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Archived

The launch of RSF.org in Mandarin is all the more crucial as access to independent information continues to shrink for Chinese-speaking audiences. Since Xi Jinping came to power in 2012, the regime has reinforced its censorship apparatus — symbolised by the "Great Firewall" — and ramped up efforts to spread propaganda globally. As a result, China now ranks near the bottom of the 2025 RSF World Press Freedom Index, placing 178th out of 180 countries and territories. With at least 123 journalists and media workers currently imprisoned, China remains the world’s largest jailer of media professionals.

[...]

With the addition of both simplified and traditional Mandarin, the RSF website is now available in an increasing number of languages for a global audience. The NGO also publishes regional content in Korean, Japanese, Mongolian, Russian, Turkish, and Ukrainian. Internationally, RSF operates through 7 bureaus, 6 sections, and a network of 160 correspondents in over 140 countries.

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A new report traces how China’s targeting of protesters has evolved since the Tiananmen Square massacre into part of a sophisticated transnational repression campaign using harassment, violence and surveillance.

The report by ARTICLE 19 [opens pdf], an organization that defends freedom of expression worldwide, bolsters ICIJ’s findings in China Targets, a cross-border investigation exposing the sprawling scope and terrifying tactics of Beijing’s campaign to silence its critics living overseas.

As part of the investigation, ICIJ outlined a pattern of activist detentions by local police and governments ahead of visits by President Xi Jinping. During at least seven of Xi’s 31 international trips between 2019 and 2024, local law enforcement infringed on dozens of protesters’ rights in order to shield the Chinese president from dissent, detaining or arresting activists, often for spurious reasons.

The ARTICLE 19 report goes further, interviewing 29 members of diaspora communities, including some also identified by ICIJ, to describe incidents at protests dating as far back as 2011 involving activists from mainland China, including ethnic minorities from the northwest Xinjiang region and Tibet, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Inner Mongolia.

“This report points to a campaign of international harassment and intimidation designed with one purpose: to systematically stifle global protest movements that seek to defend human rights in China,” ARTICLE 19 said in the report.

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The report also highlighted the psychological toll that acts of transnational repression can take on dissidents, many of whom are already isolated as members of diaspora communities. Beyond immediate verbal and physical attacks, the protracted threat of surveillance can lead to self-censorship and burnout, the report said.

“Overseas Chinese dissidents, Uyghurs, Tibetans, Hong Kongers, and other diaspora activists know all too well the cost of protesting against human rights violations in China: its repression knows no borders,” Michael Caster, who runs ARTICLE 19’s Global China Programme, said in a statement. “And still, authorities in host countries have yet to fully grasp the dangers of transnational repression — and so support to those targeted is often severely lacking.”

[...]

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A Keeta delivery worker group on Facebook uses the mainland Chinese term “involution” (內捲) to describe the “K Go” scheme as it forces workers to self-exploit for their survival in a shrinking market. Keeta's parent company, Meituan, has been widely criticised for its algorithmic exploitation.

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Archived

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While the harmful impacts of Chinese development projects are increasingly covered by African press and international watchdogs, they are nearly invisible in Chinese domestic media. State-run outlets like People’s Daily, Xinhua, and CCTV instead push positive messaging about economic partnerships and “South-South cooperation.” If there are local faces, they are often African presenters and reporters hired by Chinese state media at higher-than-local pay rates, who are tasked with presenting upbeat narratives that reinforce official talking points.

Commercial Chinese media — often perceived as more independent — largely follow suit. If stories touch on environmental issues at all, they do so in vague, sanitized terms that avoid direct attribution of harm to Chinese companies or projects.

Chinese investment and the presence of Chinese companies in Africa, in addition to their visible infrastructure and economic impact, are rarely scrutinized in terms of environmental harm within Chinese media. When environmental damage is addressed at all within Chinese media, it is either omitted or framed as incidental, often blamed on African mismanagement or natural challenges. Local community members are rarely quoted, interviewed, or centered in the storytelling. Instead, they remain nameless, stripped of agency, and disconnected from the audience.

And yet, the consequences of mega-development projects are real. In many countries in Africa where China has implemented projects, environmental problems have been repeatedly denounced. Deforestation, displacement of populations, loss of biodiversity in the construction of dams has damaged Sudan, Ghana, and the DRC; water pollution, and resulting negative health impacts due to mining are impacting Guinea, the DRC, and Mozambique; expropriations and violence in the context of a hydrocarbon project have destabalazed Uganda and Tanzania; and more.

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In Kenya, for example, the Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) — one of the flagship projects in China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), its mega global infrastructure project — has cut through wildlife migration routes and alarmed conservationists. Some environmentalists have alleged “the railway has disrupted wildlife migration routes.” Yet despite its scale and promise, many Kenyans say they have seen little benefit from the railway, pointing to a deep disconnect between grand development narratives and realities on the ground.

In Nigeria, Chinese-run mining operations have been linked to water contamination and community displacement. In Rwanda, locals affected by Chinese-financed hydropower initiatives report land loss and inadequate compensation.

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The few mentions of corporate responsibility rarely, if ever, include Chinese firms operating on the continent. This silence is not accidental. It is structural, political, and strategic.

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China’s domestic media environment has undergone a dramatic transformation under Xi Jinping, whose administration emphasizes tightly controlled narratives that advance national pride and global ambition. Criticism of Chinese companies abroad, particularly on environmental issues, is seen as undermining these goals.

Meanwhile, China has aggressively expanded its media footprint in Africa — stationing more Chinese journalists across the continent and recruiting local African reporters to appear in state media broadcasts to provide “African faces” for Chinese narratives. These reports rarely diverge from official messaging. As one recent state-owned Global Times article framed it, “Environmental cooperation is not only a development priority but a symbol of the strong friendship and mutual trust between China and Africa.”

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Environmental lawyer Zhang Jingjing, who has spent over a decade handling environmental rights cases involving Chinese enterprises in Africa, sees this erasure as both intentional and systemic. “Chinese-language and foreign-language reporting are like two entirely different worlds — Chinese reports are few, often absent, and when they exist, they’re pure praise,” she said in an interview with Global Voices.

Despite working in multiple African countries, she has never been approached by a Chinese journalist about her work. “Not a single Chinese journalist has interviewed me to understand what impact Chinese companies are having on local communities,” Zhang said.

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"The state’s slogan about ‘telling China’s story well’ has already set the tone. A lot of these projects clearly have problems, but if they’re not ‘good stories,’ they simply won’t get reported," [Zhang said].

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Chinese reporters who cross political red lines risk severe consequences, including censorship, job loss, surveillance, detention, or imprisonment under vague charges like “picking quarrels” or “subverting state power.” Some have faced public shaming, forced confessions, and threats to their families. When media organizations in China cross political red lines, their articles are swiftly deleted, and entire websites can be shut down. Editors and responsible officials are often removed from their positions. In the most severe cases, the media outlet itself may be permanently closed.

[...]

In Kenya, local authorities echo the rhetoric, eager to preserve investment and diplomatic warmth. But it comes at a cost: several Kenyan journalists describe growing difficulty in reporting critically on Chinese projects without editorial pushback or quiet blacklisting.

For Chinese media, the logic is simple: these are not stories that sell, politically or commercially. They are far removed from the interests of most domestic readers, and they risk undermining the carefully polished international image Beijing wants to present.

This one-sided narrative has profound implications for climate justice. It denies African communities the dignity of visibility and Chinese citizens the chance to understand the consequences of their country’s outward expansion. Real sustainability cannot rely on curated image-making. It demands transparency, access, and the courage to confront harm — not bury it.

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Archived

Tainan District Court on Thursday sentenced the Chinese captain of a Togolese-registered freighter that snapped an undersea cable linking Taiwan and Penghu in February to three years in prison for intentionally damaging the cable.

The captain of Hong Tai 58, a Togolese-registered ship flying under a flag of convenience, surnamed Wang (王), was handed the sentence for undersea cable sabotage in contravention of the Telecommunications Management Act, the court said in a statement Thursday.

The court decision is subject to appeal.

The freighter was boarded and its Chinese crew detained by Taiwanese authorities on Feb. 25 after Taiwan's Coast Guard Administration (CGA) received a report from Chunghwa Telecom that its Taiwan-Penghu No. 3 submarine fiber optic cable had been severed, according to court documents.

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The submarine cable, used for both telephone and broadband communication, is located in a government-designated no-anchor zone where vessels are prohibited from anchoring, according to the court.

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An international rights group says several global brands are among dozens of companies at risk of using forced labor through their Chinese supply chains.

Archived

Here you can download the report (pdf).

Over the past decade, the Chinese government has expanded exploration, mining, processing, and manufacturing of critical minerals in the China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). The emergence of the Region as an extractive hub relies, in part, on state-imposed forced labour transfer programmes, targeting Uyghurs and other Turkic ethnic groups. This model not only subsidises operational costs for Chinese producers but also fuels systemic repression, through family separation, forced “re-education,” land dispossession, and the destruction of communities.

This research connects the Region’s system of state-imposed forced labour to major Chinese producers of four key minerals: titanium, lithium, beryllium, and magnesium. The report then traces the supply chains of XUAR-made minerals to global brands, including leading paint companies, thermos producers, aerospace applications, and defence and nuclear tools and components.

In addition to the human cost of exposure to the Region, environmental and trade concerns are also at stake. The use of coal as the main energy source and the lack of environmental standards, paired with opaque distribution networks, allow tainted goods to enter global markets at artificially low prices, creating an unfair playing field for responsible businesses.

Key findings:

  • 11,6% of the world’s titanium sponge (the critical input in titanium metal) is produced in the Uyghur Region.

  • Lithium exploration, mining, processing, and especially downstream battery production are increasing rapidly in the XUAR.

  • The region is the top source of beryllium in China, accounting for over 50% of domestic supply.

  • The PRC produces 92% of the world’s raw magnesium. The XUAR is one of only five province-level jurisdictions that produces raw magnesium – and its output is growing significantly.

  • For each of the four minerals studied, major mining and processing companies are participating in the state labour transfer programs, which scholars and legal experts identify as forced labour.

  • 77 companies in the critical minerals and downstream manufacturing sectors are operating in the XUAR and are at risk of participating in forced labour programmes in the titanium, lithium, beryllium, and magnesium industries.

  • 15 companies have sourced directly from XUAR-based entities in the past two years.

  • 68 downstream customers have connections to Chinese suppliers with operations in the XUAR.

  • 18 parent companies may be sourcing inputs from their subsidiaries in the XUAR.

All companies mentioned in the report were invited to respond to our findings. Their responses can be found in the Corporate Response Annex.

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cross-posted from: https://lemmy.sdf.org/post/36600461

Human Rights Watch, in a May 15 submission to the EU, reiterated its regret that the EU continues to hold a human rights dialogue with China. Along with other rights organizations, Human Rights Watch has repeatedly criticized the box-ticking nature of the exercise, in which criticism behind closed doors yields no concrete improvements.

For example, despite raising their cases for years, the EU has been unable to obtain the release of Gui Minhai, a Swedish bookseller whom Beijing arbitrarily arrested and sentenced to 10 years in prison, or to receive a sign of life from Ilham Tohti, a Uyghur scholar and Sakharov Prize laureate who was sentenced to life in prison for his peaceful activism and has been denied family visits since 2017.

These cases are emblematic of the EU’s failure to meaningfully address Beijing’s repression, which has reached new peaks under Xi Jinping’s rule, including in Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong Kong.

Notably, a landmark 2022 report on Xinjiang by the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights found Beijing’s abusive policies against Uyghurs and other Turkic Muslims may amount to “international crimes, in particular crimes against humanity.” The EU and its member states should press the Chinese government to allow unrestricted access to the UN human rights office for a follow-up visit.

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EU leaders should more forcefully raise human rights concerns during the upcoming summit and strategic dialogue, and lay out concrete consequences should Beijing fail to rein in its repression. Not doing so will be at the expense of all people in China.

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As of Thursday morning, Aftermath was not able to access the game on the US Google Play Store; according to Bloomberg, it was removed from the Google Play Store in May for issues unrelated to the current ban. We’ve reached out to Google for comment.

I cannot find it in the Google Play Store here in Mexico.

But it is available as an .APK (861MB) from the game homepage:

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The genius Trump gifts another victory to Zhongnanhai.

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cross-posted from: https://lemmy.sdf.org/post/36508552

  • Beijing-backed UWSA [United Wa State Army] protecting new rare earth mines in Shan state, sources say
  • Mines being run by Chinese-speaking operators
  • China relies on Myanmar for rare earth imports but had recently faced some supply challenges

A Chinese-backed militia is protecting new rare earth mines in eastern Myanmar, according to four people familiar with the matter, as Beijing moves to secure control of the minerals it is wielding as a bargaining chip in its trade war with Washington.

China has a near-monopoly over the processing of heavy rare earths into magnets that power critical goods like wind turbines, medical devices and electric vehicles. But Beijing is heavily reliant on Myanmar for the rare earth metals and oxides needed to produce them: the war-torn country was the source of nearly half those imports in the first four months of this year, Chinese customs data show.

[...]

The mines operate under the protection of the United Wa State Army, according to four sources, two of whom were able to identify the uniforms of the militia members.

The UWSA, which is among the biggest armed groups in Shan state, also controls one of the world's largest tin mines. It has long-standing commercial and military links with China.

[...]

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China has outlined a string of reforms to accelerate the development of hi-tech emerging industries in the city of Shenzhen, as the tech hub in southern China grapples with a barrage of US trade restrictions.

The plan focuses on boosting Shenzhen’s ability to create scalable business models in industries such as artificial intelligence and aviation that can be replicated across China, by helping the city cultivate a larger talent pool, expand local companies’ access to financing, and speed up the deployment of cutting-edge technologies

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Hong Kong (AFP) – Hong Kong police have warned downloading a mobile game in which players can attempt to overthrow a stand-in for China's Communist Party could constitute a national security crime, as it vanished from Apple's local App Store Wednesday.

Beijing is extremely sensitive to even subtle hints of dissent, and in 2020 imposed a national security law in Hong Kong that has effectively quashed any political opposition.

In "Reversed Front: Bonfire", developed by a Taiwan-based company, users can "pledge allegiance" to entities including Taiwan, Hong Kong, Tibet and "Uyghur" to "overthrow the communist regime".

Although the game takes place in a historically different universe, the description reads: "This game is a work of NON-FICTION. Any similarity to actual agencies, policies or ethnic groups of the PRC (People's Republic of China) in this game is INTENTIONAL."

On Tuesday police in Hong Kong said "Reversed Front" was "advocating armed revolution" and promoting Taiwan and Hong Kong independence "under the guise of a game".

Downloading the game could see players charged with possessing seditious material, while making in-app purchases could be viewed as providing funding to the developer "for the commission of secession or subversion", police warned.

Recommending the game could constitute the offence of "incitement to secession".

Although players can choose to "lead the Communists to defeat all enemies", the game description makes clear they are meant to be the villains.

The Communists are described as "heavy-handed, reckless and inept" and accused of "widespread corruption, embezzlement, exploitation, slaughter and defilement".

Many of the other playing roles correspond to flashpoint issues for Beijing -- including self-ruled Taiwan, which China claims as its territory, and Xinjiang, where it has denied accusations of human rights abuses against the minority Muslim Uyghurs.

Hong Kong's vibrant civil society and political opposition have all but vanished since the imposition of the national security law, which was brought in after huge and sometimes violent pro-democracy protests in 2019.

OpenAI last week said it had detected and banned a number of "likely China-origin" accounts targeting "Reversed Front" with negative comments.

"The network generated dozens of critical comments in Chinese about the game, followed by a long-form article claiming it had received widespread backlash," said OpenAI.

On Wednesday Apple appeared to have removed the game from the Hong Kong version of the App Store, after it had been available the day before, an AFP reporter saw.

It was not available on Hong Kong's Google Play on Tuesday, local media reported.

But the game's developer said it had seen a surge in searches since Tuesday's police announcement, jokingly implying it was thankful to authorities for the visibility boost.

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Police in northwestern China are cracking down on writers of online erotic fiction across the country, including many college students, according to RFA sources and media reports, amid concern that officers are punishing people outside their jurisdiction.

Police in Lanzhou, the capital of Gansu province, have been summoning writers who don’t even live there. A report from Caixin media group said some have been referred to police for prosecution, and anecdotal evidence indicates writers are facing substantial fines.

A source who spoke to Radio Free Asia on condition of anonymity for safety reasons said the crackdown could involve 200-300 writers.

Their cases have also sparked a legal debate over the definition of “obscene materials” and renewed public discussion on the boundaries of creative freedom. Known as “Danmei,” the genre features romantic relationships between male characters. It originated in Japan and has become popular in China.

Amid tightened restrictions in China, many writers have turned to Haitang Culture, a Taiwanese-based adult fiction website established in 2015 to publish their work. The website on the democratic island doesn’t force censorship and allows explicit written content. Most readers are females.

Authorities in China have reacted. Last year, two China-based distributors affiliated with Haitang Culture were arrested for “assisting in information network criminal activities,” according to Shuiping Jiyuan, a news portal on the WeChat social media platform.

The recent police crackdown in Lanzhou followed similar moves in the eastern province of Anhui in June 2024, where authorities began arresting writers of online erotic fiction under the charge of “producing and distributing obscene materials for profit,” resulting in heavy fines and even prison sentences.

Police are seeking out writers even when they leave outside their jurisdiction - a practice that critics call “offshore fishing,” implying the motive of police is financial or political, rather than strictly legal.

“I don’t understand what they’re trying to do—are they pushing political correctness, or are they just desperate for money?” said Liu Yang, a veteran media professional in Lanzhou, told Radio Free Asia. “The police are short on funds, and now even arrests have become a way to make money.”

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Archived

[...]

While China touts its ecological civilisation – a new system of development that stresses the harmonious coexistence of humanity and nature – at home, its voracious appetite for imported soy, beef, palm oil, and tropical timber has caused damage across some of the world’s most critical ecosystems. According to a recent Forest Trends report, China’s tropical deforestation footprint, linked to imports of high-risk agricultural and timber commodities, accounted for as much as five per cent of carbon emissions from tropical and subtropical deforestation during 2013–22.

The environmental consequences of these imports don’t stop at deforestation. They also carry a massive carbon price tag. China’s imported deforestation, led by trade with Brazil, Indonesia, and Malaysia, is responsible for as much as 200 million metric tons of CO2 per year. That’s equivalent to 20–30 per cent of China’s domestic agricultural emissions. Worse still, these embedded emissions are invisible in its nationally determined contributions (NDCs) under the Paris Agreement, creating a glaring climate credibility gap.

[...]

China’s role in driving deforestation in Brazil’s Amazon Basin is increasingly alarming. The region loses about 133 square kilometres of forest each year, equivalent to over 400 football fields daily, primarily due to agricultural expansion for beef and soybean production. These commodities feed global markets, with China being a dominant consumer. In 2022, 96 per cent of China’s soy imports originated from soy-producing regions linked to deforestation, compared to only 55 per cent for the European Union.

[China’s rising demand] threatens to reverse environmental progress in Brazil.

[...]

Indonesia offers a stark, immediate example of ecological damage tied directly to China’s regional trade ambitions. While China boasts investments in clean energy and infrastructure through its Belt and Road Initiative, it is simultaneously driving forest destruction via its voracious demand for palm oil, pulpwood, and mining materials. A Traise Earth analysis found palm oil deforestation on Sumatra surged 3.7 times between 2020 and 2022, a spike fuelled in part by soaring Chinese demand and domestic consumption. The study also revealed China has overtaken the EU and India as Indonesia’s top palm oil buyer, snatching a growing share of exports.

[...]

Moreover, the China strategy’s moral hazard sets a chilling precedent. If a country with the rich capacities and strong political influence of China can pursue a two-track environmental policy – green at home, grey abroad – why shouldn’t others follow suit? In an already stressed world, this dishonesty has the potential to lock us in a vicious cycle of hollow commitments and permanent ecological tipping points. It is greenwashing at a national level.

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Taipei prosecutors indicted four people on Tuesday suspected of spying for China in a case that reached Taiwan's presidential office, seeking jail terms of more than 18 years.

Democratically-governed Taiwan says it has faced heightened military and political pressure over the past five years or so from Beijing, which views the island as sovereign Chinese territory, a position Taipei's government rejects.

[...]

The Taipei prosecutors said in a statement that their suspected crimes included divulging or delivering classified national security information to China.

Jail sentences of 18 years or more are being sought, the statement added.

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His visit to meet counterpart Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin in Jakarta came weeks after Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese made Indonesia his first foreign trip following his landslide election win.

[Australian Defence Minister Richard Marles] Marles said the alliance with Indonesia stood on its own terms, but concerns about China's military build-up in the region influenced Australia's foreign policy thinking.

"We've made no secret of the fact that we have a security anxiety in relation to China. We've made that clear to China itself," Marles, who also serves as deputy prime minister, told journalists in the Indonesian capital.

[...]

"You just need to look at the map to understand how strategically important Indonesia is to Australia. Its geography is profoundly important," he said.

"That's actually what's driving the increase in the activity between Australia and Indonesia."

Marles and Sjafrie discussed greater cooperation "in relation to maritime domain awareness", which would see their militaries share more information about the waters they share, the Australian minister said.

"The relationship between Australia and Indonesia has never been in better shape," he said.

[...]

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There are growing suspicions that Chinese social media apps like Douyin, the Chinese version of TikTok, and Xiaohongshu, also known as RedNote, are being used by China in its united front propaganda efforts against Taiwan, Mainland Affairs Council (MAC) Minister Chiu Chui-cheng (邱垂正) said today.

During a legislative hearing, Chiu said that content promoting unification, advocating military force against Taiwan and undermining its sovereignty had been found on the two popular Chinese apps.

Chiu said he hopes Taiwan's Internet regulatory agencies would investigate the matter and address public concerns about such apps.

He was responding to a question by Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) Legislator Huang Jie (黃捷) on whether the MAC classifies social media platforms like Xiaohongshu as tools in China's united front propaganda efforts.

Huang called attention to a recent comment by Chinese academic Zhang Weiwei (張維為) that social media platforms like Xiaohongshu have become increasingly popular among young people in Taiwan, thereby advancing China's influence.

"After Taiwan is unified [with China], governing Taiwan would be easier than governing Hong Kong," Zhang said during a recent speech at China's Wuhan University.

[...]

It indicates that apps like Douyin and Xiaohongshu might be part of China's preparations for unification with Taiwan, Chiu said. Under such circumstances, the Taiwanese public may need to be more vigilant, he added.

Chiu also suggested that Taiwan's schools should start providing social media literacy guidance and education regarding the use of such apps, so that students at all levels can understand the potential risks.

For example, personal information could be used by China and incorporated into the content on those apps to promote unification ideology, he said.

[...]

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Archived

Here is the technical report by SentinelOne.

An IT services company, a European media group, and a South Asian government entity are among the more than 75 companies where China-linked groups have planted malware to access strategic networks should a conflict break out.

SentinelLABS, the threat intel and research arm of security shop SentinelOne, uncovered these new clusters of malicious activity when the suspected Chinese spies tried to break into SentinelOne's own servers in October.

"We tend to prioritize China, and seeing them start to poke at our own products, our own infrastructure, that immediately raises the red flag for us," SentinelOne threat researcher Tom Hegel told The Register in a phone interview. While the attempted SentinelOne intrusion was unsuccessful, being the target of a Chinese reconnaissance campaign led the threat hunters into a deeper analysis of the broader campaign and malware used.

"We started to hunt for it globally, look at their infrastructure and identify those other victims," Hegel said.

[...]

SentinelLABS found more than 70 victims globally across manufacturing, government, finance, telecommunications, and research. One of these was an IT services and logistics company that manages hardware logistics for SentinelOne employees.

Additionally, the security outfit's research uncovered a September 2024 intrusion into a "leading European media organization."

It's a broad range of victims, but they all share one thing in common: they represent strategic targets as China prepares for war of the cyber or kinetic variety.

[...]

SentinelOne, as a security vendor for government and critical infrastructure organizations, makes an attractive starting point for a supply-chain attack along the lines of what Russian spies did to Mandiant during the SolarWinds fiasco.

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Archived

[...]

Cotton has long been the focus of international responses to human rights abuses in Xinjiang. About a fifth of the world’s cotton originates from the region. In 2021, US customs banned the import of Xinjiang cotton and anything made with the raw material, such as clothes or shoes.

But Chinese advances in biotechnology mean Xinjiang cotton is being transformed into animal feed, which food multinationals and some of China’s biggest farmers are using to raise billions of chickens, pigs, cattle, fish and other animals. The breakthrough also helps China reduce its heavy dependence on US imports of protein, strengthening its hand in the rivalry between the two superpowers.

The Bureau of Investigative Journalism (TBIJ) has traced supply chains from Xinjiang all the way to the UK, and to factories that supply major international brands, including KFC and McDonald’s in China.

Some supply chains even involve forced labour and human rights abuses at multiple points. In at least one case, a company sources tainted cotton, makes poultry feed with a sanctioned paramilitary arm of the Xinjiang government, and then slaughters and processes its chickens in a factory using transferred ethnic minority workers.

[...]

The UN and rights watchdogs say Xinjiang labour transfers are coercive, state-imposed forced labour. A spokesperson for the Chinese embassy in the US said “allegations of ‘forced labour’ in Xinjiang are nothing but vicious lies concocted by anti-China forces”.

Members of all ethnic groups there “enjoy happy and fulfilling lives”, they said, adding that “Xinjiang-related issues are not human rights issues at all, but in essence about countering violent terrorism and separatism”. They said the UFLPA “seriously violates international law and basic norms governing international relations and grossly interferes in China’s internal affairs”.

[...]

Government programmes in the 2000s saw school children as young as eight sent to the fields each year. Xinjiang millennials on Douyin mourn childhoods spent picking cotton. “Look at this white cotton sea, this used to be my childhood nightmare,” says a Uyghur man walking in a cotton field in one video clip. “Oh, that’s really an unbearable past to look back on.”

Clips uploaded more recently show children are still working Xinjiang’s fields.

One video shows a single mother picking cotton with two young children. The trio harvested 151 kilograms for $21 the previous day, she tells the interviewer. “This video will be a disaster if it spreads abroad,” comments a netizen from the other side of China.

[...]

For more than 30 years, Beijing has worked to unlock the nutritional benefits of cottonseed. The state has poured billions into agricultural biotechnologies, according to a US government report last year.

For centuries, farmers have used cottonseed meal, a byproduct of cotton harvesting, as feed for adult cattle. But gossypol, a toxin, makes it a risky business for most other animals, including humans; it can cause infertility, stomach bleeding, heart failure and death.

Recent Chinese advances in biotechnology have changed this. Microbes are now used to detoxify cottonseed in fermentation tanks, and “turn waste into treasure”, as the website of Xinjiang Shipu Biotechnology puts it.

Last year, another feed source came to market when – after 14 years of research – a group in Xinjiang figured out how to ferment cotton straw into feed using “special bacteria” and other ingredients, including tomato skin residue.

These are important developments in the nation’s drive for food security. China consumes more meat than anywhere else in the world, and securing protein-rich ingredients for animal feed, like cottonseed, is seen as vital by Beijing.

[...]

During the Covid-19 pandemic, state media wrote that the government transferred “more than 240 young people from southern Xinjiang” to companies in the north including the Urumqi mill, as part of a “timely rain” of government assistance.

Evidence from social media and official reports also shows the Chinese government sending Xinjiang workers to at least one CP factory outside of Xinjiang. Hubei CP, which supplies chicken to McDonald’s and KFC in China, has taken transfer workers since at least 2019. TBIJ found that almost two dozen Uyghurs posted videos from the plant between 2022 and 2024.

[...]

McDonald’s website proudly claims that, in 2023, 100% of the soy used in poultry feed for its chickens was deforestation free. KFC aims to achieve the same across Europe by 2030. The moves are responses to EU legislation that comes into effect later this year.

Neither chain responded to questions about whether Xinjiang cotton was fed to chickens or other animals served in their restaurants.

[...]

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Archived

Leading up to the January 19 [2025] deadline for TikTok to be acquired by a non-Chinese owner or face being banned in the United States, a vocal handful of TikTok users began migrating to Xiaohongshu (XHS), a similar video-sharing app designed for users in China. One ‘TikTok refugee’ posted on XHS, “we decided to piss off our government and download an actual Chinese app.” Another American TikTok user who recently migrated to XHS told Rest of the World: “I don’t think China cares what I am doing, I think it is just a way [for the US government] to control us.”

[...]

Apathetic questions like “What are they going to do with my data?” reveal a lack of awareness among the American public on how the Chinese government has, in fact, found notable success in using international American tech companies such as Apple, LinkedIn, and Zoom to censor political opposition and target dissidents across the world.

The issues the Chinese government deems sensitive—whether it be feminism within the country or the mass detention of Uyghurs—might have no visible or direct impact on most American social media users. However, for those who are victimized by such issues or who speak out about them, China’s shadow over international social media and tech is a painfully felt arm of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s transnationally oppressive efforts to curb political opposition.

[...]

The heavily publicized move to XHS, although unlikely to be significant or sustained, is a dramatic signal of how US lawmakers and the American public are increasingly alienated from effectively responding to the influence of the CCP over multinational tech companies, which is being used to push party narratives. Incredibly, a vocal portion of what appears to be liberal American social media users and influencers enthusiastically supported a platform that has overt and fast-acting censorship algorithms that further the CCP’s human rights abuses and persecution of dissidence. An underrecognized but glaring contradiction emerges when those who support progressive causes centered around social justice and human rights flock to an app that caters to blanket bans on “sensitive” content such as the Uyghur incarceration, Tibetan human rights, the Tiananmen Square Massacre, or any one of 546 derogatory nicknames for Xi Jinping.

Many of the biggest names to move to XHS have been outspoken about Israel’s human rights abuses in Gaza, LGBTQ+ advocacy, and American racial violence. The effort to ban TikTok and public reactions to it reveal how the issue of Chinese human rights has largely become sidelined within US liberal advocacy, while being co-opted by American conservative, China-hawk rhetoric that is often ineffective at curbing oppression.

This public ignorance and insufficiency in addressing the human rights implications of digital policy pose broader dangers in preventing an effective awareness or regulatory response to the broader arms of influence the CCP casts over multinational tech companies, whether it be the suspicious ban of the Chinese subreddit r/real_China_irl, the ban of Apple’s Airdrop feature during the Whitepaper movement, or Zoom shutdowns of Tiananmen commemorations.

[...]

The public’s indifference to the use of American tech companies to target or undermine those who speak out against the Chinese government, but explosive reaction to the ban of their favorite social media app, empowers the CCP’s oppression.

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submitted 2 months ago* (last edited 1 month ago) by JubilantJaguar@lemmy.world to c/china@sopuli.xyz
 
 

Clearly nobody commenting here is going to read this article (since they prefer to upvote and downvote on the basis of headlines alone - or on the hypothetical ideological slant of the source) but if others do, they will find it very interesting! There's no obvious agenda, it's just a thoughtful piece reflecting on China and its history, and what lessons - both positive and negative - can be gleaned by the rest of us.

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