest report on compliance with the fiscal responsibility agreement, which can be consulted on the state government portal, the SOAPAP program carried out 422 acts of authority (inspections) during the year.

Of these proceedings, 70.3 percent resulted in economic sanctions amounting to 9 million 643 thousand 780 pesos, revealing that seven out of every 10 companies supervised operate outside the environmental standard.

The official document, delivered to the Secretariat of Planning, Finance and Administration, shows a more administrative than ecological background.

The agency has the obligation to strengthen its program for controlling discharges from polluting users, not with the primary goal of cleaning up the Atoyac River, but to achieve an income target of up to 2 million pesos per month.

This resource is specifically earmarked to pay off the debt that SOAPAP owes to the National Bank of Public Works and Services.

Drastic Variations in Supervision & Collection

The intensity of surveillance and penalties showed drastic variations throughout the year.

The period with the highest collection was the last quarter, in which November stands out with 36 fines totaling 1,570,000 pesos; followed by October, with 44 sanctions that reached 1,280,000 pesos.

It highlights that the report presents inconsistencies in its annual start, since in January the agency registered income of 357,339 pesos despite not formally reporting acts of authority, nor sanctioned companies.

On the contrary, May emerged as the month with the greatest punitive effectiveness: with only 18 inspections, 17 fines were obtained, totaling one million 380 thousand pesos.

Other months with significant activity were December, with 41 companies fined after 53 reviews (964 thousand pesos); and September, where 62 inspections resulted in 40 sanctions (957 thousand pesos).

At the opposite end of the spectrum, the first quarter of the year saw the least activity; in March, for example, only 16 fines were issued, totaling just over 214,000 pesos. Despite SOAPAP meeting its enforcement quota, the amount of the penalties has been described by various sectors as “laughable.”

They believe that while the agency uses this money to settle bank obligations, the Atoyac River continues to receive discharges from factories that, in real terms, pay a minimal cost for failing to comply with wastewater discharge regulations.

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This article by Blanca Juárez originally appeared in the February 4, 2026 edition of Sin Embargo.

Mexico City. In the Confederation of Mexican Workers (CTM) , the leadership was traditionally a lifetime position, but Carlos Aceves del Olmo announced something unprecedented: he will not seek reelection. On February 24, at the 17th National Ordinary Congress, the National Committee will be renewed, and since February 2025, the leadership had agreed to “unity” in order to present Aceves as the sole candidate for a third term in 2026. But the situation has changed.

Today, the CTM leader published a letter announcing his decision. “After careful consideration and with full respect for the bylaws, I wish to inform you that I will complete the full term for which I was elected as General Secretary of the Confederation of Mexican Workers, which ends on February 23, 2026.” He further stated: “I have made the personal and responsible decision not to seek reelection as General Secretary.”

He served as a Senator three times and as a Federal Deputy three times. He accumulated 27 years as a legislator, always representing the PRI and elected through proportional representation. He assumed the national leadership of the CTM in January 2016, following the death of leader Joaquín Gamboa Pascoe. Gamboa had led the CTM since 2005, after the death of then-leader Leonardo Rodríguez Alcaine. “La Güera” Alcaine took over the leadership in 1997, after the death of Fidel Velázquez.

Vicente Lombardo Toledano (under the T), a Communist and trade unionist, founder of the CTM (in 1936) and the Partido Popular Socialista (in 1948), as well as the Confederation of Latin American Workers in 1938, which affiliated with the World Federation of Trade Unions.

Fidel Velázquez was practically at the head of this organization from 1941, after displacing, and then expelling, Vicente Lombardo Toledano, who was the founder of the CTM and considered the left-wing ideologue of Mexican unionism, with a vision of union autonomy very different from the corporatism that the confederation assumed since Velázquez’s arrival.

Historical data shows that it hasn’t been union democracy, but death, that has allowed for changes at the top of the CTM, not democratic processes. That, and betrayal. In the last year, various journalistic reports indicated that, given Carlos Aceves del Olmo’s age and health problems, there are internal movements within the organization seeking his replacement.

In his letter, Aceves del Olmo indicates that his decision “is due to medical recommendations” and the need to dedicate more time to his family. He turned 85 last November, and his public appearances have been very few for over a year.

“It seems to me that it has been the great absentee from the debates on workers’ rights in the review of the Treaty between Mexico, the United States and Canada (USMCA),” says Ángel Pazos, Coordinator of Trade Union and Gender Dialogue at the Friedrich-Ebert Foundation1 (FES).

Adapting to Avoid Dying

While the PRI is collapsing, the CTM—the labor arm of that regime, a breeding ground for PRI cadres and a source of guaranteed votes—survives. According to the confederation’s own figures, created in 1936, it represents more than 4.5 million workers in 6,176 member unions.

The lack of transparency within unions makes it impossible to know the true number of CTM members. Although the Labor Registry Information Repository exists, the law does not require them to notify it of their affiliation with a labor federation, so not all of them do.

Some of the labor unions belonging to this confederation include the Single Union of Electrical Workers of the Mexican Republic (SUTERM), with 67,701 members. Also affiliated is the Union of Railway Workers of the Mexican Republic (STFRM), led by Víctor Flores, with more than 23,000 members.

Joaquín Gamboa Pascoe, along with the then leader of the CTM, Fidel Velázquez, pictured in 1990. Photo: Cuartoscuro.

Similarly, the Union of Industrial Workers and Artists of Television and Radio, Similar and Related Trades of the Mexican Republic (SITATyR), which does not report its membership numbers, has 42 sections in all 32 states of the country. And the National Union of Sugar Industry Workers and Similar Trades (STIASRM), with more than 25,000 members.

On February 24, the CTM will celebrate its 90th anniversary. In that time, it has spanned 16 federal administrations, supporting some and adapting to others. This and other labor federations have demonstrated the ability to adapt to those in power, and those in power continue to recognize them as key interlocutors, says Héctor de la Cueva, Coordinator of the Center for Labor Research and Union Consulting (CILAS).

“From the National CTM, we reiterate our support for President Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo in the face of the imposition of tariffs by the Government of the United States of America,” Carlos Aceves del Olmo posted in March 2025, in response to Donald Trump’s threat.

Five years earlier, in 2020, then-President Andrés Manuel López Obrador told the CTM rank and file: “I congratulate you on having the leader who represents the CTM, Mr. Carlos Aceves; he is not old, he is mature. The CTM leader is at 100%.”

This occurred at the closing of the CTM’s Extraordinary National Congress on February 23, 2020. On the dais, near Aceves, was also President Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo, as Head of Government of Mexico City.

Víctor Flores Morales, leader of the Mexican Railway Workers Union (STFRM), upon his arrival at the annual 2013 luncheon of Mexico’s 300 Most Influential Leaders. Photo: Guillermo Perea, Cuartoscuro.

The CTM’s bylaws designated the confederation as affiliated with the PRI. In 2018, that section was removed. However, the leadership, beginning with Carlos Aceves del Olmo, reaffirmed their PRI affiliation. It was also “permitted” that rank-and-file members support or participate in other parties. This occurred when the PRI lost the presidency to Andrés Manuel López Obrador of Morena and failed to win any governorships.

Then, without leaving the party, Carlos Aceves del Olmo broke with Alejandro Moreno Cárdenas, alias “Alito,” the leader of the PRI. The leadership remains PRI-affiliated, and although this labor union no longer operates with the party’s support, “it continues to control thousands of workers and contracts in key sectors,” notes Héctor de la Cueva.

The CTM has shown a great capacity for adaptation, “and we also see that the current government welcomes these old guard members. Therefore, it is not surprising that, despite the labor reform, the crisis in the Congress of Labor, and a new wave of independent unionism, it continues to be an organization with real power,” adds the CILAS Coordinator.

In response, Ángel Pazos poses the question: “What political decision will the CTM make?” In other words, will it reassess the political weight it once held within the PRI at the national level with Morena, now that Morena is in power? He elaborates that this is already happening in some states, such as Sonora, where the CTM has an alliance with Governor Alfonso Durazo.

“The current political situation of the CTM will either revitalize the country’s largest labor union or accelerate its fragmentation,” warns Ángel Pazos. “It is increasingly difficult to build unity in a workers’ organization if it lacks a common vision.”

Succession

“Leading this organization for 10 years has never been a position for me, but rather the greatest honor of my life. In accordance with my values ​​and out of respect for that historical responsibility, I believe that today it is appropriate to take a step forward with serenity and dignity, always keeping in mind the best interests of the Confederation and the solid continuity of its internal workings,” Aceves del Olmo wrote.

Former President Andrés Manuel López Obrador in 2020 alongside Carlos Aceves del Olmo at the CTM’s Extraordinary National Congress. Photo: Cuartoscuro.

In the letter, he instructs the National Committee “to conduct an orderly, institutional and statutory transition, in which the unity of the Confederation, political maturity, discipline and distinction prevail.”

Since at least last year, several names have been mentioned as possible successors. But they are all the same old “bosses,” notes Héctor de la Cueva. One of the names most frequently mentioned to succeed Aceves del Olmo is Tereso Medina, Deputy Secretary General of the CTM National Committee, Secretary General of the confederation in Coahuila, and a union leader.

Other names include Fernando Salgado Delgado, leader of the National Union of Workers in Services and Transportation in General, Similar and Related Trades of the Mexican Republic, and Deputy Secretary General of the CTM. Also mentioned is Alfonso Godínez Pichardo, also Deputy Secretary General of the CTM and leader of the Federal Union of Secure Transport Workers.

Héctor de la Cueva points out that “the war between the factions has been intensifying.” He also speaks of Tereso Medina as one of the “main CTM bosses” who is bolstering his position in this race. “I call them bosses not to discredit them, but because that’s what they truly are. They are bosses of a mafia that has perpetuated itself and whose leaders are in the different factions.”

Tereso Medina, Deputy General Secretary of the CTM. Photo: Guillermo Perea, Cuartoscuro.

Tereso Medina has served as a Senator and Representative for the PRI in several legislatures. In 2022, the CTM lost control of the collective bargaining agreement at the General Motors plant in Silao, Guanajuato. In a historic development for the labor and union movement, the National Independent Union of Automotive Industry Workers (SINTTIA) wrested control from the Miguel Trujillo López union, which is headed by Tereso Medina.

During these months, Tereso Medina has stated that he does not intend to lead the national CTM. On the contrary, he had called for unity so that Aceves del Olmo could be re-elected.

According to Héctor de la Cueva, that is precisely what the “hidden candidates” did in the PRI regime: appear reluctant to seek power and profess loyalty to the sitting president. “They knew that if they didn’t do so, they could be eliminated from the race.”

Angel Pazos believes that a leader is needed—or better yet, he emphasizes: a female leader—”with genuine collective representation. Someone who represents workers with real contracts. It’s no secret that some contracts survived the legitimization process, allowing them to maintain representation and continue collecting union dues.”

Aceves del Olmo ends his letter thus: “I fully trust in the historical strength of the CTM, in its organic life and in its capacity to continue being a pillar of stability, social justice and defense of labor rights, always at the service of Mexican workers.”

The Law Changed, But Did Power?

The 2019 labor reform established, in section II of article 358: “the term of office of union leadership may not be indefinite or of such a duration as to hinder the democratic participation of members.” For example, the possibility of voting by show of hands was eliminated. According to this section, this applies to unions, federations, and confederations.

In 2019, the CTM filed more than 400 lawsuits against the new provisions, which also included the legitimization of collective bargaining agreements (CBAs). Therefore, the labor federation reformed its bylaws in 2020. It agreed to do so at the Extraordinary National Congress attended by López Obrador.

The wording of the reformed Statutes remains ambiguous. However, they indicate that the National Congress is the highest authority of the Confederation and that this body is responsible for “electing, through free, direct, and secret ballot,” the union officials, for example, the General Secretary and the National Committee.

However, although the statutes stipulate that the vote is “direct,” the leader is not elected by the rank and file. Instead, it is elected by delegates who represent them. According to Article 40 of the Statutes, the leader’s term is six years. Re-election is not prohibited; rather, it requires the approval of two-thirds of the votes to remain in office.

Héctor de la Cueva believes that this election process, under these conditions, is taking place under the “flexibility” of labor authorities. This is why the CTM (Confederation of Mexican Workers) continues to hold the majority of collective bargaining agreements. He warns that, despite the labor reform, union mafias, including the CTM, remain present and powerful.

Blanca Juárez is a journalist & UNAM graduate who covers political, labor, social and cultural issues from a feminist perspective.

  1. Editor’s note: The Friedrich Ebert Foundation is funded by the Social Democratic Party of Germany, and carries the reformist line of European Union and NATO imperialism globally, opposing class struggle trade unionism, and claims “that globalization, internationalization of markets and imperialist expansion will allegedly be for the benefit of the peoples.↩

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After more than six years of a deliberate energy blockade, the US empire has formally lifted the ban on selling diluents for heavy crude oil to Venezuela. The authorization was issued by the Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) through General License No. 47, permitting transactions with the Venezuelan state and the publicly-owned company Petróleos de Venezuela, SA (PDVSA).

The decision made this Wednesday, February 4, represents a partial ease of one of the most aggressive sanctions imposed since 2019, explicitly designed to strangle the country’s main source of income. The ban on access to US diluents—essential technical inputs for processing the extra-heavy crude from the Orinoco Oil Belt—was a determining factor in the historic drop in Venezuelan production, which fell from more than 3 million barrels per day (bpd) to lows below 500,000, amid an unprecedented US financial, commercial, and logistical blockade.

🇻🇪🇺🇸 El Departamento de Tesoro de #EEUU autorizó el martes la venta de diluyentes estadounidenses a #Venezuela, un insumo esencial para que el país pueda procesar y exportar su crudo pesado.

Según la Licencia General N° 47 de la OFAC, esta medida permite transacciones con el… pic.twitter.com/4nLBo2lFHP

— Manuel Araujo (@araujomanuel10) February 4, 2026

Diluents, such as condensate and certain specialized naphthas, are not a technical luxury but a basic material condition for the exploitation of Venezuelan oil. Their absence forced PDVSA to resort to improvised, costly, and less efficient blends, reducing export capacity, deteriorating crude quality, and increasing costs throughout the entire production chain. The blockade was neither symbolic nor rhetorical: it was mechanical, calculated, and devastating, as reported by experts.

With this new license, Washington officially authorizes the export, sale, transport, and delivery of diluents of US origin, as well as associated financial and logistical services. However, the authorization is surrounded by a web of legal and political control. As a result, analysts confirmed that it is not a gesture of goodwill, but a tactical adjustment conditioned by US colonial strategic interests. The contracts are subject to US courts, alternative payment mechanisms are excluded, and a system of periodic supervision is maintained over each operation, reaffirming the logic of imperialist guardianship and permanent pressure on the Venezuelan economy.

Venezuela and Iran: Oil and Survival

Stable access to diluents could allow an immediate increase in Venezuelan oil production of between 20% and 30%, provided that the supply is not interrupted. Although General License No. 47 is not lifting of the US illegal sanctions, analysts claim, it does constitute an implicit admission of the failure of the “maximum pressure” policy, which has been applied for years with the stated objective of causing the economic and political collapse of Venezuela.

This shift also occurs in an international context marked by volatile energy prices, the reshaping of the global geopolitical map, and the growing loss of the control of the US entity over strategic hydrocarbon flows.

(Telesur)

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

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This statement was released by La Colectiva Cambiémosla Ya on February 4th, 2026.

Editor’s note: this agreement directly ties Mexico to the goals outlined in US National Security Strategy, released at the end of November 2025, and previous SouthCOM statements which declared “Latin America and the Caribbean “are on the front lines of a decisive and urgent contest to define the future of our world.” A document released by the US Trade Representative yesterday pertaining to this US-Mexico Critical Minerals Action Plan agreement contains an extremely worrying item on its wishlist, (“necesssary to ensure supply chain resilience”) considering that access to Mexican minerals can now be considered a matter of US national security: a provision for “Coordinated rapid responses to prevent disruptions and crises in critical minerals supply chains.” The already significant body-count amassed by Canadian mining corporations over their decades of operation in Mexico testifies to the dangers inherent in private mining operations, and it’s not hard to imagine how “disruptions and crises” like obstinate Indigenous and rural communities and striking miners would be treated when regarded as national security threats to the US.

The Critical Minerals Action Plan signed between the United States and Mexico puts Mexico’s sovereignty over resources at risk.

The signing of the Critical Minerals Action Plan is a betrayal of campaign promises that proclaimed the expansion of rights for the peoples and communities of Mexico.

The Agreement will intensify mining extractivism, destruction, and the dispossession of community territories. The Ministry of Economy is determined to work for the mining industry and deregulate strategic sectors.

The signing of the Critical Minerals Action Plan between the United States and Mexico compromises sovereignty over the country’s mineral resources and will deepen the socio-environmental impacts caused by mining in the territories. It is a step back to neoliberalism, which avoided regulating one of the most polluting and rights-violating industries.

The objective of the Plan signed this February 4th between Marcelo Ebrard, Mexico’s Secretary of Economy, and Jamieson Greer, United States Trade Representative, is to secure the supply of so-called critical minerals for the United States and guarantee its preference as a buyer at the agreed-upon prices.

This agreement, which will take effect in 60 days, contemplates incorporating regulatory standards to facilitate the exploitation, processing, and marketing of critical minerals. This means they will attempt to weaken the progress made in regulating mining exploration and exploitation and reopen the door to dispossession, displacement, and the destruction of communities, ecosystems, and territories.

The Secretary of Economy should fulfill his mandate and publish the regulations for the Mining Law that allow for the implementation of the protection of community rights and the environment achieved in 2023, rather than trying to return privileges to the industry, as Salinas did during the neoliberal period.

The Plan clearly establishes priorities: it requires knowing what critical minerals exist, where they are located, and in what quantity; establishing trade measures to facilitate the supply of critical minerals between the parties; technical and regulatory intervention; investing in research and development of technology to process critical minerals; and identifying specific minerals, mining projects, and processing projects of interest to the United States, Mexico, or other countries recognized for their responsible business conduct standards (whatever that means).

The Critical Minerals Action Plan avoids mentioning the collective rights of communities and indigenous peoples, nor does it allude to the protection of health, human, biodiversity, and environmental rights. This agreement disregards human rights and makes no consideration for sacrifice zones or the climate crisis.

The Cambiémosla Ya! Collective urges the guarantee of community rights, the protection of the environment, and progress in regulating mining. In 2018, people voted to end the practice of prioritizing private, national, and foreign interests, as well as those of multinational corporations. In 2024, they voted to maintain as a priority the towns and communities that neoliberalism sought to eliminate.

The signing of this Action Plan on Critical Minerals is a betrayal of the campaign promises that proclaimed the expansion of rights for the towns and communities of Mexico. The communities, organizations, and individuals that make up the Cambiémosla Ya! Collective see this Plan as a threat to Mexico, its towns, and its common resources.

The Cambiémosla Ya Collective brings together communities, civil organizations, academics, and land defenders. Its members include communities and towns affected by mining projects in Baja California Sur, Coahuila, Morelos, Oaxaca, Puebla, Sonora, and Zacatecas; organizations such as CartoCrítica, CEMDA, the Berta Cáceres Environmental Justice Legal Clinic, the South Baja California Academics Collective, the Sonora River Basin Committees, CCMSS, the Maseual Altepetajpianij Council, EDUCA, Engenera, the Heinrich Böll Foundation, Fundar, the Atzin No to Mining Movement, the Morelos Movement Against Toxic Mining, PODER, TerraVida, the Union of Communities of the Sierra de Juárez, and academics from UIA, UAM, and UNAM.

More Information:

Gerardo Suárez
+52 55 3079 8674
colectivacambiemoslaya@gmail.com

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