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This editorial by Fabrizio Mejía Madrid originally appeared in the February 27, 2026 edition of Sin Embargo. The views expressed in this article are the authors’* own and do not necessarily reflect those ofMexico Solidarity Mediaor theMexico Solidarity Project.*

When I was a child in the 1970s, it was said that Mexico was a country of “contrasts.” The PRI assumed that inequality in the country was almost a folkloric image, worthy of being sold to the National Fund for the Promotion of Arts (FONART) or for a photojournalism prize. Then, when neoliberalism began under Miguel de la Madrid, the idea took hold that the wealth of the rich would, sooner or later, trickle down to those at the bottom because, if there are millionaires, they’re bound to invest, right? Later, during the PRIAN era, with Vicente Fox, Calderón, and Peña Nieto, the idea they tried to sell us was that there were two Mexicos: one developed and globalized, and the other backward and struggling to survive. None of this is true. In reality, there aren’t parallel Mexicos, but rather one—the Mexico of all of us—that feeds, sustains, and even flatters the other, the Mexico of the billionaires, like Slim, Larrea, and Aramburuzabala.

An Oxfam report released just a few days ago provides terrifying data about Mexico’s disgustingly rich. One of the most shocking findings is that the private sector invests less than 8 pesos out of every 100 it owns back into the Mexican economy. The idea that having many billionaires is good because they reinvest is a complete lie. They invest nothing. They hoard, spend abroad, and sail yachts flying the Cayman Islands flag. I repeat: less than eight pesos out of every 100 that the rich earn thanks to our collective effort returns to the economy in the form of investment. They are rentiers, clinging to their inherited fortunes, their connections to political and academic power, and they extort the State when it threatens even the crumbs they refuse to give us.

Carlos Slim and Germán Larrea’s wealth is supported by 18.8 million working Mexicans who lack access to nutritious, quality food, 38.5 million with social deprivations or incomes below the poverty line, two million people who work without pay, and 21 million women who dedicate at least eight hours a day to unpaid care work.

The Oxfam report states: “The wealth of Mexican billionaires stems primarily from business activities in poorly regulated or under-regulated sectors, poor working conditions for most workers, women’s double or triple shifts due to unpaid care work, environmental degradation caused by their large corporations, and the fiscal irresponsibility of the wealthiest.” It points to a global phenomenon of wealth concentration, but in the Mexican case, this is largely explained by the cronyism and nepotism practiced by Salinas de Gortari, Zedillo, Fox, Calderón, and Peña Nieto.

“Mexican fortunes are closely tied to the privatizations of the 1980s and 1990s, as well as to concessions, licenses, and permits to exploit public assets in strategic, often poorly regulated, sectors. As concession holders, contractors, or owners, they control key infrastructure, granting them veto power over the national development model.” Another falsehood is that they are billionaires because they are more adept at exploiting the market. That’s a lie. The wealthiest people in Mexico have grown faster than the economy. While the country grows at one percent, their fortunes grow at almost nine percent annually. This means they are responsible for the country’s one percent annual growth rate, while their wealth grows at seven percent each year. They are the ones hindering the country’s growth. Inequality is what prevents our development, and if you invest less than eight pesos out of every 100 you earn, things aren’t going to improve. That’s why it’s outrageous that the PRIAN (PRI and PAN parties) criticize the one percent growth rate, attributing it, as it suits them, to the cancellation of the airport at Lake Texcoco or to the failure of the economic strategy, and never to the appalling inequality the country experiences with voracious billionaires, more concerned with amassing fortunes than with innovating, taking risks, or transforming, as they claim to do from their business chambers and their Communication Councils, the Voice of Business.

Let’s talk about our billionaires. In the last three decades, their number has increased from 15 to 22 individuals between 1996 and 2025. During that same period, their combined fortunes grew from $52.3 billion to $219 billion. This means that, in three decades—those of neoliberalism and the PRIAN (PRI and PAN alliance)—their fortunes grew by almost nine percent each year, quadrupling their wealth simply because they hardly invest, because their taxes were forgiven, and because they were given incentives to establish companies that don’t regulate labor or environmental conditions, like Larrea in Sonora. I repeat the chilling statistic: the wealth in the hands of Mexican billionaires multiplied 4.2 times in just three decades, with an average real annual growth rate of 8.8 percent. Meanwhile, the country only grew at one percent when things were going well.

Mexico’s wealthy pay no taxes on their inheritances or estates. Mexico’s wealthy pay no taxes on stock market transactions.

Thus, Oxfam explains, between 1996 and 2025, Carlos Slim’s wealth increased more than eightfold, and that of billionaires multiplied 4.2 times, while the Mexican economy didn’t even double in size during those same years. Therein lies the double harmful effect of neoliberalism: it doesn’t serve to create growth, only to concentrate wealth. It extracts wealth, it doesn’t generate it. The wealthiest one percent of the Mexican population—a mere 1.3 million people, not counting your PAN-supporting aunts on WhatsApp—receives 35 percent of the total income of the economy, owns 40 percent of the nation’s private wealth, and is responsible for 23 percent of the country’s polluting emissions. Slim and Larrea’s wealth is supported by 18.8 million working Mexicans who lack access to nutritious, quality food, 38.5 million with social deprivations or incomes below the poverty line, two million people who work without pay, and 21 million women who dedicate at least eight hours a day to unpaid care work. And speaking of pollution, the wealthiest one percent of Mexico pollutes as much as the poorest 74 percent of the population.

Let’s talk about our billionaires. In the last three decades, their number has increased from 15 to 22 individuals between 1996 and 2025. During that same period, their combined fortunes grew from $52.3 billion to $219 billion. This means that, in three decades—those of neoliberalism and the PRIAN (PRI and PAN alliance)—their fortunes grew by almost nine percent each year, quadrupling their wealth simply because they hardly invest, because their taxes were forgiven, and because they were given incentives to establish companies that don’t regulate labor or environmental conditions, like Larrea in Sonora. I repeat the chilling statistic: the wealth in the hands of Mexican billionaires multiplied 4.2 times in just three decades, with an average real annual growth rate of 8.8 percent. Meanwhile, the country only grew at one percent when things were going well.

Carlos Slim with President Claudia Sheinbaum

Carlos Slim, the richest man in Mexico and Latin America and the Caribbean, has never been wealthier than he is today. Slim’s fortune totaled $107.1 billion as of November 2025, the largest amount in his history of political connections. Since 2020, with the pandemic, his wealth has increased by an average of $23.65 million per day, equivalent to $273 per second. A person with an average salary, like you or me, would need to work a week to earn what he earns in one second. Someone earning minimum wage would need 20 days to earn what he earns in one second. We know Slim as the one who was able to buy Telmex because he contributed money to Carlos Salinas de Gortari’s campaign. But lately, Slim has been a key partner of Petróleos Mexicanos (PEMEX) with large investments in oil and gas projects.

The pandemic was a boon for these disgustingly rich individuals. Their wealth grew by 101 percent in real terms, that is, after adjusting for inflation. During the pandemic, Carlos Slim increased his fortune by 66 percent, while Germán Larrea’s multiplied 2.4 times. To try and avoid getting lost in this nauseating array of numbers, Oxfam offers an example. Let’s say these Mexican billionaires are told they can keep their fortunes as they were before the pandemic, but that they have to invest the rest in hiring workers at the 2025 minimum wage. How many jobs do you think they could have created? 21 million for an entire year—that’s almost two out of every three people in the informal labor market in Mexico. That’s the magnitude of the obstacle preventing Mexico from achieving greater growth.

Germán Larrea

Now let’s look at this. Between 1981 and now, the country’s annual growth rate has averaged two percent. That is, during the neoliberal era and despite the adjustments made by the current administration. In 35 years, per capita income has only increased by 16 percent compared to 1981, even without adjusting for inflation. In Brazil, it grew by 58 percent, in Spain by 98 percent, and in China by 2,796 percent.

The Oxfam report states: “For every peso the Mexican economy as a whole had in 1996, it had 1.76 pesos in 2025, adjusted for inflation. Meanwhile, the richest 10 percent had 2.14 pesos; the richest one percent, 2.38 pesos; and the wealthiest 0.0001 percent—that is, the 22 billionaires—4.20 pesos. 4.20 pesos in an economy of a mere 1.76 pesos. For every peso they had in 1996, they now have 4.20 pesos. Their wealth grew twice as fast as the Mexican economy. That wealth, produced by all of us who work, was siphoned off by the yachts and mansions of our beloved magnates.”

In 35 years, Mexico’s per capita income has only increased by 16 percent compared to 1981, even without adjusting for inflation. In Brazil, it grew by 58 percent, in Spain by 98 percent, and in China by 2,796 percent.

But the picture one can draw from the Oxfam report is equally devastating, beyond the numbers. It turns out that we have an elite that originates when the State transfers public assets—the wealth generated by everyone—to a few elderly men (there’s only one woman) who have close ties to the neoliberal PRI and the PAN. Then, they are granted concessions for national resources, such as mines, oil, electricity, water, and natural gas. They also control education, healthcare, and even prisons. Already flush with money, they begin to exert a dominant influence on political decisions because they wield the power of extortion. They own telecommunications, investments in banks, mining, healthcare, and infrastructure such as highways, ports, airports, and water concessions. I’ll focus on just one point: the healthcare data is terrifying. In 2024, the majority of patients, 58 percent, received care in private medical services, not public ones. In other words, those who fall ill have to resort to private healthcare because the public system is insufficient or provides inadequate care. This amounts to extortion in a country with chronic diseases, a reality brought to the forefront by the pandemic: obesity, diabetes, and hypertension.

The wealthy pay no taxes on their inheritances or estates, and increasingly powerful hereditary dynasties have been established. Oxfam proposes that inheritances, gifts, and estates exceeding one million dollars be taxed. Furthermore, they propose a two percent tax on those with more than one billion dollars; a minimum tax of two percent on fortunes exceeding one billion dollars. The wealthy pay no taxes on their stock market transactions. Last year, the stock market gained 30 percent, yet no taxes are paid on this, which is not productive but rather vile speculation.

Although AMLO and the President have made them pay what they owe by law, the truth is that the wealthy don’t pay their fair share. In 2025, people with annual incomes exceeding 500 million pesos contributed only 21 cents out of every 100 pesos collected in federal taxes, that is, 0.21 percent. There is an abysmal disparity between them and us when it comes to paying taxes. They pay 10 percent on dividends, while we pay 35 percent in Income Tax. This injustice must be addressed. Another point: Of all the properties that are not primary residences—that is, apartments held solely for renting to tenants or tourists, vacation homes, and resorts—half are registered in the names of the wealthiest five percent. So they should pay more property taxes than those of us who live where we contribute, because they are nothing more than land speculators. And they should pay more for polluting more. It would take an average Mexican two centuries to pollute what a billionaire pollutes with his private planes, helicopters, and yachts.

What I’m saying is that, up to now, the 4T (Fourth Transformation) has acted to try to mitigate the effects of neoliberalism, but it should emphasize a project that prevents them. Reclaiming the State’s role in the economy means that the decision about how money is invested rests with the State, which should ensure that this investment benefits people, provides good working conditions, doesn’t pollute, and creates more wealth where it’s located. We’ve celebrated the fact that taxes are being collected, that more foreign direct investment is arriving, and that more jobs are being created, but it’s not enough. The inequality is that of a country that, to this day, supports 21 men and one woman who contribute almost nothing to improving the country. It’s time to reclaim the power that was lost when Miguel de la Madrid came to power in 1982 and began to transfer away everything that many generations of Mexicans had helped to build.

  • Concessions, Concessions, Concessions

    Analysis

    Concessions, Concessions, Concessions

    February 27, 2026February 27, 2026

    The yet-to-be-disclosed 200 mining concessions voluntarily returned to the Mexican state represent less than 1% of the 22,000 currently active, while questions remain about the government’s new strategy.

  • People’s Mañanera February 27

    Mañanera

    People’s Mañanera February 27

    February 27, 2026

    President Sheinbaum’s daily press conference, with comments on electoral reform, labour poverty, 80% of weapons seized originate in US, Sinaloa homicide reduction, and addressing root causes of crime.

  • Mexico’s Filthy Rich

    Analysis

    Mexico’s Filthy Rich

    February 27, 2026February 27, 2026

    Less than 8 pesos out of every 100 that the rich earn thanks to our collective effort returns to the economy in the form of investment. They are rentiers, clinging to their inherited fortunes, their connections to political & academic power & they extort the State when it threatens even the crumbs they refuse to give us.

The post Mexico’s Filthy Rich appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.


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By Misión Verdad — Feb 26, 2026

During the last few weeks, a clear narrative shift has been observed among the spokespeople for economic opinion in Venezuela.

The consensus among economists has shifted from “debacle” to “optimism.” This change in discourse came after the US government announced oil agreements with Acting President Delcy Rodríguez.

Since then, the fervor for the new impetus of the Venezuelan economy has been increasing since the publication of the licenses recently issued by the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), such as GL 49, GL 50, and GL 48, which authorize the operations of Western oil companies in the country.

In the heart of the truth
Several economists with opposition leanings in Venezuela have minimized and, in many cases, dismissed the objective reality of the economic sanctions and their harmful effects on the Venezuelan economy.

There are exceptions, such as the case of economist Francisco Rodríguez, who has published various investigations on the impact of sanctions in Venezuela, standing out recently for his analysis in the report “The Human Consequences of Economic Sanctions” (2023), published by the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR).

Other works by Rodríguez include “Sanctioning Venezuela” (2022) and “Sanctions, Economic Policy, and the Venezuelan Crisis” (2022), published through the Sanctions and Security Research Project. In these works, Rodríguez has criticized the Venezuelan government’s economic management but has emphasized, with supporting data, the destructive nature of foreign sanctions.

Another exception is the case of Luis Vicente León, an economist best known for his role at the firm Datanálisis. León, in a less academic and more reflective setting, has consistently criticized the sanctions against Venezuela’s oil activities, outlining their impact on the national economic base.

Luis Oliveros, an economist and professor at the Metropolitan University (UNIMET), has questioned the role of sanctions in the deterioration of living conditions for the population. Consequently, he has also criticized fellow economists and opposition politicians for defending these measures and for being “out of touch with the reality people are experiencing.”

On the other hand, there is a second group of economists, including Asdrúbal Oliveros, José Guerra, Ángel Alvarado, Ronald Balza Guanipa, Rafael Quiroz, Ricardo Hausmann, and even the chemical engineer and tireless economic commentator Henkel García, among others, who have chosen to emphasize their criticisms from two fundamental angles of opinion.

First, by referring almost exclusively to internal economic management (before and during the sanctions). This line of argument suggests that “macrostructural imbalances”—exchange controls, expropriations, and hyperinflation—had already destroyed a large part of the economy before the imposition of far-reaching sanctions.

That line of discourse focused primarily on the economic policy of Chavismo, instead of highlighting, for example, the loss of more than 90% of the country’s foreign exchange income, and the impact of that fact on an economy in which all sectors are directly or indirectly linked to oil revenue, as happened in 2020, at the expense of the sanctions.

Second, they took positions on the “shared responsibility” or limited impact of the sanctions; some experts acknowledge the harm caused by the measures, but claim that they “complicate” pre-existing problems.

This supposedly “more objective” angle of analysis was based on the premise of recognizing the sanctions as a precise and undeniable reality. However, the political undertones and style of the statements made by some of these spokespeople almost always pointed toward economic fatalism, pessimism, a refusal to acknowledge achievements, a minimization of successful reforms, and a politically biased treatment of the overall situation.

For all Venezuelan economists in the opposition, the arena of economic discussion is also a terrain of political debate. This is a logical reality, since, regardless of one’s political leanings, all economic debate must necessarily be political. The problem in this case is bias, and how it works in the face of changing concrete situations.

The sanctions
During the last few weeks, several economists who downplayed or dismissed mentioning economic sanctions as a central point for their estimates have changed their narratives to a more optimistic ground.

Recently, Asdrúbal Oliveros considered that the positive behavior in oil production will generate an “expansionary effect” on the entire economy, admitting that it has been marked by a deep contraction in recent years. Oliveros also estimated economic growth of around 12% this year. According to the analyst, the main driver of this improvement will be the hydrocarbons sector, which could experience an expansion of 30%.

The economist associates the growth of Venezuela’s oil activities with the current state of relations between Venezuela and the US entity, which has resulted in oil licenses and the lifting of restrictions on the Venezuelan economy. Oliveros has also called for the need to close the exchange rate gap, which requires a new exchange system and the necessary flow of petrodollars.

On the other hand, Ricardo Hausmann has suggested that there will be economic growth in Venezuela this year, but he has focused his assertion on political conditions. He states that any growth figure for 2026 will be fragile if it is not accompanied by a reinstitutionalization that allows for a return on investment.

Rafael Quiroz has advocated for national stability and political stability as key factors in attracting investment. He has supported oil reform, and expressed positive views on the reform to the Organic Hydrocarbons Law. In recent statements, he mentioned that a complete institutional transition in state agencies, including PDVSA, could take up to three years. Therefore, he does not see the current growth phase as contingent on political change. Quiroz also made assessments about oil licenses, acknowledging their favorable impact on Venezuelan activities.

Ronald Balza, dean of the Faculty of Economic and Social Sciences at the Andrés Bello Catholic University (UCAB), is part of the moderate opposition economist sector. He recently projected a possible growth of 10.4% of Venezuelan GDP for this year. He also questioned the initiatives to dollarize the Venezuelan economy, and alluded to the new oil revenues as a component element of “exchange rate stability.”

Henkel García has repeatedly stated the obvious fact that oil remains the “key” to the economy. He has emphasized that appropriate public policy in this sector will generate benefits for the rest of the national industry. Echoing Hausmann and other commentators across the political spectrum, including María Corina Machado, he has spoken about the Hydrocarbons Law and licensing, arguing that with institutional reforms, production could reach between 1.3 and 1.4 million barrels per day within two years, “after a political transition.”

José Guerra, a former anti-Chavista congressman and founder of the Venezuelan Finance Observatory (OVF), stated that the definitive stabilization of prices in the country depends largely “on the maintenance of oil agreements with the US.”

“There is no doubt that the economy will grow,” he said, adding that the new revenues should be used to address the social debt. Guerra admitted that the new Hydrocarbons Law seeks to attract foreign companies, allowing the private sector and foreign companies to “obtain licenses” from the US regime and “market oil independently to revive the Venezuelan industry.”

The general trend in claims among this group of opposition opinion leaders shares common criteria:

• Starting in January, there will be more revenue from oil sales from Venezuela.
• Foreign exchange earnings are a catalyst for multisectoral economic growth and clearly impact the country’s Gross Domestic Product.
• Foreign currency income is a stabilizing factor for the exchange rate, reducing the gap, and mitigating devaluation and inflation.
• Licenses are a central factor in the development of Venezuela’s energy activities.
• For growth to be sustainable, institutional changes and a transition are necessary, implicitly acknowledging that sanctions hinder foreign investment.

The use of coercive sanctions appears as a transversal axis that connects these criteria. In fact, these spokespeople seem to frame their comments as if the government in Miraflores were a different government than that of President Nicolás Maduro, ignoring the fact that Delcy Rodríguez has recently held the positions of the Executive Vice Presidency, Economic Vice Presidency, and the Ministry of Hydrocarbons.

In very concrete terms, there has been no regime change in Venezuela, and the strategic line of economic management is preserved. The only things that are changing in the Venezuelan economy are the easing of the coercive framework, the revitalization of oil trade, and the flow of foreign currency.

Rejecting Defeatism: Why Negotiation is Not Betrayal in the Face of US Imperialist Aggression Against Venezuela

The shift in rhetoric exposes the omissions, silences, and distortions that have dominated economic opinion for years. It was never “the regime;” it has always been the sanctions.

Perhaps an enlightening element regarding the reality of economic sanctions in Venezuela does not come from any Venezuelan economist, but from Donald Trump himself. Trump reiterated that his administration is working “closely with Venezuela’s new president, Delcy Rodríguez,” to “drive extraordinary economic progress for both countries.”

The only thing the US administration has done is to relatively and partially loosen some of the constraints that were unjustly imposed on the national economy, all in exchange for oil that could have flowed freely for years if it had not been for the measures Trump himself implemented.

(Misión Verdad)

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/JRE/AU


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In a statement, the organization of Cubans reported that a vessel that violated Cuban maritime space with the aim of destabilization was neutralized “by our authorities” and border guard troops.

The statement also denounced the “criminal” energy blockade imposed by the United States against the Caribbean nation, which prevents the arrival of fuel and which it described as “an act of direct war to suffocate the Cuban people.” “Cuba is not alone! Down with the blockade!” it emphasized.

The Accreven stressed “No infiltrations, no blockades! Cuba must be respected!” The Cuban Ministry of the Interior reported on February 25 that it detected an illegal speedboat within Cuban territorial waters.

The vessel, registered in Florida, USA, with the registration number FL7726SH, was located one nautical mile northeast of the El Pino channel, near Falcones Cay, in the municipality of Corralillo, Villa Clara province.

The Cuban Ministry of Foreign Affairs, through its Deputy Minister Carlos Fernandez de Cossio, expressed the previous day its willingness to collaborate with the United States in clarifying the facts.

The official statement confirmed the activation of diplomatic channels with the U.S. State Department and Coast Guard, both of which expressed their readiness to cooperate in the investigation.

jdt/ro/jcd

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The US empire has continued to block Venezuela’s payments of the legal fees for President Nicolás Maduro, who was kidnapped by the US entity on January 3 and has been held in a federal US prison in New York since then, according to his lawyer and various international reports.

President Maduro’s legal defense faces serious difficulties because the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), belonging to the US Treasury Department, revoked—without explanation—authorization for the Venezuelan government to pay the fees of its lead lawyer, Barry Pollack, even though it had initially issued a license on January 9.

Less than three hours after granting it, OFAC amended it, no longer allowing Caracas to finance President Maduro’s defense.

Pollack argued before a federal judge in Manhattan that this decision prevents President Maduro from hiring and paying his lawyers with Venezuelan funds, which could constitute a direct interference with his right under the Sixth Amendment of the US Constitution to have a lawyer of his choosing.

The lawyer explained that, under the law and practice of his country, “the government of Venezuela has the obligation to pay Maduro’s fees,” and that the Venezuelan leader cannot finance this representation himself.

The situation arises in the context of a federal case in which Deputy Cilia Flores and President Maduro have pleaded not guilty before a New York court to drug trafficking and other charges that analysts explain were used as an excuse for their kidnapping by the forces of US imperialism.

The revocation of the license to fund the defense has generated a legal and constitutional debate, because OFAC maintains a separate license that does authorize the payment of fees for Cilia Flores’ lawyers.

From Caracas Arrest to DC Spotlight: The Traces of Enrique Márquez’s Conspiracy

The blocking of state funding for President Maduro’s defense is part of a broader pattern of illegal economic sanctions and financial restrictions imposed by the White House against Venezuelan officials and the Chavista government, including measures on assets and international transactions.

Both Cilia Flores and President Maduro are scheduled for a new court hearing on March 26. The defense has asked the court to intervene to reinstate the payment authorization or to judicially recognize the Venezuelan state’s obligation to cover the costs of its leader’s defense, amidst a controversy involving foreign policy, illegal sanctions, and fundamental procedural rights.

(Telesur)

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

OT/JRE/AU


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By Farhad Ibragimov – Feb 26, 2026

As Kurdish groups consolidate abroad, Washington’s pressure campaign may increasingly rely on domestic fractures

Amid escalating tensions surrounding Iran and the ongoing discussions about potential military strikes by the US, the internal political situation in the Islamic Republic is becoming increasingly turbulent. Tehran’s adversaries are considering not only direct military pressure but also a mixed strategy of destabilization involving limited strikes combined with the activation of internal protest movements and ethnic-political factors.

This strategy implies minimizing the duration and scale of military operations and instead relying on internal pressure. In other words, external actions could serve as a trigger for internal processes. In this situation, opposition forces – not just ‘political’ ones (in Iran, and even beyond its borders, no political force has emerged that could position itself as a unified center of non-systemic opposition), but particularly ethnoregional groups – might seize the opportunity to organize large-scale protests reminiscent of a ‘color revolution’. In this scenario, the focus shifts from a military defeat to undermining Iran’s internal resilience.

In such a configuration, the ethnic factor could play a significant role. Iran is a multi-ethnic state, and the Kurdish issue has traditionally been one of the most sensitive issues for the authorities. Tehran’s adversaries in the Middle East (Israel) and in the West (the US) have never concealed the fact that they view the ethnic-political factor as one of the most promising means of pressuring Tehran. The focus is primarily on national minorities that have historically been a sensitive issue for the central government, and whose social discontent may grow into more radical forms of resistance, including guerrilla activities. The Kurds, along with the Arabs, Azerbaijanis, and the Baloch people, are frequently mentioned in this context.

Such reasoning is quite pragmatic: large-scale military operations come with political, financial, and reputational costs, whereas destabilization by means of existing internal divisions can achieve comparable strategic effects with much lower expenses. Within this framework, external pressure – such as sanctions, information campaigns, or limited military actions – functions as a trigger, while the main ‘strike’ occurs from within the country.

During the January protests in Iran, both Israeli and US officials were closely monitoring the behavior of key ethnic groups to assess their mobilization potential. However, the actual situation turned out to be less straightforward than what many Israeli and Western experts had described for decades. This time, the Baloch people and the Arabs, who have traditionally expressed discontent with Tehran’s policies (mainly on socio-economic issues), did not widely engage in protests. Their demonstrations remained limited and did not escalate into a systemic anti-government movement.

The country’s Azerbaijani population (which amounts to around 30 million people, out of Iran’s total population of 90 million) has largely adopted a loyalist stance. Iranian Azerbaijanis took part in public demonstrations supporting Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. These meetings were often accompanied by criticism of Reza Pahlavi, who presents himself as the “crown prince.” The memory of his father Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi’s repressive policies – such as restrictions on minority languages and harsh suppression of dissent – still shapes historical perception and political identity.

In contrast, a different dynamic is emerging in the country’s Kurdish regions. Some of the largest protests in late December occurred within the Kurdish-speaking provinces of Lorestan and Kurdistan. This means that the Kurdish factor can act as a trigger for deeper destabilization. In this context, Iran’s opponents could use the Kurds as a means of destabilization, similar to Syria and Iraq, where Kurdish groups significantly expanded their autonomy and institutional presence amid weakened central authority. In other words, the Kurdish issue is viewed as a particularly sensitive topic for the central authorities, one that may be used as a tool for long-term destabilization, especially when combined with internal protests and external military force or sanctions.

On February 22, five Kurdish organizations operating in the US announced the formation of an alliance called the Coalition of Political Forces of Iranian Kurdistan. They expressed their intention to intensify armed resistance against Tehran and their political support for Washington’s actions.

Members of this alliance include the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (KDPI), the Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK), which is the Iranian wing of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, the Kurdistan Freedom Party (PAK), the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan, and the Xebat Organization of Iranian Kurdistan. This coalition reflects the Kurds’ desire to consolidate resources and coordinate political actions amid the potential transformation of the region’s security architecture.

In a joint statement, the alliance emphasized that its strategic goal is to establish a governance system in Iran based on the “political will of the Kurdish people.” The document referenced the long-standing struggle of the Kurdish movement against centralized governance, stressing the need to revise existing power distribution mechanisms and recognize the national-political rights of the Kurdish population.

The joint statement is not one of protest; rather, it projects the coalition’s stance. It underscores that the role of the Kurds in opposing the current regime will increase, and the “future of Tehran” must be reevaluated in light of possible systemic changes. It also highlights that in the event of a regime change, the Kurdish populace should have the opportunity to determine its own political and legal status within the Iranian state.

Iran to Consider Even ‘Limited Strike’ by US as Act of Aggression – Foreign Ministry

From a regional security perspective, the consolidation of Kurdish structures in Iran poses additional risks not only to the country’s internal stability but also to the already fragile security architecture of the Middle East. This is particularly true in border areas, where the ethnic issue is intertwined with other factors: cross-border ties, armed groups, and the accompanying external influences. This may very well be used by the White House for destabilization purposes.

Historical experience indicates that the Kurdish factor is a longstanding element in US foreign policy in the region. Since 2003, Iraqi Kurds have been Washington’s key allies in the Middle East; their support was crucial in launching the campaign against Saddam Hussein’s regime. Moreover, Kurdish forces played a significant role in the Syrian conflict, receiving backing and weapons in their fight against radical groups. Over time, Kurdish structures in Syria and Iraq have strengthened their economy, particularly through oil exports from territories under their control.

Today, Iraqi Kurdistan stands as the largest political and territorial entity of the Kurdish people and holds substantial oil reserves (about 45 billion barrels). This not only provides economic stability but also enhances the region’s political influence. The existence of such a quasi-state next to Iran’s Kurdish regions strengthens cross-border ties and creates an alternative center of gravity.

In this context, the Kurdish regions of Iran have emerged as one of the most active areas during protests. There is also speculation that some protest initiatives may receive infrastructure and organizational support from abroad, including from neighboring Iraqi Kurdistan. The recent escalation in Iran’s Kurdish provinces could be seen as another attempt to push through a broader project for autonomy or even statehood, especially with the backing of external partners. The Kurds reside not only in Iraq and Iran but also in Türkiye and Syria, though in each country there is a unique Kurdish identity. However, what unites them is their shared history.

Historical memory is important in this context. The Kurdish uprising in Iran following the 1979 Islamic Revolution was brutally suppressed, and hopes for autonomy within the new ‘Islamic system’ were dashed. In the decades that followed, there have been occasional tensions in the Kurdish regions of Iran; however, the current protests appear more extensive and organized. We must note that Iran has a special region for its Kurdish population called Kurdistan Province, where the Kurdish language is taught, children can attend Kurdish schools, and Kurdish-language media operate. All of this was unimaginable during the monarchy. However, as the saying goes, “Eating whets the appetite.” Over time, the Kurds sought more privileges; this contradicted the logic of the Iranian authorities – they feared that the more compromises they made, the greater the demands of the Kurds would become. Moreover, this could trigger a ‘domino effect’ that could resonate with other ethnic groups.

Tensions between Kurdish movements and the central government could serve as another tool for Western powers in their multifaceted pressure strategy. In this context, the ethnic-political conflict, in which Kurds play a significant role, may become part of a “divide and conquer” policy – one of the West’s traditional and most successful tools.

The Kurdish factor undoubtedly carries additional symbolic and political weight. The autonomous institutions in Iraqi Kurdistan and the successful ‘institutionalization’ of Kurdish identity in neighboring Iraq set a precedent that many Iranian Kurds view as a potential blueprint for their future. This fuels separatist sentiments in border regions, and, if the central authority weakens, there is a good chance that these sentiments could become more organized.

A potential scenario involving limited strikes aimed at triggering internal turbulence in Iran implies synchronization between external pressure and internal tensions. In this context, the Kurdish factor emerges as a crucial element in the West’s multilayered strategy of exerting pressure on Tehran. While external military action may serve as a trigger, the main escalation will likely occur within Iran’s domestic political landscape.

(RT)


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In statements to Prensa Latina, Santiago, spokesperson for the United Left (IU) in the Congress of Deputies, stressed that this is the first resolution approved by Spanish institutions to reject the executive order of the US president, Donald Trump, to sharpen the suffocation of the Cuban people.

With the impetus of the Sumar movement, led by Izquierda Unida, and the support of EH Bildu, ERC, Podemos and Coalición Canaria, a proposal was adopted without law, amended by the socialists of the PSOE (majority force in the government).

It was Enrique Santiago who pushed the idea, arguing that these restrictions could lead in a few weeks to the “collapse” of critical infrastructure on the island, including hospitals, electricity system and transportation.

We hope that this will encourage other institutions, starting with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, to make a clear statement in defense of Cuba against the brutal aggression it is suffering from the US, noted the legislator.

He also emphasized the need for the initiative to serve as an incentive for cooperation and solidarity, both in the official spheres of Spain and throughout society, “to help send to Cuba all the materials, goods and energy products that the island currently requires.”

Also general secretary of the Communist Party of Spain (PCE), Santiago was thinking about the importance of collaborating with the Caribbean Island to get ahead in front of “the brutal blockade that aims to turn Cuba into a US colony or an associated state, as has already happened with Puerto Rico”.

He told Prensa Latina that this initiative to reject the executive order of Trump has been made possible thanks to a great agreement between left-wing and democratic forces that support international law and especially the sovereignty of peoples, the principle of non-interference and non-use of force in international relations.

The adopted text, which was rejected by the conservative People’s Party (PP), Junts for Catalonia (right) and the far-right Vox, calls on the government to demand in all forums the end of Trump’s “coercive measures” against Cuba.

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An official statement noted that the head of the Executive talked about restoring security, strengthening institutions, and organizing elections in his dialogue with Anthony, one of the driving forces behind the regional body, gathered in Saint Kitts and Nevis until February 27.

The Prime Minister’s office added that Fils-Aime detailed the efforts already undertaken in Haiti to hold democratic elections in his meeting with Anthony, which took place alongside the summit that began on Tuesday and focuses on cooperation, sustainable development, security, and regional integration.

The head of government, accompanied by his special aides, Guerly Leriche and Raina Forbin, assured that seven of the country’s ten departments, along with several western municipalities such as Artibonite and the Central Plateau, already have sufficient security conditions for holding elections.

He underscored that security forces are also mobilized for the gradual recovery of areas still under gang control, whose violations are keeping the country on edge.

Other objectives of government forces include consolidating the territories already recovered, supporting the return of displaced families, and the rapid reopening of strategic highways connecting the North and South, the statement added.

The issues addressed during Fils-Aime’s talks with Anthony included the preservation of the Toussaint Louverture International Airport, a strategic infrastructure essential for air transport, economic recovery, and the gradual normalization of national activities.

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By Becca Renk – Feb 23, 2026

Following decades of war, entrenched poverty and gang violence, Nicaraguans are now “breathing peace” in their barriosand around the country.

‘The bullets were flying’
‘I thought they were going to kill us. The bullets were flying past our house, and I was so afraid a stray one would hit us,’ Socorro tells me. She’s recounting a gang fight that took place more than a decade ago right outside the walls of mismatched metal sheeting that surround her garden near Managua.

‘My granddaughter was small at the time, I ran with her and hid behind a barrel, thinking it was full and that the water would help protect us. But the joke was on me, the barrel was empty!’ Socorro laughs. We’re sitting on her stoop and she’s telling that her neighbourhood in Ciudad Sandino, once infamous for violent gang reprisals, has settled into a calm that has now lasted for years.

Rodolfo, who lives in the same neighbourhood, says the barriowas violent from its beginnings. It emerged after thousands of people who had lost their homes in Managua during Hurricane Mitch in 1998 were moved out to a cow pasture by the neoliberal government of the time.

‘The problems followed people when they were moved here,’ he says. ‘Those who came from one place always had problems with those who came from another.’

For decades there were active gangs in the community. During a time most families’ budgets couldn’t even stretch to cover three meals a day, even a primary school education was out of reach for many, and there were no opportunities for young people. Children were limited to begging in the streets, young women to becoming street vendors, young men day labourers. Faced with these bleak prospects, it is no wonder that some turned to glue sniffing, petty theft and gangs.

‘****Thebarriohad to change****‘
This situation left young men in poor communities like Socorro and Rodolfo’s stuck in a cycle of retaliation killings that held the people of the neighbourhood hostage at night. I remember one woman showing me bullet holes in her front gate, others describing to me how they locked themselves in their homes for days when the fighting got bad.

‘The barriohad to change,’ Rodolfo says, recalling that it has been more than two years since there the last gang activity in the community. I ask him what has happened to the gang members.

‘They’re in jail,’ he says. ‘Some died, and others are in jail.’

Socorro says that her neighbours who were gang members have reformed. ‘Many are still here, but they’ve shaped up,’ she says.

Opportunities for change
Theirs isn’t the only neighbourhood to have been transformed in recent years: these changes are echoed throughout Managua and around the country. What can these changes be attributed to? Over the past 19 years of Nicaragua’s Sandinista government, the state has applied a range of targeted approaches, providing a host of opportunities for Nicaragua’s youth which have been institutionalised to create gradual and lasting societal change.

These opportunities include free education, preschool through university, including technical degrees; free lunch in schools; tidy, well-maintained parks in each neighbourhood; free sports, dance, art and entrepreneurial business programs; streetlights, community policing, regular home visits from social workers and police; and free family-friendly activities organised every weekend.

This feeling of safety at a barriolevel is now widespread around the country. In a recent poll, 82.5% of Nicaraguans report feeling safer today than they did five years ago, with only 3.6% reporting gangs or delinquency as major problems, and only 3.3% reporting being recent victims of robbery or aggression.

Remarkably, 98.6% of Nicaraguans say they “breathe peace” in their country.

This peace has not come easily. In Nicaragua during the 1970s, there was a popular uprising to overthrow the cruel Somoza dictatorship. By the time the Sandinista Popular Revolution finally won, 50,000 Nicaraguans had been killed.

In the 1980s, the US organised, armed, trained and funded Nicaraguan Contras to attack the “soft targets” of the Sandinista Revolution, including teachers, health care workers and farm families. That conflict left another 50,000 Nicaraguans dead. More recently, in 2018, the US led and funded a violent coup attempt which ultimately failed, but left 270 people dead and dealt a huge blow to the economy of the country.

Following each conflict, Nicaraguans have granted amnesty to the aggressors, a more difficult decision than choosing punitive measures. But Nicaragua believes in rehabilitation, and values peace. Here, it is understood that peace is not granted, but must be built through continual hard work.

Nicaragua Continues ICJ Case Against Germany for Gaza Genocide

Honouring Peace and Reconciliation
That work is ongoing: on 2 February, Nicaragua celebrated its newest national holiday, the Day of Peace and Reconciliation in honour of Cardinal Miguel Obando y Bravo.

Over several decades, Cardinal Obando y Bravo served as an intermediary to help resolve conflicts. In the 1970s, he negotiated between the Sandinista National Liberation Front and the Somoza government. And in the 1980s, he helped broker peace to end the Contra war. Following the Sandinistas return to power in 2007, the Cardinal accepted President Daniel Ortega’s request to preside over the national Peace and Reconciliation Commission.

On 9 February, the 100th anniversary of Obando y Bravo’s birth, Nicaragua conferred the honour of the Medal of Reconciliation and Peace “Cardinal Miguel Obando y Bravo” on Jaime Morales and his wife Amparo. In the 1980s, Morales was a Contra leader, one of the intellectual “faces” of the Contra in the US, ‘not firing bullets, but thinking,’ as Co-President Ortega said in his speech.

Morales represented the Contra during the peace talks, and in 2006, when he was running for President, Daniel Ortega invited Morales to be the Vice-Presidential candidate on the Sandinista Alliance ticket. Morales accepted, and two Contra political parties joined the Alliance. Following their electoral win, Ortega and Morales worked together to form the Government of National Unity and Reconciliation, a government led by the Alliance which, 19 years later, continues to focus on national reconciliation.

‘So today is a good day for our Nicaragua,’ said Co-President Rosario Murillo during the ceremony.  ‘We have made a conscious choice to reconcile. We have chosen unity, peace, brother and sisterhood. Peace is love, and love is stronger than hate.’

Youth with a conscience
With a national leadership that exemplifies the values of peace and reconciliation, perhaps it should not be surprising that the gangs in Socorro and Rodolfo’s neighbourhood have been able to overcome years of violent conflicts.

‘Things have changed,’ Socorro says as one of the new Chinese buses drives past the park in front of her house and turns down the paved road. ‘I was a street vendor like my mom, I never learned to read or write. I tell my grandkids that they need to take advantage of school and all the opportunities they have today.’

Co-President Ortega has recognised the values of the youth of Nicaragua, who are no longer growing up in gangs.

‘You are not a Youth of empty words. No! You are Youth with a Conscience, with a Heart and who work for the benefit of the People,’ he told the young people gathered for the ceremony to confer the Medal of Reconciliation and Peace.

‘You are an example, an example of Conscience, you are an example of Solidarity, you are an example of Love for the People, you are an example of selflessness,’ he said. ‘You are worthy children of the Heroes and Martyrs.’

(Sovereign)


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In a message broadcast through its official account on social network X, the Cuban Foreign Ministry reaffirmed its determination to continue strengthening the historic ties of brotherhood, solidarity and cooperation between our two peoples.

On February 26, 1976, Spain abandoned the Sahara and on February 27, 1976, the Polisario Front proclaimed the SADR, recognized in November 1984 by most of the countries of the then Organization for African Unity, today the African Union, an organization of which it is a full member.

Cuba and SADR established diplomatic ties in the 1980s, when embassies were opened in both territories, but there was an exchange at a political level between the leadership of the Communist Party of Cuba and members of the Polisario Front.

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Education Minister Camilo Santana announced the initiative during a visit this Thursday to the indigenous community of Sahu-Ape in the Amazonas state, where he presented it as part of the Education, Science, and Technology pillar of the New Growth Acceleration Program (PAC).

The works aim to address a long-standing demand from indigenous peoples for adequate school infrastructure in their territories, with spaces that respect their cultural identity, ways of life, and territorial organization.

Santana acknowledged the logistical challenges of implementing projects in the Amazon rainforest’s remote regions, but reaffirmed the commitment of the Executive, led by President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, to strengthen education throughout the country as a tool for reducing inequality.

These 117 centers will guarantee all conditions of a dignified and quality school, affirmed the minister, who underscored that Brazil has a debt to its indigenous peoples and education is fundamental to boosting opportunities and social justice.

The states benefiting from the investment are Amazonas, with 27 schools, Roraima (23), Amapa (17), Maranhao (11), Mato Grosso (eight), Para (seven), Mato Grosso do Sul (six), Bahia (four), Tocantins (three), Acre (two), Ceara (two), Alagoas (one), Pernambuco (one), and Rio Grande do Sul (one).

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The independence movement was led by Juan Pablo Duarte, founder of La Trinitaria, a secret society created by a group of young patriots with the objective of organizing the fight against the Haitian occupation that began in 1822.

The historic night was held at the Puerta del Conde in Santo Domingo, where Matias Ramon Mella (one of the Founding Fathers) fired a shot into the air that formally marked the beginning of independence.

This symbolic act confirmed the patriots’ determination and gave way to the birth of the Dominican Republic as a sovereign nation.

Since then, the “trabucazo” has become one of the most emblematic moments in national history.

Every year, the country commemorates this date with official ceremonies led by the President of the Republic, floral offerings at the Altar of the Fatherland, military and student parades, and cultural activities that highlight the historical significance of the event.

Nearly two centuries after that event, February 27th remains one of the most significant dates on the national calendar.

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In a message posted on the social media platform X, the Iranian Foreign Minister stressed that “both countries should address current issues within the framework of good neighborliness and dialogue during the holy month of Ramadan.”

Araqchi reaffirmed that the Islamic Republic maintains an approach based on resolving disputes through diplomatic channels and expressed Tehran’s readiness to provide all kinds of support to help resolve the disputes between Kabul and Islamabad and strengthen bilateral cooperation.

The Iranian Foreign Minister’s statements come amid escalating tensions on the Afghan-Pakistani border.

The day before, the Afghan government announced the launch of large-scale operations against Pakistani military positions along the shared border, in response to attacks carried out days earlier by Pakistani forces.

Last Sunday, Islamabad reported the bombing of seven sites it described as “terrorist camps” in border territory with Afghanistan, following a series of recent attacks on its territory.

In this context, Afghanistan delivered a note of protest to the Pakistani ambassador in Kabul and stated that it would respond “appropriately and thoughtfully” when it deemed the time appropriate.

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Congolese Finance Minister Doudou Fwamba Likunde Li-Botayi signed the agreement, which will allocate these financial resources to the Ngandajika Agro-Industrial Park Connectivity Strengthening Project, Actualité.CD reported.

The project aims to improve the Lukalaba-Ngandajika and Nkuadi-Ngandajika-Park roads to sustainably open up the area, reduce transportation costs, facilitate trade, and create jobs, especially for young people and women.

Connectivity is considered key to the success of investments already made in governance and value chain development.

The minister stated that this is also crucial for the sustainable development of Congolese agricultural potential and the effective integration of producers into local and regional markets.

The DRC government aims to broaden the national economic base, and the agricultural sector is a strategic lever for this purpose and for food security.

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The day began with a massive protest around the Obelisk, a central landmark in Buenos Aires, starting at 7:00 a.m. local time.

The protest, organized through social media, was met with repression by units of the Buenos Aires City Police.

More demonstrations are expected throughout the day.

The administration of Javier Milei hopes to pass two ambitious laws in the Senate—the labor reform and the Juvenile Criminal Justice System—before the president inaugurates the new legislative session on Sunday with a speech at the National Congress.

This is intended to demonstrate, primarily to the United States and the IMF, that Argentina enjoys the stability necessary to implement its policies.

The Senate thus concludes the extraordinary sessions convened by the Casa Rosada (the presidential palace) with the support of its legislative leaders and allies.

A tense and protracted deliberation is predicted, potentially lasting until the early hours of Saturday.

The debate is scheduled to begin at noon, and it is anticipated that the ruling party and its allies will secure passage of the labor reform bill, as well as the new juvenile criminal justice system.

The Senate already approved the labor reform bill three weeks ago with 42 votes in favor and 30 against, but during the debate in the Chamber of Deputies, legislators introduced modifications, requiring it to return to the Senate.

Regarding the Juvenile Criminal Justice System, the Chamber of Deputies approved it two weeks ago with 149 votes in favor and 100 against.

On Thursday, the executive branch secured Senate approval of the Mercosur-European Union trade agreement with a wide majority of 69 votes in favor and three against.

Then, it secured preliminary approval for the reform to the Law of Minimum Budgets for the Protection of Glaciers and the Periglacial Environment, which still needs to be debated in the Chamber of Deputies.

The General Confederation of Labor (CGT) called for a large demonstration on Monday at the Comodoro Py courthouse, where it will file an injunction against the new Labor Law, which it sees as regressive and curtailing workers’ rights.

Regarding the legal treatment of young people, the proposed system lowers the age of criminal responsibility from 16 to 14, which has generated rejection.

Legal experts agree that this will not solve the problem of juvenile delinquency, which, they argue, can be achieved through socio-economic improvement for adolescents.

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Gokhool stated that Cuba can count, as it has until now, on Mauritius’s support against the sanctions.

Perez Mesa updated the president on the situation arising from the executive order issued by US President Donald Trump to tighten the economic, commercial, and financial siege of more than six decades, with an attempt to block fuel supplies.

The ambassador also expressed her confidence that Port Louis will join the international condemnation of these kinds of actions, which violate International Law and the United Nations Charter and are a threat to all sovereign countries.

During the ceremony, Gokhool and Perez Mesa discussed potential areas of cooperation and joint initiatives, as well as their shared desire to strengthen relations, particularly in the context of this year’s 50th anniversary of bilateral ties.

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Condemning the armed incursion that occurred on the morning of February 25 by a speedboat, registered in Florida, the United States, with registration number FL7726SH, in Cuban territorial waters, LaBash, who is also the co-president of the National Network on Cuba (NNOC), recalled the long history of terrorist actions organized and financed from US territory for decades.

She said, “I encourage everyone traveling to Cuba to visit the Memorial of the Denunciation in Havana to learn how much the Cuban people have suffered from these aggressions, including speedboats with armed individuals that attacked beaches and tourist areas.”

The activist recalled that the 1990s witnessed a series of terrorist attacks in Cuba, perpetrated by counterrevolutionary groups.

One of these violent acts killed a young Italian man, named Fabio di Celmo, in 1997 when a bomb exploded at a hotel in the Cuban capital.

LaBash revealed that, nevertheless, “United States forces have murdered more than 100 Caribbean people in small boats, even killing any survivors.”

She also referred to the executive order issued by President Donald Trump on January 29, which she considered “an open declaration of war against the Cuban people.”

LaBash stated that with this coercive measure, “they are going to impose a collective punishment on the Cuban people, trying to force them to rebel against their government and the socialist programs that have meant so much, not only for Cuba but for the rest of the world.”

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The Ministry affirmed in a statement that these actions are not isolated incidents; “they are part of the illegal machinery of the Israeli occupation and its system based on subjugation, repression, and the denial of the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination.”

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates welcomed a recent report issued by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on the situation in Palestine, including East Jerusalem.

The diplomatic institution noted that the document provides comprehensively, legally, and professionally the scope of the crimes and serious violations committed against the Palestinian people.

It highlighted the report’s conclusions regarding strong evidence of war crimes and crimes against humanity.

The Ministry denounced “the ongoing aggressions against civilians without discrimination, the widespread destruction of homes, forced displacement, and strikes on hospitals, schools, and other facilities.”

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This article originally appeared in the February 25, 2026 edition of Des Informémonos.

Two Haitian girls died inside the “Casa Pato” Migrant Transit Assistance Center, operated by the Oaxaca State DIF in San Raymundo Jalpan, after falling into a septic tank that, according to preliminary reports, was without a protective cover.

According to authorities, the girls were temporarily staying with their mother at the migrant shelter, where they were reported missing and their bodies were later found in the building’s septic tank.

“The loss of their lives in institutional custody cannot be reduced to a preliminary version or an isolated event: it must be investigated with due diligence, a child perspective, a human mobility approach and human rights, exhausting all lines of responsibility, including omissions and structural failures,” the organization Consorcio Oaxaca stated.

The feminist organization demanded punishment for those responsible “both by action and by negligence” and reiterated that the State has the obligation to protect children and migrants under its care.

Finally, Consorcio Oaxaca also reiterated the urgent need to guarantee effective measures to prevent recurrence, including a thorough review of security conditions in institutional shelters, as well as the implementation of independent oversight, clear protection protocols, and accountability mechanisms.

The deaths of the two minors occurred weeks after workers from the same institution reported psychological abuse and labor exploitation against children under the custody of the DIF (National System for Integral Family Development).

The full statement follows:

We demand justice for the deaths of the two Haitian girls inside the “Casa Pato” Migrant Transit Center, operated by the Oaxaca State DIF (System for Integral Family Development) in San Raymundo Jalpan. Their deaths while in institutional custody cannot be dismissed as a preliminary report or an isolated incident: it must be investigated with due diligence, a child-centered perspective, a human mobility approach, and a human rights perspective, exhausting all lines of responsibility, including omissions and structural failures.

We demand punishment for those responsible, whether through action or negligence. The State has a heightened obligation to protect children and migrants under its care.

We reiterate the urgency of ensuring effective measures to prevent recurrence: a thorough review of security conditions in institutional shelters, independent supervision, clear protection protocols, and accountability mechanisms.

The lives and dignity of migrant girls cannot be trapped in impunity!

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Muselli, director of the Primary Health Care Network in the western department of Colonia, stated that the Caribbean island “does not threaten any country” and, on the contrary, spreads solidarity throughout the world.

The Uruguayan doctor mentioned that he graduated in 2011 from the Latin American School of Medicine, “where many young Latin Americans became doctors thanks to Cuban solidarity.”

Far from being a threat, he insisted, the Caribbean island “is a nation of solidarity that has always helped Latin American countries and other parts of the world when they needed it most.”

He said that at a time when the Caribbean nation is in danger, he issued his message to emphasize that “we will do everything possible to help them and they should know that Cuba is not alone.”

Dr. Muselli’s statements join those of other Uruguayans, politicians, legislators, and citizens who, through social media, news outlets, and public letters, are joining the movement in support of the island besieged by the US blockade.

Among the actions of this citizen movement and political and social organizations is a caravan called for February 28, “For Peace and against the imperialist blockade. Solidarity with Cuba.”

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Pakistani sources stated that Islamabad again attacked the Afghan territory in an operation that, according to these sources, resulted in the deaths of 36 members of the neighboring nation’s security forces.

Both countries are exchanging accusations regarding responsibility for the start of the hostilities.

The Pakistani army noted that it continues firing using small arms, heavy weapons, and drones to target Afghan positions across the border, and it has captured five border posts.

Zabihullah Mujahid, the chief spokesman for the Afghan government, confirmed that Pakistani forces bombed areas of Kabul, Kandahar, and Paktia, but said there were no casualties.

Given the continued clashes on Friday, the governments of nations such as China, Russia, and Iran, as well as United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, urged both sides to de-escalate and resolve the issues through dialogue.

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A report specifies that these are 10 individuals, whose names are listed, with serious criminal records, linked in Florida to violent groups that incite a military invasion against Cuba and promote terrorism, and even against other countries in the region.

In a statement, the URCA rejects the media narrative disseminated from Miami that these were ordinary people going to look for their relatives, when the facts show the contrary, it maintains.

“Any incursion into the airspace and territorial waters of a country is considered a violation of the sovereignty of the nation in question. If the incursion is carried out with weapons and explosives on the ship or aircraft used, it is a crime classified as terrorism,” the group emphasizes.

“If, upon being detected by the authorities of the violated territory, firearms or explosives are used, it constitutes armed aggression. The transfer of people from one country to another, circumventing the mechanisms and laws established by each country, constitutes the crime of human trafficking,” the statement continues.

In light of the above, the URCA “expressly rejects the violation of our homeland’s territorial waters by an armed group from the anti-Cuban mafia of the extreme right wing in Miami.”

Likewise, we repudiate all the lies being spread on social media and other platforms. “These fabricated arguments seek to create justifications for a military attack on Cuba,” the group warns.

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This article by Alexia Villaseñor and Jared Laureles originally appeared in the February 27, 2026 edition of La Jornada, Mexico’s premier left wing daily newspaper.

After the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) declared itself unable to form the “Truth Commission for the Iguala Case”, ordered by a collegiate court, the parents of the 43 Ayotzinapa students who disappeared more than 11 years ago criticized the national body, saying that “it is not on the side of the victims”.

Isidoro Vicario, the families’ lawyer, emphasized that the relevance of this truth commission – which stems from a ruling by a collegiate court in Reynosa, Tamaulipas – lies in the fact that it recognizes the parents of Ayotzinapa as victims and establishes that those who carry out the investigations are independent experts from the Attorney General’s Office (FGR).

This represents a new opportunity, since currently the Commission for Truth and Access to Justice (COVAJ and the Special Prosecutor’s Office for the Ayotzinapa case – established by presidential decree – “are not producing results,” they accused.

During a rally held at the Hemiciclo a Juárez, after marching from the Angel of Independence, María de Jesús Tlatempa, mother of José Eduardo Bartolo, insisted that the Army hand over the 800 files it has in its possession because they contain – she considered – relevant information to find the whereabouts of the disappeared.

In an interview, Vicario explained that the commission ordered by the collegiate court would have to be made up of a representative of the FGR; the head of the CNDH; and two parents of the students.

She indicated that since 2018, various entities “have opposed” complying with the sentence issued that year, including the FGR, which argued that the federal judge “overstepped his bounds”.

The CNDH indicated the impossibility of forming it, among other things because, it reported, a new complaint file is currently in the process of being concluded due to the dissatisfaction of the relatives of the disappeared students and surviving normal school students regarding the content of Recommendation 15VG/2018.

The parents stated that, to date, they have not received any further information about the investigations nor have they been notified when they will meet again with President Claudia Sheinbaum. Their last meeting was on November 27, 2025.

In Chilpancingo, residents allege neglect by authorities.

Students from the Ayotzinapa Normal School and the Lupita Rodríguez Collective held a rally yesterday at the anti-monument to the 43, in Chilpancingo, Guerrero, to demand justice and the safe return of their 43 classmates who disappeared in Iguala in 2014, and who have now been missing for 137 months.

One of the speakers pointed out that when rulers want to come to power, “they use the most marginalized population and take advantage of them, but then they forget about the population, as did former President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who championed the movement of the 43.”

He recalled that “a few days ago, the government captured a major criminal leader and we ask ourselves: how is it possible that if they were able to find his whereabouts and capture him, they cannot find our 43 companions?”

They emphasized that their movement is not driven by partisan ideologies, but by the demand for justice: “We are neither left nor right, we are the people at the bottom, and we are going after those at the top.” They warned that they will maintain monthly mobilizations until they obtain clear answers and substantial progress in the Ayotzinapa case.

(With information from S. Ocampo Arista, correspondent, Chilpancingo, Guerrero.)

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The Minister of Production, Foreign Trade, and Investment, Luis Alberto Jaramillo, stated that Colombia’s measure to prohibit the entry of 30 Ecuadorian food products across the land border has severely affected exporters of rice, bananas, avocados, potatoes, and seafood.

“This has affected us significantly. There should have been communication, at least, to allow time for a response and prevent the products from being held up at the border,” the Minister said in an interview with Ecuavisa television, where he confirmed the end of the talks.

Although Ecuador’s Foreign Minister, Gabriela Sommerfeld, stated this week that bilateral dialogue was ongoing, the government of President Daniel Noboa announced an increase in tariffs on Colombian imports from 30 to 50%.

The Minister admitted that approximately one-third of Ecuadorian exports will be affected, although he maintained that, in the case of imports, the situation could open opportunities to reduce the trade deficit in the medium term by seeking alternative suppliers.

So far, Colombia has not announced an official response to the new tariff increase, although complaints have been filed with the Andean Community.

The Ecuadorian government’s decision prompted a critical statement from Guayaquil Chamber of Commerce, which warned of negative impacts on formal trade, employment, and consumption, as well as a possible incentive for smuggling and the informal economy.

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This article by Patricia Gutiérrez Rodríguez was originally published on February 27th, 2026 at La Jornada de Oriente, the Puebla edition of La Jornada, Mexico’s premier left wing daily newspaper.

Puebla, Puebla. The delegate of the Mexican Alliance of Transport Organizations AC (AMOTAC) in Puebla, Andy Rossini Martínez, stated that companies such as Kimberly-Clark, Pepsi and Truper are trying to pass on to the trucking industry the losses generated by the drug blockades of last Sunday with penalties for not delivering the merchandise on time and charges for stolen cargo.

In an interview with La Jornada de Oriente, he asserted that these practices have become “intolerable” for the profession and announced that the organization is preparing nationwide actions to demand security and fair treatment.

He explained that several companies penalize carriers by refusing to pay for full trips or by demanding that they absorb the total cost of the cargo when the units are stolen or stranded due to blockades by organized crime.

He explained that although the amounts vary, there are companies that stop paying for trips of 10,000 pesos and others that intend to charge 1,000 pesos for each hour of delay, even when the delay is due to acts of violence on the highways.

“These days, companies want us to pay for the freight; they even want us to pay them just for working with them,” Rossini Martínez complained. He added that sometimes these companies take advantage of the situation to withhold outstanding payments for transportation services provided on credit.

Where others see violence, corporate monopolies see opportunities.

He noted that the sector continues to operate at a loss following the pandemic and now faces a new blow due to insecurity. In addition to losses from robberies, vehicle fires, and damaged cargo, there are unpaid trips and attempts to impose penalties for not delivering merchandise “on time and in the correct manner.”

According to the Amotac delegate in Puebla, the companies are trying to “take advantage of the situation” and are unaware of the real impact of the attacks on the costs and income of the operators.

The organization documented the case of a transporter based on the border between Puebla and Tlaxcala, whose unit was stolen, recovered, stolen a second time and finally set on fire in the recent acts of violence.

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This article by Miguel Ángel Ensástigue originally appeared in the February 27, 2026 edition of El Sol de México.

After eight years of trying to get its finances in order, TV Azteca, owned by Mexican businessman Ricardo Salinas Pliego, will file for voluntary bankruptcy as part of a strategy to reorganize its liabilities and strengthen its financial position.

The company announced in a statement that the decision was approved at its extraordinary general meeting of shareholders and that the application will be submitted in the coming days, with the aim of carrying out a corporate , operational and financial reorganization , both of the company and its subsidiaries.

The statement explained that in recent years he has faced adverse situations such as the evolution of the advertising market and the emergence of the digital ecosystem, in addition to financial pressures derived from the disbursement of more than 3.8 billion pesos for the payment of licenses in 2018 ; also the impact of the pandemic on advertising investment and recently, the total settlement of its tax obligations before the Tax Administration Service (SAT).

José Tamez Villarreal, general director of the firm Global Legal Services ( GLS ), explained to El Sol de México that when a company requests voluntary bankruptcy proceedings, it is acknowledging its insolvency, and therefore requires court protection to stop debt collection and renegotiate its obligations.

“These measures act as a legal shield that allows the company to operate without the constant threat of seizures or service interruptions. Under the judge’s supervision, payment of obligations that were due before the date of admission is prohibited.”

He indicated that “this respite” is fundamental to ensuring the operational continuity of TV Azteca, that is, that it keeps its signals on the air and complies with the payment of payroll and critical suppliers, “which is of vital importance given the public service nature of broadcasting concessions.”

Guadalupe Hinojosa, an expert in bankruptcy proceedings, added that if insolvency is proven, bankruptcy proceedings are initiated and the conciliation phase begins, where debt reductions or restructurings are negotiated. Only if an agreement is not reached can the process lead to bankruptcy and the orderly liquidation of assets.

Hinojosa commented that during the bankruptcy proceedings the company operates under judicial supervision and with clear restrictions to protect the bankruptcy estate, which implies limits on the disposal of assets and greater oversight of its management.

According to Tamez Villarreal, the possibility that another company or group of investors might decide to “save TV Azteca” is one of the most complex dynamics of Mexican bankruptcy law.

“This intervention can manifest itself through various figures, with the ‘White Knight’ being the most emblematic. A White Knight is a friendly investor who, faced with the threat of a hostile takeover or imminent liquidation, offers an acquisition proposal or capital injection that is more favorable to the current management and employees of the bankrupt company.”

Since 2023, the television network has faced an international lawsuit with investment funds in the United States for the non-payment of bonds amounting to almost $63.3 million.

This group of creditors, made up of Plenisfer Investments SICAV-Destination Value Total Return, from Luxembourg; the US-based Cyrus Opportunities Master Fund II Ltd and Sandpiper Limited, from Grand Cayman, also asked the company to declare bankruptcy under Chapter 11 of the United States.

Furthermore, in January of this year, the Grupo Salinas conglomerate reached an agreement with the SAT to cover tax debts totaling 32 billion 132 million 897 thousand 658 pesos , after more than two decades of litigation.

In a separate statement, Rafael Rodríguez Sánchez, CEO of TV Azteca, affirmed that the bankruptcy proceedings will allow the company to organize its liabilities without affecting its operations.

According to the executive, this is a last resort tool that seeks to preserve the company’s value, ensure the continuity of its operations, and facilitate the orderly fulfillment of its obligations without interrupting its functioning.

Rodríguez Sánchez added that the company will continue to operate normally and that this measure is part of a strategic decision to strengthen its financial stability.

“Today we are taking a strategic step to strengthen our financial stability and ensure the continuity of operations . This legal recourse allows us to comprehensively restructure the company’s liabilities under judicial supervision, strengthen our financial structure, and preserve operations and assets,” he stated.

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