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This article by Alma Rosa Camacho originally appeared in the February 17, 2026 edition of El Sol de México.
Dismissing Vicente Fernando Cázares, director of Administration and Finance at the National Film Archive, as requested by the group of workers demanding improvements in working conditions and salary, is not the solution, says the director of the venue, Marina Stavenhagen Vargas.
“Things are a little more complex. They may not be what they seem,” an official said in an interview with El Sol de México, three days after the peaceful protest by Colectiva Cineteca, which brings together 240 employees out of a total of 340 who work at the Xoco, Las Artes and Cineteca Chapultepec locations.
The demonstration was the culmination of a week of protests through social media, in which they demanded an increase in workload since the opening of the two new headquarters of the National Film Archive, which forces them to work overtime and move from one location to another.
“We’ve been working very closely with management. It’s an important issue for the staff, and we’re committed to resolving it.”
In the protest on February 14, the workers stated that they suffered workplace harassment and bullying for belonging to the “Service Providers” scheme.
Regarding this, Stavenhagen explained: “My job is primarily to see that things get resolved and to listen to the entire management community and the different areas.”
The group of employees who are considered as external collaborators and do not have the right to social security and other benefits that are only intended for workers with a direct contract, work in all areas and are responsible for the opening of rooms, candy store, restaurant, ticket office and soda fountain.
“Progress has been made. The community is more at ease. The outstanding payments have been made; it was really an administrative bottleneck that wasn’t directly within our control to resolve, but it’s been sorted out now,” said Stavenhagen.
Another complaint from employees is that they have to work even when they are sick, for example, when they have a fever and cough. Regarding this, the official stated that the issue is being investigated.
“We are working on a very precise evaluation and analysis. I am personally meeting with the Cineteca’s staff in the various departments to arrive at an accurate diagnosis of what is happening, what they need, and everything that is required.”
And she emphasized that “fortunately we have had a very active, very supportive listening from the Secretary of Culture, Claudia Curiel de Icaza, and of course from the President of the country herself, Claudia Sheinbaum .”
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Cineteca Will Conduct Assessment of Staff Working Conditions
February 18, 2026February 18, 2026
An official responded three days after the peaceful protest by Colectiva Cineteca, which brings together 240 employees out of the 340 who work at the three Cineteca locations.
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Complaints about Bank Debt Collection Increase 21%
February 18, 2026February 18, 2026
The main types of complaints were attempting to collect from non-debtors and acts of threat or intimidation.
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Mexico Says No to Trump’s ‘Board of Peace’ – Soberanía 96
February 18, 2026February 18, 2026
Looking at Mexico’s balancing act between defending its principles and navigating relentless pressure from the United States.
The post Cineteca Will Conduct Assessment of Staff Working Conditions appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
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This article by Julio Gutiérrez originally appeared in the February 18, 2026 edition of La Jornada, Mexico’s premier left wing daily newspaper.
Mexico City. Complaints filed with the National Commission for the Protection and Defense of Financial Services Users (Condusef) regarding debt collection practices increased by 21.2 percent in 2025 compared to the previous year, rising from 23,435 to 28,401 cases.
The main reasons were the collection of payments from people who are not the debtor and acts of threat or intimidation, practices that together accounted for about two-thirds of the complaints.
The increase in complaints against these extrajudicial agents, who are hired by private banks to recover overdue balances, occurred at a time of low economic dynamism and when these financial intermediaries saw higher levels of default on consumer loans.
Collection efforts include the actions taken by financial institutions or contracted agencies to recover overdue debts, whether through phone calls, messages, home visits, or payment negotiations.
According to current regulations, these agents must fully identify themselves, address themselves exclusively to the debtor, and refrain from engaging in acts of harassment, threats, or dissemination of information to third parties.
The 2025 statistics from Condusef show that the main reason for complaint is the carrying out of collection, negotiation or restructuring management to people who are not the user, client or debtor partner, with 9,445 cases, an increase of 14.9 percent compared to the 8,222 of 2024.
In second place were complaints about threatening, offending or intimidating the debtor, family members or personal references, which totaled 9,143 claims, 19.5 percent more than a year earlier: 7,652.
These two concepts accounted for approximately 65 percent of all complaints, indicating that the main points of contention remain linked to practices that exceed the limits allowed for debt recovery.
Including Banks, Claims Decreased
According to information presented by the consumer protection agency, the total number of complaints filed by commercial banking users reached 147,357, a figure 2.1 percent lower than the 150,892 in 2024.
Of the total claims registered in 2025, the two main causes –excluding those related to collection efforts– are unrecognized charges and unrecognized electronic transfers.
The first category accumulated 29,761 cases, representing a decrease of 0.6 percent compared to 2024, while the second category totaled 13,631 complaints, representing a decrease of 21.9 percent annually.
By financial company, the largest number of complaints in 2025 was concentrated in BBVA Mexico, which is the largest bank in Mexico, with 27,711 complaints, a figure 2.9 percent lower than the 28,530 registered a year earlier, Condusef pointed out.
Banco Azteca followed, accumulating 22,241 cases, an increase of one percent compared to 2024. In third place was Banamex, with 19,657 claims, representing a decrease of 15.8 percent annually.
In contrast, Banorte reported 18,072 complaints, an increase of 10.3 percent compared to the 16,388 of the previous year, while Santander counted 15,226 cases, 5.9 percent less than in 2024.
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Cineteca Will Conduct Assessment of Staff Working Conditions
February 18, 2026February 18, 2026
An official responded three days after the peaceful protest by Colectiva Cineteca, which brings together 240 employees out of the 340 who work at the three Cineteca locations.
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Complaints about Bank Debt Collection Increase 21%
February 18, 2026February 18, 2026
The main types of complaints were attempting to collect from non-debtors and acts of threat or intimidation.
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Mexico Says No to Trump’s ‘Board of Peace’ – Soberanía 96
February 18, 2026February 18, 2026
Looking at Mexico’s balancing act between defending its principles and navigating relentless pressure from the United States.
The post Complaints about Bank Debt Collection Increase 21% appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
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Fear Spreads in Saint Lucia After US ‘Kinetic Strike’ on Vessel in Caribbean Waters
(orinocotribune.com)
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The ‘Blockade’ Against Cuba and Regional Passivity: The ‘Triumph’ of the Donroe Doctrine
(orinocotribune.com)
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Venezuela Reaffirms Validity of 1966 Geneva Agreement on Sovereignty Over Essequibo
(orinocotribune.com)
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In episode 96 of Soberanía, hosts José Luis Granados Ceja and Kurt Hackbarth examine Mexico’s balancing act between defending its principles and navigating relentless pressure from the United States.
The episode opens with Mexico’s rejection of Trump’s “Board of Peace” over the exclusion of Palestine—a principled stand that signals a more independent foreign policy.
The hosts then unpack encouraging OECD data showing rising trust in Mexican institutions and low unemployment, challenging the bleak narrative pushed by domestic and international critics.
The conversation turns to the ongoing Cuba crisis, where Kurt’s recent Jacobin article frames the Sheinbaum administration’s difficult position: wanting to send oil to Cuba but facing the threat of U.S. military escalation. The hosts dissect the asymmetry of power and the limits of solidarity when a nuclear-armed empire patrols the Caribbean.
Finally, they take aim at Denise Dresser in Losers and Haters for dismissing Salma Hayek’s support of new efforts to support Mexico’s film industry—a perfect example of elite punditry detached from reality.
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Mexico Says No to Trump’s ‘Board of Peace’ – Soberanía 96
February 18, 2026February 18, 2026
Looking at Mexico’s balancing act between defending its principles and navigating relentless pressure from the United States.
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A Circus at Mexico’s Education Secretariat
February 17, 2026February 17, 2026
The dispute is not a fight for the defense of public education, but a brawl between rival power groups for control and the collection of political rents from a pedagogical project that has not yet been born.
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A Bigger Plan
February 17, 2026
López Obrador’s fear of Mexico’s abrupt return to the right still applies today. The Brazilian case is instructive.
The post Mexico Says No to Trump’s ‘Board of Peace’ – Soberanía 96 appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
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US Extrajudicial Killings Escalate as Second Tanker Seized in the Indian Ocean
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What Is the US Really Seeking in Cuba? Analyst José Ramón Cabañas Responds (Interview)
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This article by Luis Hernández Navarro originally appeared in the February 17, 2026 edition of La Jornada, Mexico’s premier left wing daily newspaper.
Simultaneously farce and tragedy, the feud between Marx Arriaga and Mario Delgado reveals the consequences of using public education as a fiefdom to repay political favors. Despite their attempts to cloak themselves in the defense of the New Mexican School (NEM) and free textbooks, what’s at stake in this farcical spectacle is a matter of self-interest.
Both the Secretary of Public Education (SEP) and the head of the institution’s General Directorate of Educational Materials are disgraceful. Even if they cloak themselves in the noble mission of educating children, Delgado’s offer of the Costa Rican ambassadorship to Arriaga (an updated version of Álvaro Obregón’s infamous 50,000-peso bribes to his detractors) in exchange for his job at the SEP demonstrates the pedagogical depth of this clash.
The current Secretary of Education has consistently betrayed the teaching profession. As a senator for the PRD party in late 2012 and early 2013, he placed himself at the beck and call of Claudio X. González to approve Peña Nieto’s education reform. According to the businessman, on December 12, 2012, the Senator called him jubilantly to tell him that the new legislation had been approved with his vote in favor.
On September 13, 2018, already a Morena party deputy, Delgado announced: “The education reform will be overturned, not a single comma will remain.” A lie. The approved education legislation not only preserved the commas, but entire paragraphs of the old text and, above all, its neoliberal core.
And now, working from Vasconcelos’s office, he has dedicated himself to forging close alliances with business groups like Lego and Femsa, opening the door to private interests in terms of approaches and content. He wants to implement STEM education within the New Mexican Education Model (NEM), a flawed and unoriginal pedagogical fad used to attract funding and to promote initiatives and educational materials worthy of the Pleistocene era. Incidentally, he promotes a teacher training program that is utterly devoid of critical thinking.
Engaged in this approach, Delgado promoted the development of “supplementary” workbooks by the SEP (Ministry of Public Education) in collaboration with international organizations. Furthermore, he spearheaded the creation of a coalition called Alianza México (Mexico Alliance), which, as Mauro Jarquín has explained, is essentially a classic model of philanthrocapitalism in education, and has a presence in several states. In addition, local authorities, particularly in northern states, tend not to distribute books or collections published by Marx’s office.
Marx Arriaga suffers from severe personality disorders. He is a civil servant who fancies himself a teachers’ union leader; a state employee with preacher aspirations; a philologist who dreams of refounding an ethereal and ambiguous liberating pedagogy; a colonel without troops, but with a salary, who fantasizes about taking heaven by storm; a street fighter whom stylists knock out; an unelected apostle of Obradorism; a missionary who proclaims the new world in a strident and vociferous manner.
His time in the education sector has been fraught with controversy. Since his appearance at a morning press conference on April 26, 2023, announcing a new educational model, the scandals surrounding him have been relentless. The combination of his penchant for championing fervent causes with the kind of rhetoric worthy of a lay evangelist, and his inability to ground his pedagogical pronouncements in simple examples, has earned him widespread criticism from academics, teachers, and journalists.
His curriculum reform is a hodgepodge of good intentions and few concrete steps. He’s had indigestion from decolonial theory. He’s indulging in empty rhetoric that has fueled the right wing’s fear of communism. His verbosity ultimately drives away any possibility of sympathizing with what he claims to defend.
Until his latest scandal, he was a powerful figure. He held that position during President López Obrador’s six-year term, when all his erratic behavior was tolerated. He also held it throughout the first year of Claudia Sheinbaum’s administration. He traveled the country as if he were accountable to no one. He said whatever he wanted, whenever he wanted, without any repercussions.
Things started to heat up when, at the end of December last year, he called for the formation of “Committees for the Defense of the New Mexican School and its Free Textbooks.”
Beyond his role as a civil servant, Marx has his own political capital comprised of teachers, some of whom are followers of critical pedagogy. They are concentrated in Chihuahua, Baja California, Michoacán, Querétaro, Guerrero, the State of Mexico, Guanajuato, Puebla, Coahuila, and Mexico City.
The Freirean Bonfires he organized and the Insurgent Bonfires he convened (a kind of study circle) would become the embryos of his committees. He held 300 Freirean Bonfires in which just over 3,000 teachers participated. At the beginning of this year, some 1,500 teachers were registered for the Insurgent Bonfires project, which was scheduled to hold 200 bonfires. The number of attendees could reach approximately 3,000 education workers.
The poet Nadia López García was appointed as Arriaga’s replacement. In 2018, President Enrique Peña Nieto presented her with the National Youth Award. The wounds of Ayotzinapa were still raw. In her acceptance speech, the current head of educational materials told the president: “Rest assured that today you have planted, in this generation, the seed for all our dreams to grow in Mexico.”
Unfortunately, the dispute at the SEP is not a fight between good and bad for the defense of public education, but a brawl between rival power groups for control and the collection of political rents from a pedagogical project that has not yet been born.
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A Circus at Mexico’s Education Secretariat
February 17, 2026February 17, 2026
The dispute is not a fight for the defense of public education, but a brawl between rival power groups for control and the collection of political rents from a pedagogical project that has not yet been born.
-
A Bigger Plan
February 17, 2026
López Obrador’s fear of Mexico’s abrupt return to the right still applies today. The Brazilian case is instructive.
-
Mexico Needs a Macroeconomic Policy for Growth, not the Finance Sector
February 17, 2026
While the Mexican government attempts to curry favour to receive preferential treatment in USMCA negotiations, it ignores the fact that the Trump administration violates all established international norms and makes decisions only based on US interests.
The post A Circus at Mexico’s Education Secretariat appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
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698
This editorial by Alejandro Páez Varela originally appeared in the February 16, 2026 edition of Sin Embargo. The views expressed in this article are the authors’* own and do not necessarily reflect those ofMexico Solidarity Mediaor theMexico Solidarity Project.*
- The Past that Calls
Of all the fears that Andrés Manuel López Obrador expressed publicly – and there weren’t many, but they were specific – one that he carried like a sack of rabid cats was the possibility of an abrupt return of Mexico to a past that the 2018 election was supposed to leave behind.
In a world of electoral trends and fabricated majorities, of social media and media manipulation, the most profound social processes can be abruptly halted without military coups, simply through popular vote. Governments born from political maneuvering (with underhanded campaigns and mudslinging) would have to answer to the Constitution. This is why AMLO pushed for pensions and other achievements of the new Welfare State to require a constitutional majority to be reversed; and it is precisely this concern that led the López Obrador movement to fight tooth and nail until it forced the transformation of the Judiciary.
More than seven years have passed since AMLO and the López Obrador movement took power. The question is whether the former President’s fear still exists. The answer is yes. The risks of a right-wing resurgence persist. I see it in some of the President’s decisions, but even without seeing it explicitly, given that she is an intelligent and highly analytical woman, I know she understands it and therefore calculates the risks.
Could such a discredited opposition still attract voters? Of course it could. Highlighting its “merits” didn’t work; neither did the strategies of the likes of Claudio X. González, Carlos Salinas, and Diego Fernández de Cevallos. To advance, it must destroy the reputation of Claudia Sheinbaum’s inner circle, with attacks from both within and without.
Mario Delgado’s mishandling of the Marx Arriaga case is giving ammunition to the President’s enemies; she can’t allow that. The Julio Scherers will multiply. And TV Azteca, Televisa, and their media subsidiaries are hunting down every mistake and every betrayal because they need it.
The left-wing movement must not view recent campaigns as mere coincidences or isolated events. They are part of a larger plan, and anyone who fails to see this is either naive or, worse, negligent and careless.
Dilma Rousseff Photo: Jay Watts
- The Right’s Manual
Seven years of left-wing rule is, in reality, a very short time in the life of a nation. Many right-wing and far-right powers remain intact and have ways to resist for even longer. In particular, economic and media powers are seizing their opportunity.
When Dilma Rousseff was impeached as President of Brazil, the Workers’ Party (PT), the political force founded by Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, had been in power for 13 years. That’s almost twice as long as the current administration has been in office. But 61 of Brazil’s 81 senators voted to oust her in a rigged, opaque, and unjust process. How did the powers that be manage to amass such unprecedented strength in Congress? Through a mountain of (excuse my language) bullshit. And in an instant, presto: Michel Temer, a right-winger who swore he was part of the President’s coalition, seized power.
Before the congressional coup—and this is where I want to take you—there was a very intense campaign. First, social media and television amplified common narratives: “the left is criminal, the left is corrupt, the left is deceitful, and the left is the same as the right.” They attacked every level of the ecosystem built by progressive forces. They launched attacks against all progressive politicians, officials, journalists, and media outlets, even inciting violence against them. Shamelessly, without moral or ethical limits. Just like Ricardo Salinas Pliego or Alejandro Moreno Cárdenas are doing now.
Dilma’s poll numbers plummeted. And then the supposed “spontaneous groups” of “citizens” began to take to the streets, claiming to have “organized via WhatsApp.” Just like the ones organized in Mexico by Claudio X. González, the PRI-PAN factions, the remnants of the PRD, and former officials from the electoral bodies and the judiciary.
During the PT’s first term in power, television networks and the traditional press became almost allies of Lula. I repeat: they presented themselves as ALMOST allies. It was a period of peace that lasted for a considerable time. Even Temer, who succeeded Dilma, was an ally of the left, and the Brazilian Democratic Movement, his party, was part of the ruling coalition. The same is true of Manuel Velasco, Ricardo Gallardo, and the Green Party in Mexico.
I see groups within Morena that would readily betray the left if necessary, and almost anyone can identify them
Dilma maintains that it was they, those on the inside, who orchestrated the final coup. The former president accused them, and continues to accuse them to this day, of being conspirators. The MDB was a marginal, parasitic force, devoid of ideology, that captured politicians from any political stripe in order to survive. A catch-all party, a meta-party, or a sweeping party, as it’s known there. Just like the Green Party here. And the MDB was nothing without the left, just like the PVEM here.
But they were waiting for their moment. And when it came, they released fake audios and videos; rumors and leaks to the press, like the Green Party with, for example, Pío López Obrador. And one day, when they needed it most, Temer’s party turned its back on its leftist allies and, with the seats it had gained in Congress thanks to Lula and Dilma, voted in favor of the legislative and judicial coup. Dilma Rousseff went into exile. Lula and others went to jail. And the PT almost disintegrated.
The street protests against Dilma Rousseff only took shape after the real groundwork had already been laid. This is crucial. It was a process that took months, even years. Journalists from Brazil’s old regime, academics, intellectuals, and traditional media outlets dedicated themselves day and night to lying and denigrating the President, Lula (as they do here with AMLO), and anyone else who was on the left. Television networks and social media unleashed their full force, turning the attacks into a 24/7, 365-day-a-year campaign.
It was then, in that tense atmosphere, that supposedly citizen-led organizations like Vem Pra Rua (Come to the Street) emerged, easily gaining followers. The left, divided by the accusations, didn’t know how to respond. The right, powerless, formed a united front. The perfect storm had been created.
Vem Pra Rua, a Mexicans Against Corruption group, specialized in web tools, such as the so-called Impeachment Map, to create networks of like-minded groups. They then personalized their harassment of left-wing politicians with a Wall of Shame that closely resembles the tactics employed by Televisa, TV Azteca, and allied media outlets, who are paid to harass journalists they identify as progressive. I have information on this latter point, which I will share in due course.
The “citizen” movement organized a kind of “Brazilian Pink Tide”, like the Mexican one, and tried to keep its financiers secret; just as Latinus, which is owned by the family of Roberto Madrazo, tried to do; or as Mexicans Against Corruption sought to do, which received funds from the United States State Department and from large capital in Mexico.
However, Vem Pra Rua was exposed, just like the two previous media outlets. Behind it was Jorge Paulo Lemann, banker, businessman, and former tennis player, the richest man in Brazil and owner of 3G Capital and brands like Burger King, Tim Hortons, Anheuser-Busch, Kraft, Heinz, and many others. In 2023, Lemann had slightly more than Ricardo Salinas Pliego did at that time: $17 billion. The difference is that the owner of TV Azteca burned through an unprecedented amount of approximately $10 billion in two years, while the other, made in real business, has remained stable.
It would later be revealed that the Brazilian “Pink Tide” was coordinating with several of those in charge of the anti-corruption operation known as Lava Jato, which evolved into a soft coup against Lula, Dilma, and the PT. The organization presented itself as “non-partisan,” but it soon became clear that it was anything but independent. The same is true of the organizations that promote Claudio X. González and others who lend themselves to his schemes.
I’m not saying the Mexican right copied the Brazilian right. Don’t be mistaken. Those operational manuals are actually universal within those coup-plotting movements that have indeed managed to reverse the advances of the left in Latin America and that salivate at the possibility of destroying what the López Obrador movement has achieved in Mexico.
- In Progress
Everyone I’ve spoken with recently—some of whom analyze networks—has found traces of new cells operating in Mexico as part of what some call a “grand plan” against the left, in the lead-up to the 2027 midterm federal elections and as a rehearsal for the 2030 elections. Ricardo Salinas Pliego appears in several analyses as a kind of interface between these networks. This may be, I’m told, because he’s one of the main financiers of campaigns against individuals and sometimes against institutions. But he’s not alone. Because of his prominence, and even his desire for revenge, he appears in almost every attack. But it’s clear to me that the Televisa apparatus, more astutely, is working independently.
A friend who works with an analysis group told me it’s clear there are several slush funds being used for financing, even partisan ones. The PRI appears in several of the networks financing bots, troll farms, and so on. The PAN is more cautious, but it’s undoubtedly part of these new networks that interact with and reinforce each other’s strengths. And there are some governors—pay attention to this—who are funneling money into media outlets that are primarily digital. That’s what’s happening on social media.
But the real danger, according to what I’m told and following Brazilian logic, lies with the television networks. They can set the stage for an attack on their news programs, then help spread it on social media, and then bring it back to the networks, in a continuous flow or loop that can gain such momentum that it becomes organic and devastating. This is what TV Azteca does constantly with President Sheinbaum and some figures on the left. The network’s brand accumulates a lot of disrepute and loses credibility, but it does damage, a lot of damage. These are artificial storms, but storms nonetheless. Anyone who has experienced them knows how they affect one’s morale and leave a stain, even if they are immediately denied or eventually dissipate.
I believe the left in power should look for similarities in Brazil’s strategy (which, given its size, provides data highly relevant to the Mexican case) and activate its “minesweeper” radar. Among the government’s allies, I don’t see the Labor Party as part of a larger plan, even if it’s driven by petty interests; on the other hand, I clearly see the Green Party, and I would put a big spotlight on it, or several big spotlights. I see groups within Morena that would readily betray the left if necessary, and almost anyone can identify them: where do Gibrán Ramírez, Alejandro Rojas, Sandra Cuevas, and others who have been used by the opposition to attack López Obrador’s movement come from? You guessed it without much difficulty: yes, from the Monreal family. But there are several Monreals within the movement. Ricardo and his family aren’t the only ones. I would also pay close attention to Adrián Rubalcava, because in the past he has resorted to dirty tricks against his adversaries, as the National Security Commission proved in an investigation some years ago.
I’ll close with this: López Obrador’s fear of Mexico’s abrupt return to the right still applies today. Progressive forces must be united and active. Mario Delgado’s clumsiness in handling the Marx Arriaga case cannot be repeated; it seems the Secretary is a specialist in creating conflict. Beware. The Julio Scherer Ibarras are going to multiply. Expect them. Proceed cautiously. Keep a cool head and be very vigilant, because the larger plan is only in its testing phase.
The President, I believe, must shift from defense to offense. That’s what Dilma, Lula, and the Brazilian Workers’ Party lacked. She must be aware that if she allows these shadowy powers to continue strengthening, it will be too late when she finally wants to do something. How can she act, within the framework of the law? Well, therein lies the challenge. But the television networks are undoubtedly part of the larger plan. In fact, they are the nodes of the networks being woven to ensnare the left and to tear her, Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo, to pieces.
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A Bigger Plan
February 17, 2026
López Obrador’s fear of Mexico’s abrupt return to the right still applies today. The Brazilian case is instructive.
-
Mexico Needs a Macroeconomic Policy for Growth, not the Finance Sector
February 17, 2026
While the Mexican government attempts to curry favour to receive preferential treatment in USMCA negotiations, it ignores the fact that the Trump administration violates all established international norms and makes decisions only based on US interests.
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University of Sonora Union Demands 50% Salary Increase; Doesn’t Rule out Strike
February 17, 2026
The union also proposes increases in benefits such as food baskets and contributions to the savings fund.
The post A Bigger Plan appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
From Mexico Solidarity Media via This RSS Feed.
699
This editorial by Arturo Huerta González originally appeared in the February 17, 2026 issue of La Jornada de Oriente, the Puebla edition of Mexico’s premier left wing daily newspaper. The views expressed in this article are the authors’* own and do not necessarily reflect those ofMexico Solidarity Mediaor theMexico Solidarity Project.*
Some [in Mexico] argue that the macroeconomy is sound, that all that’s needed is an industrial policy to boost productivity and output; but it’s important to note that the prevailing macroeconomic policies — high interest rates, fiscal austerity, and currency appreciation —coupled with the free movement of goods and capital and deregulation of the banking sector, have reduced the size and role of government in the economy, favoured the financial sector and international corporations, and negatively impacted the productive sector and national employment, leading to increased dependence on foreign capital inflows.
The prevailing macroeconomic conditions prevent the implementation of any industrial or agricultural policies, hence the destruction of productive capacity, pressures on the external sector, and the fragility of the economy, which renders it incapable of coping with external adversities. Industrial and agricultural policies require low interest rates, increased subsidies and public spending, a competitive exchange rate, and a generalized protectionist policy, none of which exist in the country.
The lack of growth prospects and uncertainty surrounding the review of the USMCA have led to a decline in private investment. The government and the central bank are not taking action to curb the downward trend in economic activity. High interest rates persist, and the government continues its restrictive fiscal policy. Priority is given to promoting capital inflows, which increases debt, maintains currency appreciation, fuels import growth, drives down production, and leaves the economy fragile, as repayment conditions are not in place. The country has taken on debt to pay off existing debt.
The government and the central bank must create profitable conditions in the productive sector to incentivize investment. To achieve this, they must lower interest rates, increase public spending, and maintain a competitive exchange rate. This would increase demand, national income, and borrowing capacity, thereby boosting both the supply and demand for credit and stimulating investment.
Conventional economists oppose increased public spending, arguing that it would generate inflation, high interest rates, and more debt, thus negatively impacting private investment. This is false. If increased public spending is channeled into technological development and productive capacity, supply would increase to meet the higher demand generated by the increased spending, preventing price increases. Businesses would see increased demand, sales, and revenues, which would encourage their investment decisions. Interest rates would not rise, as increased deposits and bank reserves would lead to a reduction in interest rates.
Without changes to the prevailing macroeconomic policies, the banking and financial sector will continue to be favored at the expense of the productive sector, employment, and economic growth. The functions of the central bank must be changed. It should incorporate the objective of growth and high employment, and purchase government debt directly at low interest rates to stimulate investment, as well as private investment in import substitution of manufactured and agricultural products , and to create jobs in order to reduce the trade deficit and capital inflow requirements.
The government doesn’t have to submit to US dictates, as it’s doing by imposing tariffs only on imports from China, suspending oil shipments to Cuba, and withholding the basic grains from the USMCA that domestic agricultural producers demand. The government is doing this to curry favor with the US government and receive preferential treatment in the USMCA negotiations. The Mexican government is ignoring the fact that the Trump administration is violating all established international norms and has indicated that its decisions are based on US interests. Therefore, they will force Mexico to buy more from them and sell less, and encourage many US companies to return to the United States. They are coming for the energy sector and critical minerals. The problem is that Mexico is not prepared to face the adversities this will cause, especially given the lack of changes to the prevailing macroeconomic policy.
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A Bigger Plan
February 17, 2026
López Obrador’s fear of Mexico’s abrupt return to the right still applies today. The Brazilian case is instructive.
-
Mexico Needs a Macroeconomic Policy for Growth, not the Finance Sector
February 17, 2026
While the Mexican government attempts to curry favour to receive preferential treatment in USMCA negotiations, it ignores the fact that the Trump administration violates all established international norms and makes decisions only based on US interests.
-
University of Sonora Union Demands 50% Salary Increase; Doesn’t Rule out Strike
February 17, 2026
The union also proposes increases in benefits such as food baskets and contributions to the savings fund.
The post Mexico Needs a Macroeconomic Policy for Growth, not the Finance Sector appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
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University of Sonora Union Demands 50% Salary Increase; Doesn’t Rule out Strike
(mexicosolidarity.com)
This article by Cristina Gómez Lima originally appeared in the February 17, 2026 edition of La Jornada, Mexico’s premier left wing daily newspaper.
Hermosillo, Sonora. A 50 percent salary increase, a review of contractual clauses, and improvements in benefits are part of the list of demands that the Union of Workers and Employees of the University of Sonora (STEUS) presented to the university administration, within the framework of the salary and contract review corresponding to 2026. In the same, they argued an accumulated lag compared to the growth of the minimum wage.
Union leader Alejandro Manzanares, who assumed his position last December, announced that the negotiation table will be formally established this Tuesday, marking the beginning of talks with university authorities. He stated that the union is seeking a substantial improvement in the economic conditions of administrative and service workers, given the context of inflationary pressures and budget cuts that have impacted purchasing power in recent years.
In addition to a salary increase, STEUS is proposing increases in benefits such as food vouchers and contributions to the savings fund, points included in the document submitted to the university administration in January. The union has until March 20 to advance negotiations; if no agreement is reached, a date for a strike could be set.
Manzanares Morales explained that if a strike were called, it would have to be filed between March 17 and 18 to comply with legal deadlines. Although the union left open the possibility of a work stoppage, it reiterated that its priority is to avoid the suspension of activities, warning that a strike would impact not only the student body, but also faculty and staff who depend on the university’s regular operations.
“We are the least interested in a strike, but it is the only legal recourse we have to demand what is at least rightfully ours,” the general secretary stated. The meeting between the union and university authorities is scheduled for next week to establish working conditions for the coming year.
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López Obrador’s fear of Mexico’s abrupt return to the right still applies today. The Brazilian case is instructive.
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Mexico Needs a Macroeconomic Policy for Growth, not the Finance Sector
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University of Sonora Union Demands 50% Salary Increase; Doesn’t Rule out Strike
February 17, 2026
The union also proposes increases in benefits such as food baskets and contributions to the savings fund.
The post University of Sonora Union Demands 50% Salary Increase; Doesn’t Rule out Strike appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
From Mexico Solidarity Media via This RSS Feed.