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Pauly Denetclaw
ICT
In 1994, the federal government undertook the Northwest Forest Plan in an effort to protect the endangered Northern Spotted Owl. The entire plan revolved around protecting the old growth trees that the endangered birds made their nests or roosted in.
“When you manage for a singular species, there’s usually side effects for other species that were unintentional,” said Cody Desautel, executive director of the Colville Tribes.
As has become all too common, tribal leaders, whose nations have stewarded the Northwest forests for millenia, were not consulted or even privy to the conversations in 1994. Tribal leaders in the Pacific Northwest are ensuring that doesn’t happen again as the plan gets updated and amended. They are also advocating for co-land management.
“When we look at people that are doing positive management that’s benefiting species — that’s happened in Indian Country,” said Desautel. “You should have your best managers at the table giving recommendations and suggestions about what management of federal land should look like because what we do benefits not just the tribes but all of the constituents of this country, these states and the species that exist there.”
The lack of consultation with tribal nations isn’t limited to the Northwest Forest Plan but is another example of how Indigenous perspectives have been left out of important federal amendment and plan processes. Historically, the U.S. Department of Interior’s 2007 Interim Guidelines, which acted as a drought contingency plan for the Colorado River, also didn’t include tribal leaders — even though 10 tribes collectively hold 20 percent of the river’s water rights.
Tribal consultation is required under the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriaction Act, and through former President Bill Clinton’s Executive Order 13175-Consultation and Coordination with Indian Tribal Governments.
There are a number of issues with the tribal consultation process. Two of them are that consultation doesn’t require consent of tribal nations, and that if tribes don’t respond to a “reasonable and good faith effort” to engage, the federal government’s obligation is considered fulfilled.
The Northwest Forest Plan, which provides management direction for nearly 25 million acres managed by the federal government, is up for renewal and there are three main stages that must be completed. This time around, the U.S. Forest Service has made an effort to consult with tribal leaders but having them at the table during decision-making would be more impactful, according to members of the Intertribal Timber Council, a national consortium of almost 60 tribal nations committed to improving the management of natural resources.
“You just don’t make all the decisions then come to our tribal communities and expect that we’re just going to go along,” said Phil Rigdon, superintendent of the Yakama Nation’s Department of Natural Resources.
During this process, tribal leaders have been advocating for co-land management, like being able to set the management standards for old-growth forests known as Late Successional Reserves, and removing bureaucratic barriers like the “Survey and Manage” step that delays action.
“It (management standards) still doesn’t account for succession through time. We know that forests aren’t static. We think tribes should have the ability to continue to do that management, to set up what that next cohort of (old-growth forests) will be,” Desautel said. “The ones we have now won’t be there forever. We should have others coming up with the right age, and structured demographics, so that we always have that type of habitat in place.”
Currently, tribal nations aren’t part of the land management team for the Northwest Forest Plan. Essentially, tribal leaders are brought in as consultants who give their expertise but ultimately have no decision-making power in the Northwest Forest Plan.
“Our goal is that co-stewardship will lead to a place where we’re part of the team, working with our federal partners, working with the Forest Service and with anybody else to find the right solutions — to do the right (work) on the land and treat (it) in the manner that we should. Hopefully the Northwest Forest Plan will move into that direction,” said Rigdon, who also serves as vice-president of the Intertribal Timber Council.
The Regional Interagency Executive Committee, that governs the Northwest Forest Plan, doesn’t include tribal nations. The committee does include a representative from the Bureau of Indian Affairs, a federal agency tasked with protecting trust assets of American Indians and Alaska Natives. However, the agency has been mired in scandal from losing tribal funds to officials lining their own pockets.
Tribal nations retained their hunting, fishing and gathering rights, ratified through treaties – the highest laws of the land. In exchange for ceded territories, many tribal nations retained their inherent right to hunt, fish and gather on their ancestral lands.
“As you create a plan, that treaty has to be part of your thoughts and not just something that is secondary,” Rigdon said.
Bureaucratic barriers
The Northwest Forest Plan includes a “Survey and Manage” procedure. It requires the Forest Service to survey nearly 400 different species in old-growth forests, before any management actions can take place in that area, and could limit any action based on the findings.
This procedure was created to protect rare species in old-growth forest habitats. However, none of these species are listed as endangered, but there is limited knowledge of them, according to a preamble in the 2012 U.S. Department of Agriculture Planning Rule.
“A number of tribes have said they would like to see the elimination of the Survey and Manage protocols, because they delay action,” said Calvin Mukumoto, executive director of the Intertribal Timber Council. “There are mechanisms in the 2012 Planning Rule that allows them to look at species of concern so you don’t have to go out and survey and manage everything before you make plans.”
The other issue in the Northwest Forest Plan are land allocations, which were created to meet the habitat requirements of the northern spotted owl, marbled murrelet, and salmon. Each land allocation comes with its own unique management standards and guidelines. The extra regulations, especially land allocations close to sovereign lands, hinder a tribe’s ability to manage their own land.
“Land-use allocations are overly prescriptive in their requirements, and we should be looking at ecological-based approaches,” Mukumoto said.
For example, extra regulations in Riparian Reserves, a land allocation that creates a protective buffer along streams, lakes and wetlands, delay the thinning of forests or prescribed burns. One way to protect sovereign lands from devastating wildfires is to control the amount of fuel in nearby federally managed forests.
Dense forests lead to high rates of tree mortality. Dead trees, dry leaves, fallen pine needles or dry grass can fuel wildfires, which is a concern for many tribal nations in northern California, Oregon and Washington.
“They (tribal nations) are concerned about some of the riparian barriers and other restrictions within close proximity of tribal communities because of the fire danger that’s out there from lack of action,” Mukumoto said. “I think they’d like to see more active management, not necessarily just timber production, but active management that reintroduces fire into these ecosystems to reduce vegetation.”
The amendment process has five main stages. The Regional Interagency Executive Committee has completed the third phase and is moving into the fourth, where the draft record of decision and final environmental impact statement will be published. Then, the objection process will begin – offering one last public comment period before the amendment is signed and approved.
Intertribal Timber Council members and staff remain hopeful that the new amendments will acknowledge and honor treaty rights, traditional ecological knowledge and, in a just world, include co-management with tribal nations.
“In my experience working with tribes, is that they believe in holistic management that respects all the parts in the forest and wants to maintain complexity, but seeks balance,” Mukumoto said.
The post Tribes seek holistic Northwest forest management appeared first on ICT.
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This story was originally published by South Dakota Searchlight.
Meghan O’Brien
South Dakota Searchlight
NORRIS, South Dakota — As the last round of students filters in from the school van to the main hallway, Principal Brian Brown greets each student by name, with a high five and an “I’ve been waiting for you all morning.”
After students arrive, they’re served breakfast, and Brown leads a boys’ group and girls’ group in singing Lakota songs to get the day started.
This is the morning routine at Norris Elementary, part of the White River School District in rural southwestern South Dakota. The school borders the Pine Ridge and Rosebud reservations, and serves about 50 students from kindergarten through fifth grade who are predominantly Native American.
Norris is an unincorporated community in Mellette County, one of the most impoverished counties in the state. About a third of the students are raised by their grandparents, Brown said.
“We’ve still got kids that live in houses with no running water,” he said. “So, we have our struggles, we have our hardships.”
Three years ago, barely half of the school’s students were coming to class regularly. That struggle is common for schools serving Native American students in the state, according to data from the state Department of Education. Last school year, nearly half of Native American students were chronically absent, more than double the statewide rate.
But now, Norris’ attendance is above 90 percent. That’s higher than both the district and state averages. It’s been achieved by engaging one-on-one with students and families and implementing Lakota language and cultural programming.
The improvement is a source of pride for Brown and his staff.
“We can do it,” he said. “We can be successful, we can show people that we care about school and that we want to be the best that we can be.”
South Dakota Secretary of Education Joseph Graves has noticed the improvement. He said keeping students engaged through culturally relevant lessons and communication is an important part of replicating what’s happening at Norris.
“But it’s also that leadership, those people who are willing to make that happen, engage with kids,” Graves said. “You put those two together and it’s proven to be a very strong factor in the success.”
Graves said he wants to keep watching the school, to see if the trend continues and if it leads to increased proficiency and graduation rates.
The geographic isolation at Norris makes it difficult to hire and recruit teachers and staff. Two teachers are in dual-grade classrooms, the school’s head custodian and office administrator are also the school’s bus drivers, and Brown steps in at lunchtime to help serve food.
“We kind of have to make and manipulate our own resources just to get the kids what they need,” Brown said. “It’s been challenging, but then also, it’s been eye-opening to address the needs of the kids out here at Norris.”
Norris is one of many schools across the state trying to fill teaching positions. As of July, there were 144 open teaching positions, according to data from Associated School Boards of South Dakota.
A part of Brown’s morning routine is checking in with teachers during breakfast to ask which students they haven’t seen yet. If they aren’t there for roll call, Brown hits the road for a home visit.
He would’ve been doing that on a recent morning, he said, if he wasn’t talking to a reporter.
“I probably would’ve already went out this morning, and probably would have went and visited at least two houses this morning to parents and say, ‘Hey, how’s it going? What do you need? How can I help you?’” he said.
It’s not just about getting the kids to school. It’s about them wanting to come to school, Brown said.
In a small community, it takes everyone to keep students involved, said Wendy O’Brien, who teaches fourth and fifth grade at Norris.
“If you get the community members involved, and they come into the classroom and see what the kids are doing, I think they’re more supportive,” she said.
She wants students to form habits of good attendance. It’s especially important for students in her two-grade classroom.
“When they miss school, they miss learning,” O’Brien said. “Working with two grades, you don’t have time to reteach lessons.”
It’s also important to make the kids feel seen, Brown said. After taking over as principal in 2022, Brown, who works to preserve Lakota language, songs and philosophy, started finding ways to include Lakota culture in the school day.
Now, the morning announcements are followed by a group of students leading the school in Lakota songs. He also teaches Lakota studies to each grade once a week, and started the school’s first traditional Lakota drum group: the Black Pipe Singers.
“When children know their identity, they know who they are, where they come from, they will excel better academically and in basic life skills,” Brown said.
It’s one of the ways he can set students up for success before they get to high school, where more than one-third of Native American students in public schools don’t graduate, according to recent state data.
Brown calls the habits learned in elementary school the “bread and butter” of a student’s academic journey.
“It’s important to go to school every day, be on time, do the best that you can and work hard,” he said. “It promotes a more successful life for the children, and that’s what we try to establish here at Norris.”
The post ‘We can do it’: A rural school near two reservations nearly doubles its attendance appeared first on ICT.
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President Trump’s withdrawal of the U.S. from the global fight against climate change has gone further than almost anyone expected.
During the first year of his second term in office, the president and his administration have cut foreign aid for climate resilience, pressured countries to delay crucial carbon tax agreements, and removed the U.S. from the Paris Agreement, the landmark 2015 accord that saw the world’s nations come together around a plan to limit global warming.
Some of this was anticipated, but on Wednesday Trump took arguably his most dramatic step yet against global climate action. In a brief memorandum, he announced that he would “effectuate the withdrawal” of the U.S. from the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, or UNFCCC, the bedrock treaty that first brought countries together to discuss the climate crisis more than three decades ago.
In other words, Trump hasn’t just skipped out on the world’s plan for tackling climate change — he’s also decreeing that the U.S. will no longer take any part in international talks on the subject. And this latest move may prove far more durable than leaving the Paris accord. Because of ambiguity in U.S. law, future presidents may not be able to reverse withdrawal from the UNFCCC even if they want to.
If Paris was a contract to stop climate change, the UNFCCC was akin to the boardroom in which countries hashed out that contract. Trump’s withdrawal from the latter is an even more extreme measure because it means that the U.S. government will no longer be eligible to attend global climate talks, known as COPs, and will be the only country in the world that is unable to participate in multilateral debates about climate change.
“This is a short-sighted, embarrassing, and foolish decision,” said Gina McCarthy, who was the White House climate advisor to former President Joe Biden, in a statement. “The Trump administration is throwing away decades of U.S. climate leadership and global collaboration.”
The UNFCCC also has a stronger basis under domestic law than the Paris Agreement ever did. The U.S. Senate ratified the convention as a formal treaty in 1992 by a vote of 92 to 0, and it was signed into law by President George H.W. Bush. (By contrast, the Obama administration used executive action to join the Paris Agreement without needing congressional approval.) Trump did not attempt to leave the treaty during his first term, and indeed no nation has ever attempted to do so.
No one knows for sure how a future president could rejoin the UNFCCC. Some experts believe that a future president could rely on the 1992 Senate vote to justify rejoining, but others say that Trump’s withdrawal this week annuls that vote, requiring a new Senate vote with two-thirds support — a tall order in a far more polarized political environment.
Article II of the U.S. Constitution says that the president “shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur.” But the document is silent about who has the authority to leave and rejoin those treaties; some legal scholars have argued that the president has unilateral power to terminate treaties, but others have argued the opposite. Senator Sheldon Whitehouse, a Democrat and a leading climate hawk, said in a statement Thursday that only the Senate can withdraw from Senate-ratified treaties and that Trump’s move was illegal. The question of who has the authority to rejoin a treaty is even murkier. The Supreme Court has never ruled on the issue. In 1979, after evaluating a legal challenge to then-President Jimmy Carter’s termination of a defense treaty with China, the Court referred to the issue as a “political question” not subject to judicial authority.
In their initial reactions to Trump’s move, climate experts offered a range of different views on the question of rejoining the UNFCCC, reflecting the extreme uncertainty on the issue. Sue Biniaz, who served for decades as a lead U.S. negotiator in climate talks, said that she believes the country “could rather seamlessly rejoin.” Michael Gerrard, a climate law expert at Columbia University, said by email that there are competing theories about Senate consent for rejoining treaties — and that he didn’t know immediately which theory was correct.
“I want to try to pin this down,” he said.
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Experts also said it’s not even certain if Trump did withdraw from the treaty in a legal sense. His memo says that it pulls the U.S. from more than 60 international agreements covering everything from cyber security to cotton. It declares that “For United Nations entities, withdrawal means ceasing participation in or funding to those entities to the extent permitted by law.” It is unclear if this means the U.S. will submit a formal withdrawal notice to the U.N. governing body, which is what would make the move official, or will simply not participate in negotiations for the remainder of Trump’s tenure. (The State Department did not immediately respond to Grist’s request for comment and clarification on the withdrawal.)
If the withdrawal goes forward, it could take the U.S. out of the international climate fight for far longer than the remainder of Trump’s term. Trump has cemented opposition to any form of climate action as a core commitment of the Republican party. And given that Republicans hold a durable advantage in the Senate, where rural states hold disproportionate sway, a future vote to rejoin the agreement looks remote. If a future president tried to rejoin the UNFCCC without Senate consent, anti-climate groups would likely file a legal challenge to the move by citing the Senate’s treaty authority.
For now, the other 197 countries that are party to the UNFCCC will continue to negotiate global agreements on climate change, albeit with the world’s largest economy missing. This was already the case in Brazil last year during the COP30 conference, which the Trump administration skipped even though the United States was still technically a party to the Paris agreement at the time.
John Kerry, the former U.S. secretary of state and the lead climate envoy under the Biden administration, has said the move would further isolate the U.S. on the world stage.
“This is par for the course,” he said in a statement. “But it doesn’t change the fact that it’s a gift to China and a get-out-of-jail-free card to countries and polluters who want to avoid responsibility. It’s another self-inflicted wound on the world stage.”
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Some climate advocates echoed this view, saying that the absence of the U.S. could make it harder to achieve consensus at COPs. Under the Obama and Biden administrations, the United States played a crucial role in securing the Paris deal and a 2023 agreement to phase out fossil fuels, helping to overcome hesitation from countries including Saudi Arabia and China. A long-term withdrawal could empower large emitters to frustrate agreements on fossil fuels. This already happened at COP30, where a group of oil-producing countries tanked talks to produce a “road map” on transitioning away from oil and gas.
“It is sad to attend international meetings and see an empty space where the United States should be,” said Kaveh Guilanpour, the vice president for international strategies at the Center for Climate and Energy Solutions and a leading expert on climate talks. “This is harmful to the world, because the enormous energy, innovation, and authority of the United States is missed.”
Some negotiators from developing countries downplayed the significance of the U.S. exit, in part because they’ve seen administrations from both political parties obstruct important global climate action, whether or not those presidents endorsed the Paris Agreement. Over the past decade, developing countries have grown more vocal in demands for trillions of dollars in financial assistance from the rich countries that have emitted the most carbon dioxide. This money would help poor nations transition away from fossil fuels and adapt to climate disasters, but the U.S. and Europe have said that they can’t afford to pay up.
“The absence of the U.S. is unfortunate, but I don’t think it is going to reverse global progress,” said Ali Mohamed, the lead climate envoy for Kenya, in an interview with Grist. “You have seen how in many countries, from Europe to Southeast Asia to Africa, the revolution of renewables is overtaking fossil fuels, because it makes business sense. International policy will continue to evolve and be developed by the coalition of the willing.”
Other observers said the withdrawal announcement was just paperwork confirming what was already apparent in Trump’s actions.
“The Trump Administration has de facto already halted cooperation and dialogue in this space,” said Allison Lombardo, former State Department deputy assistant secretary for international organization affairs in the Biden administration. “This formalizes what has already become a reality.”
Zoya Teirstein contributed reporting to this story.
This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Trump just took his most dramatic step yet against global climate action on Jan 8, 2026.
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Let’s establish some baselines.
Texas is responsible for more greenhouse gas emissions than Saudi Arabia or the global maritime industry. Its oil, gas, and petrochemical operations discharge tens of millions of pounds of toxic pollutants into the air each year, comprising almost one-fifth of such releases in the United States. It is the nation’s top emitter of the carcinogens benzene, ethylene oxide, and 1,3-butadiene.
It accounts for 75 percent of the petrochemicals made in the U.S. It is an engine of the world’s plastics industry, whose products clog oceans and landfills and, upon breaking down, infuse human bodies with potentially dangerous microplastics.
Despite all of this, the state’s commitment to fossil fuel infrastructure is unwavering, driven by economics. Oil and gas extraction, transportation, and processing contributed $249 billion to the state’s gross domestic product and supported 661,000 jobs in 2021, according to the most recent reports from the Texas Economic Development & Tourism Office. An industrial construction spurt is well into its second decade**,** with little sign of slowing.
Since 2013, 57 petrochemical facilities have been built or expanded in the state, according to the nonprofit Environmental Integrity Project’s Oil & Gas Watch, which tracks these activities. Over half are in majority-minority neighborhoods, the group’s data show.
Over the next five years, 18 new plants and 23 expansions are planned or are already under construction. Twelve of these projects collectively will be allowed to release the same amount of greenhouse gases as 41 natural gas-fired power plants, according to the companies’ filings with the state. Emissions estimates for the other projects were not available.
All 41 petrochemical projects will also be permitted to release 38.6 million pounds of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s highest-priority pollutants, including carcinogens and respiratory irritants, according to company filings. Places like Jefferson County, in far southeastern Texas, and Harris County, which includes Houston, could see their air quality deteriorate, putting the public at increased risk of cancer, respiratory illness, reproductive effects, and other life-altering conditions. Five projects are to be sited within a 5-mile radius of Channelview, an unincorporated part of Harris County plagued by extremely high levels of cancer-causing benzene and a surge in barge traffic — an underappreciated cause of air pollution — on the San Jacinto River.
Companies have announced dozens more projects, including seven near Channelview, but haven’t begun the process of obtaining permits from the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality, or TCEQ, which will allow them to construct facilities that release pollutants into the air.
The odds are in their favor: In the past quarter-century, the TCEQ has denied less than 0.5 percent of new air permits and amendments, often required for plant expansions.
For six months, Public Health Watch has been reviewing TCEQ permits, analyzing air quality and census data and talking to scientific experts, advocates, elected officials, industry representatives, and residents of Harris and Jefferson counties to try to capture the scope and potential health consequences of the petrochemical buildout.
Here are 3 out of 13 scenes from that buildout. View the full interactive feature at publichealthwatch.org.
Andy Morris-Ruiz
Home of Spindletop booms again: Jefferson County
Jefferson County has a quarter-million residents and stretches from Beaumont in the northeast to McFaddin National Wildlife Refuge on the Gulf of Mexico. Its Spindletop field birthed Texas’ first full-scale oil boom in 1901; today, it is once again an axis of industry zeal.
Just off Twin City Highway, where Nederland meets Beaumont, cranes are assembling a plant that will produce anhydrous ammonia and other chemicals used to make fertilizer and alternative fuels. According to state permits issued to owner Woodside Energy, the facility is authorized to annually add almost 80,000 pounds of nitrogen oxides, which can cause acute and chronic respiratory distress, to Nederland’s air. Nitrogen oxides also contribute to ground-level ozone pollution, the primary component in smog. Uncontained, ammonia can sear the lungs and kill in sufficient concentrations.
Four people formally objected to the facility’s expansion last summer but were unable to stop it. Officials in Jefferson County embraced the plant, granting Woodside a 10-year property-tax exemption and a $209 million tax abatement from the Beaumont Independent School District.
About 2 miles to the southeast of Woodside, Energy Transfer wants to erect a large ethane cracker on the Neches River. The hulking plant will heat ethane, a component of natural gas, to extremely high temperatures, “cracking” the molecules to make ethylene, a building block for plastics. According to Energy Transfer’s permit application, the cracker would be allowed to release nearly 10 million of pounds of volatile organic compounds, or VOCs, which contribute to ozone and can cause effects ranging from throat and eye irritation to cancer, along with nitrogen oxides and carbon monoxide, another smog-forming chemical that interferes with the body’s oxygen supply.
The TCEQ told Public Health Watch in an email that the project “is protective of human health and the environment and no adverse effects are expected to occur.”
There were seven formal objectors to the ethane cracker, among them Reanna Panelo, a lifelong Nederland resident who was 23 when she wrote to the TCEQ two years ago. “It is not fair nor is it morally right to build such a monstrous and horrendous plant designed to kill the surrounding area, residents, and environment, for company gain,” wrote Panelo, who said generations of her family had been tormented by cancer. The TCEQ executive director is processing Energy Transfer’s permit application, despite comments submitted in October by the Environmental Integrity Project alleging the project could violate ambient air quality standards for particulate matter — fine particles that can exacerbate asthma, cause heart disease, and contribute to cognitive decline. The Nederland Independent School District authorized a $121 million tax break for Energy Transfer.
Nine miles south of Nederland, in Port Arthur, two ethane crackers are poised for expansion and three new petrochemical facilities are planned, according to Oil & Gas Watch.
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“It’s the worst possible situation you can imagine,” said John Beard, a Port Arthur native and founder of Port Arthur Community Action Network, an environmental advocacy group. “You’re living in a toxic atmosphere that with every breath is potentially killing you.”
Air quality in Jefferson County has improved over the years — mostly a product of stricter regulation — but is still far from pristine. The American Lung Association gave the county an “F” for ozone pollution in its 2025 State of the Air Report Card.
A pungent haze occasionally envelops the county, portions of which have some of the highest cancer risks from air toxics in the nation, according to the Environmental Defense Fund’s Petrochemical Air Pollution Map. Indorama Ventures in Port Neches is one of the main drivers of risk — it makes the potent carcinogen ethylene oxide and releases more of the gas into the air than any other facility in the U.S., federal data show. Peter DeCarlo, an atmospheric chemist and a professor at the Johns Hopkins Whiting School of Engineering, and a team of fellow scientists recently drove an air monitoring van through neighborhoods bordering Indorama. They measured levels of ethylene oxide “greatly exceeding what is acceptable for long-term exposure,” DeCarlo told Public Health Watch.
The county’s level of particulate matter already exceeds national air quality standards. Jefferson County spent 18 years in violation of the standard for ground-level ozone, but improved after 2009. Now, the county’s ozone levels are creeping upward again. DeCarlo said that the new sources of pollution slated for the region could push the county over the limit again — subjecting it to tougher oversight — and worsen its fine-particle problem.
In a statement to Public Health Watch, Woodside said its ammonia plant is 97 percent complete and represents “a $2.35 billion investment in American energy, supporting approximately 2,000 construction jobs and hundreds of permanent ongoing jobs. … Once operational [it] is expected to increase U.S. ammonia production by more than 7 percent, strengthening domestic agriculture, food production, and manufacturing, while potentially doubling U.S. ammonia exports.”
The company said it met with four residents who filed comments with the TCEQ and appreciated “the strong community support for the project.”
Energy Transfer and Indorama Ventures did not respond to requests for comment.
Andy Morris-Ruiz
Historic Black neighborhood threatened with extinction: Beaumont, Jefferson County
The Charlton-Pollard neighborhood, on Beaumont’s south side, was established in 1869 by freed slave and school founder Charles Pole Charlton. In the mid-20th century it was a cultural hub — home to Beaumont’s “Black Main Street” and some of the oldest Black churches and schools in the city. It was part of the Chitlin’ Circuit, a group of performance venues during the Jim Crow era that hosted James Brown, Ray Charles, and other luminaries.
Segregation, disinvestment, and expanding industrial operations — railways, an international seaport, and a petrochemical complex — gradually eroded Charlton-Pollard’s rich culture and institutions. Stores, schools, and a hospital have closed, and now the buffer between the north end of the neighborhood and advancing industrial development is thinning.
The Port of Beaumont has acquired 78 parcels in Charlton-Pollard’s sparsely populated northeastern corner since 2016, property records show. This year it paved a lot the size of 18 football fields in their place, where it plans to store cargo, including building materials for new and expanding petrochemical plants. The lot lies across the street from the 97-year-old Starlight Missionary Baptist Church and two blocks from Charlton-Pollard Elementary School.
“The port recognizes the deep history of Charlton-Pollard and remains committed to operating responsibly and respectfully within that framework,” said Chris Fisher, the port’s director and CEO. He said he and his team have been transparent with the Charlton-Pollard Neighborhood Association, only developing in a specially zoned “transitional area” in the northeastern corner. In the 1990s and early 2000s, some residents asked the port to buy their properties, Fisher said. Later, after plans for the paved lot were solidified, the port began offering property owners 50 percent to 100 percent above appraised value and, in some cases, $15,000 relocation allowances, he said.
“We kind of made sure that everybody that we dealt with was better off than before we did anything,” Fisher said. The port condemned properties when owners couldn’t be located or had unpaid taxes, he said.
The neighborhood association’s president, Chris Jones, a 45-year-old former Beaumont mayoral candidate, said the port’s acquisitions are “the continuation of a long pattern: One where Black neighborhoods were first under-documented, then underinvested, and ultimately treated as expendable in the path of industry.”
When residents sold their properties, they “were navigating declining property values, loss of services, and the clear signal that the area was being prioritized for industrial use,” Jones said. “In that context, selling is often less about choice and more about survival.”
He worries that the removal of trees and the addition of pavement will intensify heat and worsen noise pollution for those left in the neighborhood. Rail traffic supporting local industry has already increased, he said, and his status as an Army veteran makes him “vexed at the sound of a horn.” Jones and some allies hope to win historical designations for several churches in Charlton-Pollard to stave off further industrial encroachment.
Environmental hazards are not new to Charlton-Pollard. A refinery now owned by Exxon Mobil was built less than a mile away in 1903. Almost a century later, residents filed a complaint with the EPA’s Office of Civil Rights, accusing the TCEQ of allowing the company to pollute above safe levels, increase emissions without public input, and exceed permitted limits without penalty. The case was settled in 2017 after the TCEQ agreed to install an air monitor near the site and hold two public meetings. Charlton-Pollard still lies within the 99th percentile nationwide for cancer risk from air pollution, according to the Environmental Defense Fund.
In addition to the refinery, Exxon Mobil now operates a chemical plant, a polyethylene plant, and a lubricant plant within the complex; last year the company said it plans to build a chemical-recycling facility there as well. Six more petrochemical projects are planned by other companies within 5 miles of Charlton-Pollard.
In short, anyone who hasn’t been bought out by the port may breathe increasingly dirty air. Jefferson County is already violating the EPA’s standard for particulate matter, and diesel-burning trains and maritime vessels accommodating the industry expansion are large emitters of fine particles, as well as smog-forming nitrogen oxides.
Most infuriating, Jones said, is the idea that industrial development in Jefferson County is being underwritten in part by tax breaks even as Beaumont’s basic infrastructure — roads, sewage treatment — crumbles. Not long ago, he said, he saw “fecal waste” collecting in the Irving Avenue underpass. “The shit just rolled onto the street.” (Voters approved a $264 million bond package in November to improve streets and drainage.)
Andy Morris-Ruiz
Fine particles, ozone, and the body
In addition to spewing carcinogens like benzene and 1,3-butadiene, petrochemical plants release large amounts of “criteria pollutants” — the six common airborne substances the EPA regulates most closely. Regions across the country struggle to meet federal air quality standards for two of these in particular: ground-level ozone and particulate matter.
Dr. John Balmes, a professor emeritus at the University of California Berkeley School of Public Health, is a physician advisor to both the EPA and the California Air Resources Board, which regulates air quality in a state that’s had serious ozone and particulate-matter problems for years. He’s researched the effects of both pollutants on the body and helped craft EPA standards for them. Balmes said plant emissions will represent only a portion of particulate and ozone pollution from the petrochemical expansion in Texas. Transportation — diesel trucks, trains, and ships — will add to the burden, he said. (Rail yards and ports are often located in low-income and minority neighborhoods, like Charlton-Pollard.)
Particulate matter and ozone can wreak havoc on the body, Balmes said.
Fine particles, known as PM2.5, are about 20 times smaller than a human hair. When they’re inhaled, they don’t break down, and the body’s immune cells remain in a heightened state of response. Their ability to fight off infection is weakened.
Fine particles often make their way into the bloodstream and trigger cardiovascular problems, such as heart attacks and congestive heart failure. They can also accumulate in the brain, contributing to cognitive decline and strokes.
A 2023 analysis conducted for Public Health Watch by two researchers estimated that 8,405 Texans died from fine-particle pollution in 2016. Exposure to the particles also led to thousands of new cases of Alzheimer’s, asthma, and strokes, the researchers found.
In 2024, an EPA advisory board, on which Balmes served, recommended tightening the National Ambient Air Quality Standard for PM2.5. The EPA said the new standard would prevent 4,500 premature deaths and yield $46 billion in net health benefits over more than a decade. According to federal data, 16 Texas counties, including Jefferson, violate the new standard, which the Trump administration has vowed to abandon**.**
Environmental groups and regulators have been fighting ozone pollution for more than 70 years.
Ozone gas is formed when two pollutants — VOCs and nitrogen oxides — are released from stacks and tailpipes and react in the presence of sunlight. When ozone enters the body, it chemically burns the respiratory system, leading to inflammation. It’s so caustic that it can break down synthetic rubber. Acute exposure can worsen asthma; chronic, high-level exposure can cause permanent lung damage.
The eight-county Houston-Galveston-Brazoria area, with roughly 7.2 million people, has been under continual threat from ozone for two decades. It spent over half of that time classified as being in “serious” or “severe” violation of the EPA’s eight-hour standards. Still, 35 petrochemical projects in the region have been announced or permitted by the TCEQ.
“Adding 35 petrochemical plants to a region that is already in serious ozone [violation] is the wrong way to go in terms of public health,” Balmes said.
Explore all 13 scenes from Texas’ petrochemical expansion at publichealthwatch.org.
This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Texas clears the way for petrochemical expansion as experts warn of health risks on Jan 7, 2026.
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