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And May Day in U.S. was supplanted by Law Day ("to celebrate the rule of law") but it didn't take off because it wasn't a public holiday.
Ya can't make this up any better.
As a US-ian I can tell you this propaganda works. I grew up not knowing shit about May Day (that's like flowers in a basket, right?) or Labor Day and I routinely confused Labor Day and Veterans Day. This coming from a solidly LIB-slash-Non-Political household of teacher parents.
At 9.40 am on Tuesday 26 August 1913 Dublin tram car men (drivers) and conductors pinned the Red Hand badge of the Irish Transport and General Workers‚ Union to their lapels and abandoned their vehicles. Within forty minutes most of the trams were moving again. The Dublin United Tramway Company chairman William Martin Murphy had contingency plans in place to use inspectors and office staff (many of them former car men) to replace the strikers. Trams would still not venture out at night, for fear of stoning, and crews would often carry revolvers for protection, but within a few days daytime services would operate relatively normally.
The dramatic opening of the 1913 dispute was a demonstration of weakness rather than strength. Normally tram strikes begin at daybreak with mass pickets to prevent vehicles leaving the depots. But on 26 August 1913, ITGWU leader Jim Larkin knew he could rely on less than 200 of the 800 DUTC employees. Another 200 Transport Union members had already been sacked by the company and the rest of the workforce frightened into submission. What followed was unbridled class war, only mediated by a distant British government distracted by domestic problems and the home rule crisis.
After outbreaks of violence between striking workers and strike-breakers occurred, James Connolly, Larkin and ex-British Army Captain Jack White formed a worker's militia, the Irish Citizen Army, to protect workers' demonstrations.
The lock-out concluded in early 1914, when the Trades Union Congress (TUC) in Britain rejected Larkin and Connolly's request for a sympathetic strike. Most workers, many of whom were on the brink of starvation, went back to work and signed pledges not to join the ITGWU, which was further weakened when Larkin fled to the United States and James Connolly was executed following the 1916 Easter Rising.
In retrospect the lockout represents the coming of age of the Irish trade union movement. Perversely, the aid from Britain and the well meaning but ineffectual interventions of the TUC in the dispute made the younger generation of Irish trade union leaders all the more determined to assert their independence. During the lockout people ranging from female suffrage campaigners to Catholic curates began to question in fundamental ways what sort of society home rule Ireland would be. Issues as relevant today as then, such as children’s rights and the effects of the internationalisation of capital (globalisation) were hotly debated. The lockout was the first major urban conflict to impinge itself on the national consciousness. Ironically the next great urban event was the Easter Rising and the lockout was relegated to the role of curtain raiser to the national struggle.
The Dublin 1913 Lockout - History of Ireland 
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On this day in 1921, the first skirmishes of the Battle of Blair Mountain took place. Involving more than 10,000 armed workers battling with state and strikebreaking forces, it was the largest post-Civil War uprising and the largest labor uprising in U.S. history.
The conflict occurred in Logan County, West Virginia as part of the "Coal Wars", a series of early 20th-century labor disputes in Appalachia.
The rise of the UMWA in West Virginia
West Virginia—which seceded from Virginia in 1861 to remain in the Union—can be credited for developing much of American capitalist industry. In the years after the Civil War, land was seized up in great swaths by American capitalists. By the turn of the century, over 80% of the mining operations in the Southern counties of West Virginia were owned by absentee landowners.
Capitalist mining ripped up West Virginia, chewed up its rolling hills, spat out black dust, and made great fortunes. Nothing stood in its way. But the concentration of capitalist coal production created more than just cheap coal to fuel the factories in the industrial North. The booming coal industry also created the great mining proletariat in Colorado, across the Midwest, and into Kentucky, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia.
In 1890, an organization of workers was finally created to confront the coal kings: the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA). Notably, the early UMWA emphasized class solidarity and wrote in its founding constitution that “no local union or assembly is justified in discriminating against any person in securing or retaining work because of their African descent.”
The First Mine War
The 1902 strike was a partial victory for the Kanawha miners. But in 1912, unionized mines in the Midwest had won the 8-hour day, a pay increase, the right to free speech, and other concessions.
A strike broke out in April 1912, demanding union recognition and a two-and-a-half-cent raise. In May, the bosses along Paint Creek brought in Baldwin-Felts agents and began evicting families from company-owned homes. Evicted strikers and their families created a massive tent colony nearby and were soon ambushed by the bosses’ thugs with a hail of gunfire. At the end of May, a contingent of miners attacked Baldwin-Felts strikebreakers in Mucklow. This was the beginning of what would be a sanguinary war between capital and labor for over a year.
From May 1912 to March 1913, the miners on Paint and Cabin Creeks fought tooth and nail, utilizing hit-and-run tactics against armed mine guards, sniping trains full of scabs, and miners’ wives even ripped up train tracks in the middle of the night. Striking miners wore red neckerchieves around their necks or arms as a symbol of solidarity, and strikebreakers began to call strikers “rednecks” for short. Between September 1, 1912, and February 10, 1913, the state-imposed martial law three times.
All the miners’ leaders were arrested, including Mother Jones. The coal bosses were thrilled that the strike was on the verge of collapse. But a historical accident came to the miners’ rescue: Governor Glasscock’s term was up, and the newly elected Henry D. Hatfield took office.
The “Hatfield Contract” was not a complete victory but did impose union recognition on the Paint and Cabin Creek mine operators. Cabin Creek miners led by John Keeney refused the settlement and continued to fight until the end of July when the bosses finally agreed to their terms. Frank Keeney, the leader of the Cabin Creek strike, was elected president, and Fred Mooney became secretary-treasurer.
This struggle was a great spur for the American labor movement and inspired Ralph Chaplin’s well-known song, Solidarity Forever. Rank-and-file workers showed that militant tactics and class solidarity across racial lines are the only way to victory.
The Redneck War & the Battle of Blair Mountain
In April 1917, the US entered World War I. To fuel the war effort, West Virginia coal production reached 90 million tons and profits increased by 500%. In response, wildcat strikes broke out throughout the West Virginia coalfields, and tens of thousands joined the UMWA. To stop the rising strike wave, the bosses volunteered to make favorable deals with the UMWA.
Immediately after the war, the world descended into economic depression. Inspired by the Russian Revolution, workers across North America began a struggle to maintain the advances made by the labor movement during the war. This resulted in a massive explosion of class struggle and labor militancy in 1919. Over 4.2 million workers came out on strike that fateful year. However, despite their heroic efforts, these struggles all went down in defeat due to the lack of revolutionary leadership.
The mood of radicalization was reflected at the UMWA’s 1919 national convention, which expressed growing support for the nationalization of the coal industry. The Wall Street Journal wrote worryingly: “Lenin and Trotsky are on their way.” In the fall, a massive nationwide miners’ strike for higher wages shook the country. Despite draconian repression by the federal government, the UMWA secured a compromise victory and a 14% wage increase.
The “Battle of Matewan” was a significant turning point. Sid Hatfield was declared a hero by the UMWA, and the defeat of the Baldwin-Felts agents was an enormous impetus to the unionization drive. Although the local government was by no means a workers’ government, smaller towns can be more susceptible to working-class pressure than the state and federal government under certain conditions.
The Battle
On September 1, as the battle raged in Logan County on Blair Mountain, Keeney and Mooney—the official leaders of the insurrection—fled the state for Kentucky out of fear for their own lives. This left the miners’ army headless and reliant on Bill Blizzard for leadership. Chafin, desperate to break the miners’ lines, ordered biplanes to drop gas and shrapnel bombs, but this proved insufficient to cow the miners. One defender remarked that “the miners pushed the attack desperately; they had no sense of fear.”
Finally, President Harding sent in the army to quash the rebellion. By September 3, over 21,000 troops had entered and occupied southern West Virginia. The miners, many of them veterans of WWI, refused to fight against the army. That day, Bill Blizzard began a ceasefire, and the miners’ army was slowly disarmed and sent back home. Over one hundred lives had been sacrificed in the struggle, and the miners saw this as their victory. They naively believed that the federal troops would side with them and end Davis’s dictatorship in Mingo County. However, this illusion was short-lived as Harding was convinced by the coal barons that the federal government ought not to get further involved.
Disorganized by their own union leaders, confused by their local leaders’ vacillations, and now disarmed by the federal government, the miners of West Virginia were exposed to a reign of terror by the bosses and the state. Governor Morgan fumed at John L. Lewis: “Your silent encouragement of unlawful acts would indicate that Lenin and Trotsky are not without sincere followers in your organization.”
Over 900 miners were arrested and placed on trial for a plethora of offenses. The leaders of the UMWA, Keeney, Mooney, and Blizzard, among many others, were arrested on the grounds of treason and murder. The strike in Mingo was crushed, and all attempts to resurrect the struggle ended in failure. Lewis eliminated the left-wing of the UMWA and placed District 17 in receivership. Reaction swept through the state, graphically illustrated by the appearance of the Ku Klux Klan in West Virginia for the first time in 1924. The Mine Wars had come to an end.
Towards the next Blair Mountain!
The Battle of Blair Mountain remains one of the most heroic chapters of the American class struggle. From being the most backward segment of the American proletariat, the West Virginia miners became the most militant class fighters, combating not only their bosses and the bourgeois state but also their own union’s conservative bureaucracy. Nobody could demand more heroism, self-sacrifice, or examples of solidarity from these miners and their families.
Battle of Blair Mountain RLR :meow-tankie: :meow-anarchist:
Labor History: 100 Years Since the Battle of Blair Mountain
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On this day in 1970, the largest U.S. farm worker strike in history, known as the "Salad Bowl Strike", began when field workers, organized with César Chávez and the United Farm Workers (UFW), struck, doubling the price of lettuce and costing sellers $500,000 a day.
The UFW had just won the Delano Grape Strike, which had lasted an astonishing five years, winning contracts with dozens of grape growers that were the first of their kind in agricultural history.
The origins of the Salad Bowl Strike lay in a jurisdictional dispute with the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, which had won the right to organize field workers after concluding a successful strike of drivers and packers in the lettuce producing sector in July.
The UFW strongly contested this claim, and, after negotiations broke down, between 5,000-7,000 field workers went on strike. The labor action was not just a strike, but also included mass pickets, boycotts, and secondary boycotts by the participants.
The price of lettuce almost doubled immediately, and the interruption to work cost lettuce growers approximately $500,000 a day. The strike was a bitter dispute which suffered violence and state repression. César Chávez, a leading labor organizer, was jailed after refusing to stop the picketing on court order. On November 4th, 1970 a UFW regional office was bombed.
The strike ended on March 26th, 1971 when the Teamsters and UFW signed a new jurisdictional agreement reaffirming the UFW's right to organize field workers, however jurisdictional disputes between the UFW and Teamsters continued for years afterward. In 1975, the California Agricultural Labor Relations Act (CALRA) became law, establishing the right to collective bargaining for farmworkers in that state, a first in U.S. history.
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The Pressed Steel Car Strike of 1909 was an American labor dispute which ran from July to September in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. The strike was triggered on July 10th, a payday on which many workers were shorted by the Pressed Steel Car Company.
The strike began on July 13th, and grew to include more than 8,000 workers, 3,000 of whom were also from the Standard Steel Car Company. By the next day, 500 cops began working to protect strikebreakers and evict strikers from company houses. The New York Times called the immigrant workforce "savages" and "illiterate foreigners".
Management refused to speak with the workers' representatives and James Rider, manager of the Pressed Steel Car Company, responded to their strike by hiring Pearl Bergoff, a notorious owner of a strike-breaking paramilitary force.
The workers were joined by members of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), including founders William Trautmann and "Big Bill" Haywood, as well as "Smiling Joe" Ettor.
The walkout drew national attention when, on this day in 1909, a bloody battle took place between strikers, private security agents, and the Pennsylvania State Police. The violence began after strikers boarded a trolley to search for scabs and they were confronted by an armed deputy, who opened fire. In the fighting that followed, between 12 and 26 people were killed.
The strike was settled on September 8th when Pressed Steel Car agreed to a wage increase, the posting of wage rates, and ended abuses in company housing practices. This labor dispute would be a precursor to the Great Steel Strike of 1919.
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I'm going to repurpose these as ration cards in the gulag that I'll put this demon in.
The 1892 Homestead strike in Pennsylvania and the ensuing bloody battle instigated by the steel plant's management remain a transformational moment in U.S. history, leaving scars that have never fully healed after five generations.
The skilled workers at the steel mills in Homestead, seven miles southeast of downtown Pittsburgh, were members of the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers who had bargained exceptionally good wages and work rules. Homestead's management, with millionaire Andrew Carnegie as owner, was determined to lower its costs of production by breaking the union.
Carnegie Steel Co. was making massive profits—a record $4.5 million just before the 1892 confrontation, which led Carnegie himself to exclaim, "Was there ever such a business!" But he and his chairman, Henry Frick, were furious workers had a voice with the union. "The mills have never been able to turn out the product they should, owing to being held back by the Amalgamated men," Frick complained to Carnegie.
Even more galling for them was that, as Pittsburghlabor historian Charles McCollester later wrote in The Point of Pittsburgh, "The skilled production workers at Homestead enjoyed wages significantly higher than at any other mill in the country."
So management acted.
First, as the union's three-year contract was coming to an end in 1892, the company demanded wage cuts for 325 employees, even though the workers had already taken large pay cuts three years before. During the contract negotiations, management didn't make proposals to negotiate. It issued ultimatums to the union. The local newspaper pointed out that "it was not so much a question of disagreement as to wages, but a design upon labor organization."
Carnegie and Frick made little effort to hide what they had in mind. Their company advertised widely for strikebreakers and built a 10-foot-high fence around the plant that was topped by barbed wire. Management was determined to provoke a strike.
Meanwhile, the workers organized the town on a military basis. They were "establishing pickets on eight-hour shifts, river patrols and a signaling system," according to McCollester.
Frick did what plenty of 19th-century businessmen did when they were battling unions. He hired the Pinkerton National Detective Agency, which was notorious for such activities as infiltrating its agents into unions and breaking strikes-and which at its height had a larger work force than the entire U.S. Army.
When Frick plotted to sneak in 300 Pinkerton agents on river barges before dawn on July 6, word spread across town as they were arriving and thousands of workers and their families rushed to the river to keep them out. Gunfire broke out between the men on the barge and the workers on land. In the mayhem that ensued, the Pinkertons surrendered and came ashore, where they were beaten and cursed by the angry workers.
At the end of the battle between the Pinkertons and nearly the entire town, seven workers and three Pinkertons were dead. Four days later, 8,500 National Guard forces were sent at the request of Frick to take control of the town and steel mill. After winning his victories, Frick announced, "Under no circumstances will we have any further dealing with the Amalgamated Association as an organization. This is final." And in November, the Amalgamated Association collapsed.
According to labor historian David Brody, in his highly acclaimed Steelworkers in America: The Nonunion Era, the daily wages of the highly skilled workers at Homestead shrunk by one-fifth between 1892 and 1907, while their work shifts increased from eight hours to 12 hours.
That was not the only measure of the steel workers' defeat. As Sidney Lens pointed out in his classic The Labor Wars: From the Molly Maguires to the Sit-Downs, membership in the Amalgamated Association plummeted from 24,000 to 10,000 in 1894 and down to 8,000 in 1895. Meanwhile, the Carnegie Steel Co.'s profits rose to a staggering $106 million in the nine years after Homestead. And for 26 long years—until the last months of World War I in 1918—union organizing among steelworkers was crushed.
At the end of the 19th century, Homestead inspired a song well known around the country, "Father Was Killed by the Pinkerton Men." The lyrics of this deeply angry ballad began: "'Twas in Pennsylvania town not very long ago,/Men struck against reduction of their pay./Their millionaire employer with philanthropic show/Had closed the works 'till starved they would obey./They fought for home and right to live where they had toiled so long,/But ere the sun had set, some were laid low."
For his role in breaking the union, anarchists Alexander Berkman and Emma Goldman unsuccessfully attempted to assassinate Henry Clay Frick.
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James Larkin, born on this day in 1874, was an Irish republican, revolutionary socialist, and trade unionist who co-founded the industrial Irish Transport and General Workers' Union (ITGWU), the Irish Labour Party, and the Irish Citizen's Army (ICA).
Larkin, also known as "Big Jim", was born to Irish emigrants and began working from the age of seven years old. He took an interest in socialism at a young age, joining the Independent Labour Party as a teenager.
In 1905, while working on the docks, Larkin participated in a strike and was elected to the strike committee, losing his foreman's job as a result. The union was impressed with his organizing ability, and he later gained a permanent position with them, beginning his career as a labor organizer.
In 1908, Larkin began organizing in Dublin, working with other Irish socialists such as James Connolly and William O'Brien. He also initiated a worker's newspaper, The Irish Worker and People's Advocate, however it was subject to censorship and shut down in 1915.
In 1908, Larkin founded the industrial Irish Transport and General Workers' Union (ITGWU). Under Larkin's leadership the union continued to grow, reaching approximately 20,000 members in the time leading up to the Dublin lock-out.
In 1913, led by union busting capitalist William Martin Murphy, over 400 of Dublin's employers began requiring their workers to sign a pledge not to be a member of the ITGWU and not to engage in sympathetic strikes, causing the Dublin lock-out, one of the most severe labor conflicts in Irish history.
Larkin and other labor leaders were arrested for sedition on August 28th while the lock-out continued. Striking workers were subject to police violence, leading Larkin to call for the formation of a workers' militia, the Irish Citizen's Army. During this period, Vladimir Lenin referred to Larkin as 'a remarkable speaker and a man of seething energy [who] has performed miracles amongst the unskilled workers'.
Following the lock-out's defeat, Larkin came to the United States to do a speaking tour on invitation of "Big Bill" Haywood of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). On November 7th, 1919, during a series of anti-Bolshevik raids, Larkin was arrested and charged with 'criminal anarchy' for helping publish socialist literature.
Larkin eventually returned to Ireland, allying with the newly formed Soviet Union, attending at the 1924 Comintern Congress in Moscow. His relationship with the Soviet Union became strained in the 1930s, as Larkin's syndicalist politics clashed with the Marxism-Leninism of the Comintern.
Larkin spent the rest of his life as a organizer, receiving fatal injuries from a fall while supervising repairs to the Worker's Union of Ireland's Thomas Ashe Hall in Dublin in 1946.
"No, men and women of the Irish race, we shall not fight for England. We shall fight for the destruction of the British Empire and the construction of an Irish republic."
Christy Moore - Balled of James Larkin (1969) :ira:
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On this day in 1877, the demand of train workers in East St. Louis, Illinois for higher wages was rejected, marking the beginning of a general strike in which workers seized and destroyed property, dismantling over forty factories.
The 1877 St. Louis General Strike was one of the first general strikes in the United States, growing out of the Great Railroad Strike of 1877, a national period of strikes and rioting due to economic depression. The St. Louis strike was largely organized by the Knights of Labor and the Marxist-leaning Workingmen's Party, the main radical political party of the era.
On this day in 1877, in East St. Louis, Illinois, train workers held a secret meeting, resolving to call for an increase in wages and to strike if their demands were not met. The demand was made and rejected that same night, and so, effective at midnight, the strike began.
Within hours, strikers virtually controlled the city. Although the strike was mostly bloodless, the protesters seized the city's Union Depot, stopped freight and some passenger trains from passing through the city.
Workers attacked productive capital, including flour mills and sugar refineries, dismantling over forty factories in total. The strike ended when the National Guard and U.S. Marshals began to break up demonstrations by force five days later.
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The 1922 Guayaquil general strike was a three-day general work stoppage in the city of Guayaquil, Ecuador, which lasted from 13 to 15 November of that year. The strike began with trolley, electric company and other public utility workers who were inspired by a successful strike by railroad workers in nearby Durán. Workers made demands such as pay increases, shorter hours, safer working conditions, and government control of foreign currency exchange rates.
The government of Ecuador called on the military to suppress the strike. On 15 November, police and military killed at least 300 strikers. Most workers returned to their jobs shortly afterwards. The trolley workers continued their strike until 21 November, when most of their demands were met.
In the early 1920s, Ecuador suffered an economic crisis due to a drop in the global price of the cocoa bean, which at the time was the main export of the country. Guayaquil had experienced rapid economic growth in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century due to its location in the Guayas River basin—a region with near-ideal conditions for growing cocoa. At the beginning of the twentieth century, cocoa accounted for 75% of the country's total exports.
Following World War I, the price of the cocoa bean fell as countries such as Ghana, São Tomé, and Brazil began growing the crop. As cocoa sales declined, a lack of foreign currency in Ecuador led to severe inflation. In 1914, the Ecuadorian government passed the "Ley Moratoria," which froze exchange rates and allowed banks to issue currency not backed by gold or silver. This worsened the country's inflation, which was most felt by the working class. By 1922, the country had entered a state of public unrest.
On 19 October 1922, Guayaquil and Quito Railway Company workers began a strike. The workers—based in the town of Durán, across the river from Guayaquil–made relatively modest demands such as the payment of wages on time, the establishment of medical auxiliary posts, payment in United States dollars or gold rather than the sucre, fifteen days notice before lay-offs and the re-hiring of fired union organizers. The railroad company quickly negotiated an end to the strike, granting most of the workers' demands. The company planned to offset increased wages by raising fares on the trains, but rate hikes were cancelled by president José Luis Tamayo.
Workers in Guayaquil took note of the successes of the railway workers in Durán. Trolley, electric company and other public utility workers met in early November and came up with a list of demands including pay increases, an eight-hour workday, overtime pay, and compliance with safety regulations. When the demands were rejected, the workers struck.
The strike gained momentum as factories in the city were unable to operate due to lack of electricity. As negotiations neared completion, the strikers made new demands, such as artificial exchange rate controls by the government in order to prop of the value of the sucre. By 13 November, the strike had grown into a citywide general strike.
Massacre
On 15 November, the government came to an agreement with union leaders on the exchange rate. That same day, a crowd of 20,000 people–the largest demonstration of the strike yet–assembled in downtown Guayaquil. Upon hearing that two labor leaders who had been jailed were to be released, the crowd marched to the police station. When the demonstrators arrived at the police station, soldiers began firing into the crowd.
The crowd began to flee, and were pursued by the troops. Many of the demonstrators were shot to death or stabbed by bayonets. Order was restored at around 6 pm. At least three hundred people had been killed, although the precise number is unknown. No soldiers or police were killed, although several were injured.
The general strike ended shortly after the massacre of 15 November. The following day, president Tamayo signaled that he would sign the exchange rate moratorium that had been demanded by the strikers. Most workers returned to their jobs, but the trolley workers continued their strike. On 21 November, the trolley worker strike was finally resolved, with the trolley workers receiving pay raises, shorter hours, and other demands. However, the trolley company would also increase fares.
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